The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Burma’s 100 Days
• Ethnic Armed Groups Invite Ethnic Political Parties to Summit
• Women’s Rights Groups Demand Changes to Constitution
• Trafficked Burmese Fishermen Rescued in Southern Thailand
• Three Burmese Migrants Killed in Malaysia
• A Look at Rangoon’s Best Neighborhood Pizza Joints
• President to Skip Martyrs’ Day Ceremony in Rangoon

Burma’s 100 Days Posted: 11 Jul 2016 07:00 AM PDT Burma's State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi in Bangkok during her visit to Thailand in June, 2016. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Following decades of military rule, Burma elected its first civilian government, led by President Htin Kyaw and State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, in a landslide election in November. But everyone knows who is actually calling the shots in the country's awkward political strucutre. It is Suu Kyi who is above the president. Over the past three months, Suu Kyi's grip on power has become more visible and public support has remained strong, despite activists questioning her authoritarian style, selection of unqualified cabinet ministers and sluggish performance. Pundits have started looking critically at the new government's policies, performance and implementation process. In spite of high hopes, political momentum is stagnating as people begin to grasp the extent of the challenges lying ahead. The government set national reconciliation and peace in the war-torn country as one of its top priorities. Suu Kyi's main focus thus far has been on preparations for the upcoming national peace conference scheduled for late August. The upcoming event has been branded the "21st Century Panglong Conference," in homage to the Panglong Agreement of 1947—signed by Suu Kyi's father Aung San and leaders from Shan, Kachin and Chin minority groups on the eve of Burma's independence and regarded for its sprit of inclusivity and ethnic cooperation. Independence hero Gen Aung San, of the ethnic Burman majority, was highly respected and admired by some of the ethnic minority groups at the time. The original agreement envisaged "full autonomy in internal administration" for Burma's ethnic minority "frontier" regions. Like her father, few have questioned Suu Kyi's sincerity regarding her promise to build a federal union in an ethnically diverse country. She has peace, and her own legacy, on her mind throughout the current term. She is here to carry on the unfinished mission started by her father and the good news is that this administration faces less distrust than the previous one. However, fighting continues on the ground in northern Burma. China—one of the key players and biggest investors in Burma—in particular has played a dubious role in the country's ongoing civil war, as it supports several armed groups, including the powerful United Wa State Army in Shan State. Ethnic armed groups that refused to sign last year's nationwide ceasefire agreement with the previous government have expressed interest in participating in the peace conference but doubts of an inclusive ceasefire agreement remain. The participation of three ethnic armed groups in particular—the Ta’ang National Liberation Army, the Arakan Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army—remains an open question, although official invitations have been extended to them. Burma's powerful army is still reluctant to open the door to them—as they are all engaged in active hostilities with the Burma Army—but has recently shown signs of flexibility in regards to their inclusion. Aside from Suu Kyi, the military will be a key player in negotiations with ethnic minority groups. The question is: how are they going to play alongside Suu Kyi? This is the first time Burma has seen an elected civilian government since 1962. But it lacks full control. The military-drafted 2008 Constitution is still in place and 25 percent of parliamentary seats remain reserved for military appointees, giving them veto power over constitutional amendments. The armed forces also maintain control of three important ministries: home affairs, defense and border affairs. Critics say the new government is unprepared and performance has so far been mixed. Alarmingly, there is still no clarity regarding the new administration's economic policy, causing frustration among businessmen and investors, both local and foreign. Thanks to reforms initiated under former President Thein Sein, the country continues to enjoy relative freedom and democracy, although peace and prosperity have yet to be achieved and some radical religious groups remain active. Burmese citizens wish the new administration considerable success in its first term: achieving peace and prosperity and growing to be an active player in the region. The post Burma's 100 Days appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ethnic Armed Groups Invite Ethnic Political Parties to Summit Posted: 11 Jul 2016 06:39 AM PDT Leaders of the UNFC pledge mutual allegiance among member groups in Chiang Mai in Sept, 2014. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — An alliance of ethnic armed groups has invited ethnic political parties to attend a summit in Kachin State in late July. According to a letter sent over the weekend to the government's peace body the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC), the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) will invite two ethnic political party coalitions—the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA) and the Nationalities Brotherhood Federation (NBF) to attend the ethnic summit in Mai Ja Yang, a conflict-torn region in Kachin State near the border with China. At the summit, the UNFC will discuss the government's upcoming peace conference, which is planned for August. They will also try to find common ground towards transforming Burma into a federal union. In a separate letter received on the same day, the UNFC expressed an interest in visiting Burma's largest non-state armed group, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), in Shan State in order to brief them about the summit. The ethnic alliance has requested the UWSA to allow them to visit prior to the summit, which is planned for July 26-29. The NBF is an alliance of 20 ethnic political parties while the UNA has 12 member parties based in ethinic states as well as in the commercial capital Rangoon. UNA members include the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and the Arakan National Party (ANP), the only two ethnic parties to win a significant number of parliamentary seats in the November general election. The post Ethnic Armed Groups Invite Ethnic Political Parties to Summit appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Women’s Rights Groups Demand Changes to Constitution Posted: 11 Jul 2016 06:33 AM PDT Women's rights advocates at a press briefing on their experience of attending the UN's 64th session of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in Geneva, Switzerland. RANGOON — Women’s rights advocates have demanded changes to the constitution to ensure women's basic rights, especially in conflict areas, at a press briefing on their experience of attending the United Nation's (UN) 64th session of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in Geneva, Switzerland. About two-dozen advocates for gender equality and peace shared their CEDAW shadow reports with the UN CEDAW committee, while also receiving responses from the delegation representing the Burmese government. The reports covered issues including violence against women and impunity, rule of law and women's access to justice, human trafficking, women's participation in political leadership and the peace process, the need to allocate budgets for gender equality and the advancement of rural women. The government delegation committed to collaborating with civil society groups, including women's groups, and pledged to work towards a national law on the Prevention of Violence against Women (PoVAW) and a National Strategic Plan for the Advancement of Women (NSPAW). The government delegation included officials from the ministries of Foreign Affairs and of Social Welfare, the anti-trafficking police and an upper house lawmaker. Burma's last CEDAW report was in 2008. This year's report from the government lacks data on violence against women in areas of armed conflict and makes no mention of human trafficking and women's participation in the peace process—issues the women's rights groups brought up with the UN in their shadow reports. Lway Cherry of the Ta'ang (Palaung) Women's Organization told The Irrawaddy that she was heartened by government team's pledge of cooperation, calling it unprecedented. However, she said "constitutional change remains key because, under the 2008 Constitution, there is a clause ensuring impunity for military personnel, even if they abuse women." This has especially grave consequences in conflict areas, she said. Ninety-two cases of sexual violence in conflict areas of Burma between 2010-2015, mostly in Shan and Kachin states, were recorded in the Women League of Burma's CEDAW shadow report—compensating for the dearth of data on this subject in the government's report. May Sabe Phyu, director of the Gender Equality Network, questioned the Burmese government's understanding of the articles contained in the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women, which it ratified in 1997. Both the UN committee and women's rights groups have criticized Burma's 2008 Constitution and its domestic laws for falling well short of the commitments outlined in the convention—for instance in failing to properly define and prohibit direct and indirect forms of discrimination against women, and in the incorporation of restrictive gender stereotypes in legal provisions. May Sabe Phyu said that, despite the government's insistence that equal rights for women are enshrined in the constitution, "substantive equality" for women in the workplace or in education is still lacking. The advocates also demanded that the number of women at decision-making levels should be increased, rather than a mere quantitative increase of women in the workplace. Nga Ngai, an ethnic Kuki woman from the Women's League of Burma, said that, although the government delegation was not able to respond to the specificities of the concerns raised with them, government and civil society have "strengthened their relations" as a result of this engagement. May Sabe Phyu said that, although the non-government delegation had very little time in which to present their findings, the experience of presenting directly to the UN committee marked a "milestone" for civil society in Burma. The post Women's Rights Groups Demand Changes to Constitution appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Trafficked Burmese Fishermen Rescued in Southern Thailand Posted: 11 Jul 2016 05:15 AM PDT Trafficked Burmese fishermen disembark the boat on which they were detained off Pattani, southern Thailand, on Sunday. (Photo: Myanmar Association in Thailand) RANGOON — Nineteen trafficked Burmese fishermen were rescued from a boat moored at a jetty off the southern Thai city of Pattani on Sunday, according to the director of the Myanmar Association in Thailand (MAT), which mounted the rescue alongside the Anti-Human Trafficking Division (AHTD) of the Royal Thai Police. MAT director Kyaw Thaung said his organization has collaborated with the AHTD over several years to crack down on human trafficking. A Burmese informant had told him of six Burmese migrant workers being "bullied and threatened" by their employer at a jetty off Pattani. The MAT "immediately" investigated the matter, he said. On Sunday, Thai police arrested a Thai businessman and a Burmese woman from Mon State, who were both accused of being directly involved in the trafficking case. MAT communications officer Sai Aye, who took part in the rescue, told The Irrawaddy over the phone about the disparate origins of the trafficked Burmese men, including eight men from Arakan State, and five men and a 13-year-old boy from Mon State. All were being detained in a "hole" in the same fishing boat. "Thai police are now questioning the [trafficking] victims to find out more about the smugglers responsible," said Sai Aye. Sai Aye explained that a Burmese woman had promised six of them a job at a factory in Pattaya paying 9000 Thai baht (US$256) a month, only to take them to Pattani. When the workers realized they had been cheated and asked the female broker if they could return home, she asked for 25,000 baht ($712) from each of them as "compensation." The rescued fishermen testified at the nearby police station that around 80 trafficked Burmese fishermen were also being held against their will at an unknown location in southern Thailand. The MAT is providing up-to-date information on the matter to the Burmese Embassy in Thailand, and the Thai police said they would follow up on these reports. The Irrawaddy contacted the Burmese Embassy in Thailand by phone, but the official who answered said they were currently too busy to provide any clarification. MAT communications officer Sai Aye said his organization renders assistance to migrant workers suffering rights violations under unscrupulous employers in Thailand "regardless of race and religion." He said they had successfully helped 130 Burmese and 90 Cambodian migrants workers in obtaining 3 million baht ($85,425) in withheld salary payments from a construction company in Thailand. The post Trafficked Burmese Fishermen Rescued in Southern Thailand appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Three Burmese Migrants Killed in Malaysia Posted: 11 Jul 2016 03:25 AM PDT Returning Burmese migrant workers queue at the immigration checkpoint at Rangoon International Airport in 2013. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Three Burmese migrant workers were killed and one was wounded early this morning in Malaysia's northern Penang state, according to local sources. "They shouted for help when they saw robbers trying to burglarize a neighbor's house, and then the robbers went into their house and killed them," said Maung Zaw, a member of Penang's funeral service organization. He said that the three workers were killed at 6:30 a.m. When the funeral service team went to see the bodies, police informed them they would be unable to hold a funeral while there was an ongoing investigation. Sources said the four victims, who were from Mandalay Division's Pyawbwe Township, were stabbed in Penang's industrial zone. Hundreds of Burmese migrant workers live in Penang's industrial zone, many of them illegal migrants, asylum seekers and refugees who work dangerous jobs in factories and on construction sites.  Due to lack of proper documentation, they often face arrest, detentions and deportation by the Malaysian authorities. An official from the Burmese Embassy in Malaysia who asked to remain anonymous told The Irrawaddy that the embassy would investigate the incident and issue a statement later this evening. The official added that the killing was not prompted by religious tension, after it had spread on social media that the attack might have been related to strain between Burma's Buddhist and Muslim communities. The post Three Burmese Migrants Killed in Malaysia appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

A Look at Rangoon’s Best Neighborhood Pizza Joints Posted: 11 Jul 2016 03:20 AM PDT Chef de Cuisine Francesco Costa at Parami Pizza. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) Parami Pizza Parami Pizza has opened a third branch on Saya San Road that is family friendly, with a playground to boot. With a wide selection to choose from, the signature "Parami Pizza:—with tomato sauce, mozzarella cheese, bacon, bell pepper and egg—is the most popular item. Prices start at 13,000 kyats (US$11) and delivery is available between 9 a.m. and 10:30 p.m. Address: Parami Pizza, No. 56, Saya San Street, Bahan Tsp. DiVino Italian Restaurant The first thing you will notice when walking into the restaurant is DiVino's wood-burning pizza oven. There are eight pizza varieties, with prices between US$8 and $20. Favorites include the Parma Ham—topped with cherry tomato, ham, mozzarella and mascarpone cheese—and the Three Cheese—topped with bacon, mozzarella, gorgonzola and mascarpone. Address: DiVino Italian Restaurant, No. 61, Old University Avenue Road, Bahan Tsp. Pezzo Pizza Pezzo Pizza sells slices—ranging from 2,700 kyats to 3,300 kyats—and whole pies for about 16,000 kyats. Their biggest seller is the Hot Chick Pizza, with barbecue chicken, green peppers and mozzarella cheese. The restaurant also has franchises in Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines. Address: Pezzo Pizza, Hledan Center, at the corner of Pyay Road and Hledan Street, Kamayut Tsp. Pizza Hut Pizza Hut opened its first branch in Rangoon at City Mart on Dhammezedi Road and has plans to expand to 15-20 additional branches over the next five years. It offers 14 kinds of pizza in two different sizes. Pizzas sell for between 12,000 to 16,000 kyats and the bestseller is the meat supreme—made with marinara sauce, pepperoni, pork, beer, mushrooms, peppers and onion. Address: Pizza Hut, No. 403 A, at the corner of Dhammazedi Road and Golden Valley Street, in the City Mart Marketplace compound. Pepperoni Pizza Pepperoni Pizza is located outside the Union Business Center on Nat Mauk Street near Kandawgyi Lake. The eatery offers 12 types of pizzas in three sizes—9, 12, and 16 inch—ranging in price from 16,000 to 24,000 kyats. Its most popular item is the Pepperoni Diabola–made with pork, mushroom, chicken, bacon, onion and peppers. The shop does deliveries. Address: Pepperoni Pizza, Union Business Center on Nat Mauk Street Hot Stone Pizza Hot Stone is a halal pizza restaurant located downtown. Its bestseller is a thin crust spicy chicken pizza—topped with grilled chicken, cherry tomato, onion and cream cheese—which sells for 11,400 kyats. Thick crust pizzas sell for 18,400. Delivery is available, and free to some neighboring areas. Address: Hot Stone Pizza, Bo Myat Tun Tower at the corner of Maha Bandoohla Street and Bo Myat Tun Street This article was written by Foodie Myanmar. Available for download in the Google Play Store, the Foodie Myanmar app will help you discover great places to eat and ways to share your foodie moments. Available at: http://bit.ly/InstallFoodieMyanmarOnAndroid The post A Look at Rangoon's Best Neighborhood Pizza Joints appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

President to Skip Martyrs’ Day Ceremony in Rangoon Posted: 11 Jul 2016 03:14 AM PDT Tributes paid to Burma's independence heroes at the mausoleum during a Martyrs' Day ceremony on July 19, 2011. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — President Htin Kyaw will not be attending the Martyrs' Day ceremony on July 19 at the Martyrs' Mausoleum in Rangoon, according to President's Office spokesperson Zaw Htay. The annual government-run ceremony marks the date in 1947 when Burma's independence hero Aung San—father of State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi—and eight of his colleagues were assassinated at the instigation of a political rival. No Burmese head of state has attended the ceremony since the military coup of 1988. The large red mausoleum—where the bodies of Aung San and his fallen comrades lie interred—located just north of the Shwedagon pagoda in Rangoon's Bahan Township, was declared off limits after the coup, for fear of public gatherings sparking unrest. Until the inauguration in 2011 of the reformist administration of President Thein Sein, the most senior official to attend the ceremony was the Rangoon mayor. The Thein Sein government began to allow the public to pay their respects at the mausoleum on Martyrs' Day, drawing large, emotional crowds. Ceremonies on subsequent years saw the participation of vice presidents and Aung San Suu Kyi, who was released from house arrest in late 2010 and entered the parliament in 2012. However, President Thein Sein stayed aloof—a stance that Burma's new president has chosen to follow. "The president will be in Naypyidaw to make offerings to Buddhist monks and share the merit of the fallen leaders," Zaw Htay told the Irrawaddy. State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi will again be attending the ceremony at the mausoleum in Rangoon, he confirmed. A central committee led by Vice President (1) Myint Swe was formed to organize the ceremony for this year. The mausoleum, built in 1985 under the military socialist dictatorship of Ne Win, is currently undergoing a renovation. Architects involved in its construction have shared with The Irrawaddy their misgivings regarding the highly abstract design that they were forced to adhere to, which obscures any reference to Aung San or his comrades. Until recently, names or pictures of those interred were nowhere to be seen on the large red structure, whose platform is able to hold 600 people. There is also no signage to educate visitors on the significance of the site. Aside from the ceremony at the mausoleum on July 19, an official commemoration will be held at the Secretariat—an abandoned government complex in downtown Rangoon dating from the colonial era—where the general and his colleagues were gunned down. The post President to Skip Martyrs' Day Ceremony in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• President will not attend Martyrs’ Day event in Yangon
• Shan villagers flee after landmine blast
• Sidoktaya braces for another round of floods
• Teacher killed, students injured when motorcar overturns on highway
• Nationalist protesters demand govt listen to ‘voice of the people’
• NLD refuses to heed Ma Ba Tha’s request
• Labour officials ask for patience in resolving Panda factory dispute
• ‘Women do not face social barriers’, Myanmar CEDAW delegation tells experts in Geneva
• Garment factory workers protest for unpaid compensation
• ‘World’s rarest gem’ named after Myanmar mineralogist

President will not attend Martyrs’ Day event in Yangon Posted: 10 Jul 2016 02:30 PM PDT Those expecting to see Myanmar's new president attend the first Martyrs' Day commemoration since he took office will find themselves disappointed this year, but State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi does plan to again join the main ceremony in Yangon on July 19.

Shan villagers flee after landmine blast Posted: 10 Jul 2016 02:30 PM PDT A recent landmine fatality and increased activity by hostile ethnic armed groups in Shan State's Mine Ton township has led more than 320 villagers in the Mong Maw village tract to flee to Namtu township, seeking refuge in Shwe Myin Thar monastery, villagers told the presiding sayadaw.

Sidoktaya braces for another round of floods Posted: 10 Jul 2016 02:30 PM PDT Villagers in a remote Magwe Region township are watching helplessly as falling rain and rising water levels threaten a rerun of last year's disastrous flooding. Sidoktaya township is situated between the Mone and Kyi Ohn Kyi Wa dams – close enough for villagers to see the reservoir levels rising daily.

Teacher killed, students injured when motorcar overturns on highway Posted: 10 Jul 2016 02:30 PM PDT The driver and a teacher were killed, and 29 students were injured, when a motorcar overturned on the Mandalay to Nay Pyi Taw highway yesterday afternoon.

Nationalist protesters demand govt listen to ‘voice of the people’ Posted: 10 Jul 2016 02:30 PM PDT Nationalist marched through the rain yesterday demanding the government reverse a decision to refer to self-identifying Rohingyas as "Muslims in Rakhine State". The protesters said "Bengali" – officially used by the previous government – must remain the condoned terminology.

NLD refuses to heed Ma Ba Tha’s request Posted: 10 Jul 2016 02:30 PM PDT National League for Democracy spokesperson U Win Htein said the party will not take seriously or yield to hardline nationalists who are demanding a chief minister and party member be punished over controversial remarks.

Labour officials ask for patience in resolving Panda factory dispute Posted: 10 Jul 2016 02:30 PM PDT Workers staging a sit-in over a contract feud at a textile factory have been told to have patience as the dispute could take some time to settle, according to labour ministry officials.

‘Women do not face social barriers’, Myanmar CEDAW delegation tells experts in Geneva Posted: 10 Jul 2016 02:30 PM PDT The National League for Democracy-backed government defended its spotty women's rights record at a UN meeting in Geneva last week, amid international pressure to repeal discriminatory "race and religion" laws.

Garment factory workers protest for unpaid compensation Posted: 10 Jul 2016 02:30 PM PDT Workers from the La Won Htet Tha garment factory in Hlaing Tharyar's Shwe Linn Ban industrial zone demonstrated on July 8, demanding compensation because the factory suddenly shut down.

‘World’s rarest gem’ named after Myanmar mineralogist Posted: 10 Jul 2016 02:30 PM PDT What's it like to have "the world's rarest gem" named after you? Just ask mineralogist U Kyaw Thu, who late last year saw the International Mineralogical Association recognise a precious stone he purchased at a market in Mogok as a distinct, and for now singular, mineral specimen.

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Shan Herald Agency for News

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Storm in the South China Sea Posted: 11 Jul 2016 05:12 AM PDT It is not clear whether the ruling in The Hague this week will bring resolution to the disputes. A LARGE PIE: "The underlining problem  is the claim of overlapping areas by  different countries." Picture shows  the Tien Sa port in Vietnam which the U.S. Navy makes port calls to. The U.S. carries out joint exercises with  the Vietnamese Navy in the China  Sea after growing tensions. The International Court of Arbitration is set to give its ruling on the South China Sea disputes on July 12 amid strong opposition from China. The Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman, Hong Lei, has said: "I again stress that the arbitration court has no jurisdiction in the case and on the relevant matter, and should not hold hearings or make a ruling." The case filed by the Philippines at the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea at The Hague in 2013 seeks to counter the Chinese claims in the South China Sea. Beijing insists that Manila's case is an issue of territorial sovereignty over which the tribunal has no jurisdiction. China claims almost all of the South China Sea along the nine-dash line on the map. The Philippines argues that the claim made by China is against international law. The current round of tension between the two countries began in 2008-2009 after a tense but bloodless stand-off over the Scarborough Shoal, which led to China gaining de facto control of it in 2012. China's expansionist moves In recent years, attention has shifted to China's construction and installation of military-capable infrastructure in the Spratly Islands. The pace and scale of China's island-building works have dwarfed the presence of other countries that engage in similar activities, and is beginning to take on a more overtly strategic character, which includes the construction of runways and port facilities. There are no easy answers to the South China Sea disputes. At the same time, it is well understood by the parties concerned as well as the international community that the disputes need to be resolved. Because of the capital spent on island-building works by individual countries on the one hand and the sea's rich natural resources and annual revenues generated from the sea routes on the other, none of the disputing parties is likely to sacrifice or surrender its claims easily. The underlining problem is the claim of overlapping areas by different countries, that involve Brunei, China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Taiwan and Malaysia. One of the fundamental principles of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been to resolve disputes by peaceful means and to reach agreement by a consensus. But over the years, the position of ASEAN on the South China Sea disputes has been weak. At times, the organisation has been unable to formulate a consensus policy. This is partly due to the fact that not all 10 ASEAN members are claimants to the South China Sea. Another reason is that members of ASEAN have overlapping claims among themselves. Moreover, bilateral relations between China and some smaller ASEAN members, such as Laos and Cambodia, are also a factor. Because of its economic and military power, China has been able to win over some ASEAN members. Dynamics within ASEAN China is well aware that a united voice of all ASEAN members would have greater force. ASEAN's inability to build a united front on the South China Sea disputes is a major challenge for the regional bloc. There is no single country in ASEAN party to the South China Sea disputes that is capable of challenging China individually. This is an important reason why ASEAN has welcomed the role of the United States as a power balancer on the issue. While China insists on talks among the parties concerned, the claimants in ASEAN want to pursue it through multilateralism or the Court of Arbitration. The existence of two diametrically opposing approaches is a major challenge for bringing a mutually acceptable solution to the South China Sea disputes. Since China has openly refused to acknowledge or accept the ruling of the arbitration court, despite support from several countries, as well as its lack of enforcement power, this channel is likely to be inconclusive. Looking forward However, the reactions of the international community in the aftermath of the court's ruling is bound to put pressure on the disputing parties. The ruling may also provide a justification for coalition action. To resolve the disputes peacefully, the claimants should be willing to abandon their confrontational attitude and agree to find some common grounds even if this requires sacrificing certain portions of their claims. For example, one possible peaceful solution would be for all claimants to limit their claim to the areas of 200 nautical miles of the Exclusive Economic Zone in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). By agreeing to such proposal, the parties to the dispute can also reach an agreement to leave international waters for free navigation. Another way out is for the parties concerned to establish a common ownership of the disputed areas whereby all the revenues from the South China Sea are equitably shared among the littoral countries. Yet other possibility is for the disputing countries to specifically lay out their claims and allow a neutral party to adjudicate on the basis of the UNCLOS or any other relevant international laws. But for now, all eyes are on the July 12 ruling. Nehginpao Kipgen is Assistant Professor and Executive Director of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Jindal School of International Affairs, O.P. Jindal Global University.

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘We Have to Reform the Entire Administrative System’ Posted: 08 Jul 2016 06:51 PM PDT Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss the U Thein Sein government's motives for reintroducing permanent secretary posts in the ministries, appointing their men to these posts, and whether the appointments were designed to restrict or cause trouble for the National League for Democracy (NLD) government elected by the people. Former Information Minister and sole presidential spokesperson for the previous government U Ye Htut and political commentator Dr. Yan Myo Thein will join me for the discussion. I'm Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe. U Ye Htut, President U Thein Sein articulated the idea of permanent secretaries in 2014, and made appointments in 2015. Many permanent secretaries were appointed throughout 36 ministries, and most of them were government officials, former colonels, deputy colonels and majors. This retained the parachute policy [when high-ranking military officers were dropped in from above to preside over ministries and other administrative departments] first adopted by dictator U Ne Win in 1962. From a political point of view, can this be seen as an honest move? Ye Htut: I deny your allegation. We did that with absolute honesty in the hope of delivering the best outcome for our country. As we initiated reforms—after making reforms in the political and economic sectors—we made studies to undertake administrative reforms. We found that in a democracy, elections will usually be held about every five years and the government will change at least every five to ten years. So, we deemed it necessary to continue the permanent secretary post—which was adopted in the time of Burma Socialist Program Party—to help keep the administrative mechanism going no matter which government or minister is in office. We did not have much time left in office and therefore could not reform the entire administrative system. We could only create the permanent secretary post as a mechanism to help during the transition period. If you ask me if these appointments are beneficial or not, I would say that it was not the outgoing ministers who took on the primary responsibility of transferring authority [to incoming ministers] during the transfer of power, but the permanent secretaries who took the overall responsibility, by compiling reports and proving explanations to the incoming ministers. We introduced the post with the intention of brining benefits [to the country]. It is fair to say that permanent secretaries played a useful role in the power transfer. As you have said, it is true that most of the permanent secretaries are former military personnel. That is because most of the director-general level senior officials were former military personnel. They were included inevitably. KZM: We have heard talk that most of the permanent secretaries—I don't mean all of them, many of them may be cooperative and helpful—act as gatekeepers and do not get on well with the policies of the new ministers. Doesn't this pose a problem to the new government? YH: In a ministry, the minister decides the policies. Permanent secretaries and departmental heads implement the ministers' policies in line with concerned departmental procedures and regulations. This means that if a minister's policy is against the law, he [the permanent secretary] has to say so; and, if there is a way to make the policy comply with the law, he has to present it. If he refuses to implement the minister's policy while it is compliant with the law, the minister may report this to the president and dismiss him. KZM: Ko Yan Myo Thein, what have you heard about this? What is your response to U Ye Htut's statement? Yan Myo Thein: There were permanent secretaries in the democratic parliamentary system. But after the coup in 1962, those permanent secretaries were replaced with director-generals. As to the reappointment of permanent secretaries by the previous government, I think it just makes the government bloated. Although they replaced the director-generals, they also led to the creation of new positions such as deputy permanent secretary and assistant secretary. If government expenditure in our country—which is one of the poorest countries in South East Asia—is too high, it will burden the people. There were almost 100 ministers and deputy ministers in U Thein Sein's government. I think the appointment of permanent secretaries does not suit the current situation. If the new government continues to work within the configuration left by the previous government, changes that will serve the interests of the people are unlikely during next five years. KZM: But the new government has kept the permanent secretaries. Because the new government is working for national reconciliation on the political front, I guess it intends to keep a political space—or is attempting a political maneuver—by accepting the permanent secretaries appointed by the previous government. If there are people who oppose the policies of the new government, can the new government dismiss them? YH: The Constitution grants the president the power to appoint and dismiss the heads of government agencies. In response to what U Yan Myo Thein said, I would say that the administrative system was reformed only once. When we gained independence in 1948, we adapted and continued the permanent secretary system, which was a legacy of the British. Afterwards, [U Ne Win] came to power in 1962 and talked about adopting a system that suited the socialist constitution around 1969, and introduced a new administrative system in 1972. Even after 1988, the Socialist Program Party system was modified in practice. We adopted permanent secretary posts with the intention of facilitating the power transfer. We could change the heads but there is no mechanism in which permanent secretaries are trained and promoted through the ranks from deputy township officers, township officers, sub-divisional officers, deputy commissioners and commissioners, like in the past. My suggestion is that the lower structure be changed when the upper structure is changed. It is another question to consider whether the Socialist Program Party's policy was right or wrong and a success or failure. But the party systematically studied and adapted an administrative system that was appropriate for the socialist system, even though it failed.  Because we are on a democratic path now, we have to thoroughly study the civil service system and administrative system for a year or two, to see what suits democracy and then make reforms. Otherwise, the upper structure and lower structure will not be able to work together well. It may work to a certain extent, but it won't work 100 percent. It is not because people are uncooperative and unwilling; they are simply incapable. KZM: I heard from high-ranking officials in Naypyidaw that while the new ministers do not yet know about their ministries, the permanent secretaries and director-generals are key players there and staff sometimes have to submit to them and follow their instructions. How should the new government quickly change this? YMT: While the ministers should listen to the voices of the permanent secretaries and director-generals, they also need to gather feedback from officials and others in lower ranks separately. Because we are thinking of making changes, those changes should be innovative and competitive—the kind of changes that could be compared with our neighbors. Ministers should establish that goal and make the necessary preparations. Regarding ex-military officers who are in the civil service, that is a separate consideration. There are many records that show that these appointments have restricted the chance of career progression for civil servants. Ministers need to think about how to prevent such transfers in the future and how to change this. KZM: If I am not wrong, Ko Myat Nyana Soe from the NLD opposed [in Parliament] when the proposal for the appointment of permanent secretaries was submitted in 2015. They thought these appointments aimed to hinder [the new government]. I heard that permanent secretaries have informal communication and counseling with [former] ministers, although Minister U Ye Htut is not one of them. Although this cannot be called a continuation of the former government's policies, is it a barrier to the current government? YH: After we retired, former president U Thein Sein told us to avoid frequent communication with departmental personnel [former colleagues] in the post-transition period no matter how close we were to them, because he was afraid that there might be a misunderstanding like the one you have just mentioned. He said that even though there was no communication [between former ministers and their former colleagues], third parties might say this and that to the ministers. If this makes the ministers doubt that their subordinates will follow their instructions, then there might be strain in vertical relations. I never contact my former colleagues when I am in Naypyidaw. When I have to contact them for my pension, I keep the conversations formal. I avoid interpersonal communication with them. Some [permanent secretaries and senior officials] may have [interpersonal contact with their former ministers] as you have said. If so, the [new] ministers may take action against them. I agree with what Ko Yan Myo Thein said. Ministers need to keep communication channels open. They might not know about their ministries because they have just taken office, and need to open several channels in order to learn about them. If they filter the news from various channels and the media, it could be quite difficult for a permanent secretary to control a minister. KZM: Since 1962, the military or the Socialist Program Party during the U Ne Win era transferred ex-military officers to senior positions within the ministries, which we call a parachute policy. That system could be called a political legacy and it still has not been changed up until now. That dynamic is still going on. How long will it continue? When should those people be removed? YH: The caretaker government [of Ne Win] transferred military officers to special officer posts in the civil service. There were 100 of them at first, I think. The policies of the caretaker government were a success at that time. Then, the Revolutionary Council came into power. We can conclude from their speeches in the early days that they thought bureaucracy could be a barrier to a socialist revolution. They started to transfer [military officials to the civil service] to exercise checks and balances on existing civil servants, which they called cadre infiltration. You can't drive out all existing people now. It will just lead to a more complicated situation. But you can set a standard. You can remove people who do not meet a standard in line with civil service regulations. We have to reform the entire administrative system to suit the multi-party democratic system we are practicing. If you ask me if we couldn't do that before—we couldn't. Our first priority was political reform and then economic reform. Therefore, we focused on those during the first wave of reform. When we initiated administrative reform in the second wave, we could only ease some regulations and reorganize some departments. But we could not change the system for selecting and training civil servants from the lowest levels to the permanent secretary level—previously we called them junior staff and senior staff. We lack a system to turn out senior staff as well as criteria to assess their capacity. I think the new government should systematically study the administrative mechanism and reform the lower level to suit the political system of the upper level. KZM: U Ye Htut, what would your advice be to permanent secretaries appointed by the previous government to work together with the current government to ensure a smooth democratization process in Burma? YH: In the final months of our government, we frequently talked about this with our ministry staff. Individually, civil servants can vote for a party they like in a democracy. But collectively as a civil service entity, they are responsible for implementing their minister's policies to the best of their abilities in line with procedure. We urged civil servants to follow those instructions. I understand that they might be confused by the current separation [of military, government and other institutions] after living in a one-party system and under centralized military control for ages. The newcomers do not have complete trust in the staff and the staff might be worried that they would be scapegoated if something happened. Mainly, I would urge them to work cooperatively with the attitude I have mentioned above. They need to dispel doubt and work cooperatively.  I would suggest that they first build trust and cooperate rather than pointing the blame at each other. KZM: Thank you for your contributions! The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'We Have to Reform the Entire Administrative System' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 9, 2016) Posted: 08 Jul 2016 06:44 PM PDT Aung San Suu Kyi and Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha oversee the signing of new agreements on labor cooperation and cross border affairs in Bangkok on June 24. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Burger King opens in Burma, but only for outbound flyers The first Burger King outlet in Burma opened at the start of July, but the restaurant at Rangoon International Airport's new terminal will remain off-limits to most people in the country. The Facebook page for Rangoon's airport announced the opening the day before it launched on July 1 in the brand new "T1" terminal. The restaurant is "available to departing passengers only," however, as it sits airside of immigration controls. The same goes for American ice cream shop Swensen's, which also opened on July 1, according to the Facebook page, although that chain already has branches in Rangoon. Both are operated in Burma under a franchise held by the Bangkok-based Minor Food Group, the Myanmar Times reported. The company holds the franchises for both chains in Thailand, according to its website. At the moment, to visit the restaurants, you have to be on a flight with one of three airlines currently operating out of the new terminal: Myanmar National Airlines, Vietnam Airlines and Air Asia. Yangon Aerodrome, the company that operates the airport, inaugurated the new terminal building in March. The company is a subsidiary of Asia World, a massive conglomerate that is blacklisted by the U.S. Treasury for its links to the illegal heroin trade. Japan's Hitachi has big plans for Burma Japanese electronics and infrastructure conglomerate Hitachi is reportedly planning to increase by a factor of five the size of its operations in Burma. Nikkei Asian Review reported comments from Hitachi's president and chief executive officer, Hiroaki Nakanishi, who visited the capital, Naypyidaw, this week. The CEO would be meeting with government officials to propose new projects as the company looks to expand its operation to 300 billion yen (about US$299 million) by 2020, the report said. Hitachi, along with fellow Japanese company Mitsubishi Corporation, won a Myanma Railways contract in May last year for upgrades on Burma's dilapidated rail network. The $24 million project, due for completion in June 2017, includes installing systems to coordinate signals along a 140-kilometer stretch of track between Rangoon and Pyuntaza, Pegu Division. "On top of the electrification of the rail system, we will present proposals to the government, including a comprehensive plan to develop the transportation infrastructure," Hiroaki was quoted saying. Hitachi wants to help improve the government's database of maps using GPS, which would "provide a launching pad for resource exploration, disaster prevention, flood control and other related operations across a wide spectrum," the president was quoted as saying. Hitachi will also work with Japan Post to help Myanmar Post offer "e-money" services, the Global New Light of Myanmar reported. A press release on Wednesday said a unit of the group, Hitachi Solutions, had also won a tender last year to "implement an electronic data interchange system" for Burma’s Port Authority. The company also said it would host a Social Innovation Forum in Naypyidaw to boost its sales in the country. "Last year, Hitachi announced plans to expand our business in [Burma] and increase the number of local employees five times—from 200 to 1,000—by 2020," Hiroaki was quoted in the statement saying. "We are very much on track and I am pleased to share that our employee numbers have more than doubled to over 500 in just one year." Next round of licenses for foreign banks underway A Vietnamese bank has received its license to conduct banking operations in Burma after the government said in March it would award four additional banks permission to do business in the country. Following a round of awards in 2014, nine overseas banks were granted licenses that allow them to conduct limited operations in the country, although they are not permitted to do retail banking. In March, the government said it had decided to award additional licenses to the State Bank of India, E. SUN Commercial Bank of Taiwan, Shinhan Bank of South Korea and the Bank for Investment and Development of Vietnam (BIDV). Reuters reported that the four banks would have a year in which to demonstrate that they could deliver on their business plans before getting a permanent license. According to the Hong Kong Trade Development Council, "the four banks are each required to invest at least US$75 million of capital and have 12 months to fulfill business commitments outlined in their initial applications. They should also take all necessary measures to ensure functional banking operations from day one of business." Reports from Viet Nam News and the Chinese state newswire Xinhua said this week that Burma's Central Bank had now granted BIDV its license, allowing the Vietnamese bank to commence operations from this month. "In the coming period, the bank will focus on providing modern banking products and services to [Burma's] enterprises and foreign firms in the country, especially those from Viet Nam and countries with close links to [Burma], such as Japan, the Republic of Korea and Taiwan (China)," Viet Nam News said. "The other three […] are yet to meet the set requirements for final approval for service licenses," Xinhua said. "South Korea's Shinhan Bank, which plans to operate its branch in [Rangoon] in the first quarter of 2017, said [Burma] will play a crucial role in tapping deeper into the market of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations." Efforts to boost Burma's trade with Thailand Following the visit of State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi to Thailand last month, during which she met with the Thai junta leader Prayuth Chan-ocha and addressed Burmese migrant workers in the country, the two countries are reportedly targeting bilateral trade worth up to US$12 billion next year. The Nation reported the target in an article citing Thai Commerce Minister Apiradi Tantraporn, ahead of his delegation attending a meeting this week of the two countries' Joint Trade Commission (JTC) in Naypyidaw. The Bangkok-based newspaper said the two-day meeting would work out ways to push trade to $10-12 billion from its 2015 level, $7.74 billion. "At the JTC meeting, the ministers will discuss cooperation on Mae Sot-Myawaddy border trade and the setting up of a CLMVT (Cambodia, Laos, [Burma], Vietnam and Thailand) Business Council led by the private sector to solve trade-related problems," The Nation said. "Under the JTC, Thailand and [Burma] will also support the use of local currencies in special economic zones (SEZs) and other areas, while seeking ways to facilitate investment from both countries." Telenor appoints new CEO for Burma Norwegian telecommunications company Telenor is replacing its CEO for Burma, almost two years into its operations in the country. The current chief financial officer, Lars Erik Tellmann, 44, will become CEO from Aug. 1, a statement said. He replaces Petter Furberg, who led the company's entry into Burma in 2014. Since it launched in September of that year, the company has built a subscription base of more than 15.5 million, based on its most recent statistics, published in April. It also has a network of more than 5,000 cellphone towers. "Under Petter's guidance, Telenor has established itself as a preferred mass market operator in [Burma]. He hands over a company with a clear vision, a well-established strategy, and a strong foundation for future growth," Telenor Group CEO and President Sigve Brekke said in the statement. Tellman, who has been with Telenor Myanmar from its start, suggested there would be continuity in terms of strategy. "Telenor has a solid market and network presence in [Burma] and with a proven strategy and business model we are well set-up for future growth," he was quoted saying. The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 9, 2016) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• NLD ‘Will Not Take Ma Ba Tha Demands Seriously’
• Burmese Citizens Show Support for Rangoon Chief Minister
• National Human Rights Education Initiative Forthcoming
• Farmers Protesting on Seized Land Let Off With Light Fine
• Gold Price Reaches New High
• Kachin Warlord to Appeal Loss of Parliamentary Seat
• Landmine Explosion Kills 1, Wounds 7 in Shan State
• Education Ministry to Invest in Informal Education

NLD ‘Will Not Take Ma Ba Tha Demands Seriously’ Posted: 08 Jul 2016 07:01 AM PDT Win Htein, NLD spokesperson and central executive committee member. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy) NAYPYIDAW — Win Htein, spokesperson for the National League for Democracy (NLD), said that the party will not take seriously a demand by ultra-nationalist monks that the government punish a regional minister for recent remarks criticizing their hardline Buddhist group. The Association for the Protection of Race and Religion—better known by its Burmese acronym "Ma Ba Tha"—on Thursday called for action to be taken by the country's ruling NLD leadership against the Rangoon Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein—also an NLD member—for deeming the hardline organization "not necessary." In their statement released on the same day, Ma Ba Tha said they would send also their request to longtime NLD patron Tin Oo. "Regarding that case, we only have the attitude of making big problems smaller, and making small problems none. We don't take it too seriously. We won't take it seriously just because of their demands," Win Htein, one of the party's central executive committee members, told the reporters in Naypyidaw on Friday evening. He said that the NLD's policy is not to mix religion and politics. For the time being, he added, the NLD's primary focus is to smooth the political, economic and peace processes prioritized by State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi. Win Htein described all other issues as "trivial" matters. "We have no reason to respond to [those] who usually say terribly nasty things on Facebook. We won't put those things into our minds while Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is moving forward shrewdly," Win Htein said, referring to Ma Ba Tha leader Wirathu, a monk known for his anti-Muslim stance and public statements which have been criticized by rights groups as hate speech. Burma's 2008 Constitution forbids the abuse of religion for political purposes, he pointed out. If Ma Ba Tha abides by the law, Win Htein explained, issues will be settled under the law; if Ma Ba Tha fails to abide by the law, local authorities will be called in to regulate the group, he added. The post NLD 'Will Not Take Ma Ba Tha Demands Seriously' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Citizens Show Support for Rangoon Chief Minister Posted: 08 Jul 2016 06:10 AM PDT A Facebook user changes their profile picture to show support for Rangoon Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burmese citizens abroad and at home flocked to social media in support of the Rangoon chief minister's remark that the ultra-nationalist Buddhist group known by the Burmese acronym Ma Ba Tha was "not necessary." At a meeting with the Burmese community in Singapore on Sunday, Rangoon Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein said that Ma Ba Tha—the self-appointed guardian of race and religion—was not necessary in Burma, because the country already had the state Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee—a clerical council appointed by the government to oversee monastic discipline. Upon arrival in Rangoon on Wednesday, the chief minister was confronted by a small group of Ma Ba Tha supporters protesting outside of Rangoon International Airport, where he repeated, "We don't need Ma Ba Tha." His comment went viral on Facebook with many users changing their profile photos and sharing pictures that said, "[U] Phyo Min Thein, We stand with You" as well as "Down with Ma Ba Tha Extremists." Ko Ko Htin Htin, an engineer working in Singapore, said that Burmese expatriates in Singapore would conduct an online poll to show support for the disintegration of Ma Ba Tha. "We don't want Ma Ba Tha and we don't want their activities," he said. Ko Ko Htin Htin said that to prove the votes were credible, the poll would ask that each voter provide their name, national registration card number and birthdate. "According to recent data from the Burmese Embassy in Singapore, over 200,000 Burmese nationals live here. We will find out how many Burmese people here stand together," he said. Founded in 2014, Ma Ba Tha has garnered international notoriety for its hardline anti-Muslim stance, which frequently spills into hate speech. The group has been heavily involved in anti-Rohingya protests around the country, and frequently denounces the persecuted Muslim minority who are denied citizenship in Burma. The country experienced widespread religious violence under the quasi-civilian government of former President Thein Sein, who ruled from 2011-16, and human rights activists have accused members of Ma Ba Tha of inciting the unrest. Ma Ba Tha has also long opposed State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) party. During the 2015 general election campaign period, the group actively campaigned against them. "What did they do for race and religion? All they did was lash out and defame Suu Kyi and her counterparts, which is really coarse. Calling yourself the protectors of race and religion, but doing the opposite—no one accepts this," Ko Ko Htin Htin said. "Buddhism is about following the teachings of Buddha, not following the teachings of Ma Ba Tha," he added. Ma Ba Tha leaders condemned the Rangoon chief minister's comments and threatened to hold a nationwide campaign against him. "We will send a request to President U Htin Kyaw and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to take action against Rangoon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein, who said that Ma Ba Tha is not necessary," the group said in a public statement released after an urgent meeting called on Thursday at the group's Rangoon headquarters. The organization identified July 14 as a deadline for the government reprimand. It also insisted that Ma Ba Tha is a lawful association, claiming that it could be classified as a "non-governmental missionary group," while describing the Sangha Maha Nayaka as an authoritative clerical organization. Sayadaw Ashin Issariya, a Mandalay-based monk and former political prisoner, described Ma Ba Tha's activities as contrary to the institution's policies and that members have often committed acts of violence for which the group has never taken responsibility. "What they did does not protect race and religion but tears it down," the monk said. "I completely agree with the Rangoon chief minister—but not just because he said it. I would agree if anyone who practiced any religion said, 'We don't need Ma Ba Tha,' because that's the truth." The post Burmese Citizens Show Support for Rangoon Chief Minister appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National Human Rights Education Initiative Forthcoming Posted: 08 Jul 2016 05:58 AM PDT Primary students pictured at Botahtaung Township's School No. 6 in Rangoon on June 1, 2016. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma's national human rights commission will join the Ministry of Education in integrating human rights education into the national curriculum, a move likely to be implemented in the following academic year, the commission has announced. The Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC) and the education ministry agreed in June to work cooperatively to include Human Rights Education (HRE) lessons within the provisions of basic education, starting from second grade and finishing in twelfth. The two institutions will begin drafting the curriculum during the third week of July, Dr. Khine Khine Win, the director of MNHRC's human rights education and promotion division, told The Irrawaddy on Friday. "We will develop the curriculum with illustrations and pictures based on what children should know about basic human rights in their respective grades and what is appropriate for their level," she said. Dr. Khine Khine Win explained that the lesson content will draw upon the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the United Nations' Convention on the Rights of the Child. HRE will not be taught as a separate course, however—lessons are expected to be integrated within one of the main subjects already being taught. The director-general of the Ministry of Education's Department of Myanmar Education Research Bureau Dr. Khaing Mye said that basic concepts and knowledge related to human rights had already been touched upon in social skills and life skills lessons within the existing curriculum, but the MNHRC aims to update these lessons to increase their relevance to the present day. "Teaching human rights education in classrooms will assist children and our society in developing mutual respect, promoting equality, [and] understanding and respecting diversity in religions, cultures and customs," he told The Irrawaddy on Friday. The ministry's curriculum development team includes international and local education experts and is supported by the United Nations Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), Dr. Khaing Mye said. Dr. Khine Khine Win said that people in Burma have never had the opportunity to learn about human rights in state schools; if these ideas are learned from an early age, she hopes that the next generation will understand and respect human dignity and know how to effectively apply these principles in all aspects of their lives. "When these children become adults, they won't be like us—learning what human rights are and what violations of human rights are, at an old age," she said. In June, Burma's education minister, Myo Thein Gyi, took to the floor of Parliament and explained to lawmakers that his ministry would take steps to include human rights as a subject for university students pursuing law degrees. The addition will take place beginning in the 2016-2017 academic year, which starts in December. The post National Human Rights Education Initiative Forthcoming appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Farmers Protesting on Seized Land Let Off With Light Fine Posted: 08 Jul 2016 05:54 AM PDT Farmers and land activists in Madaya Township, Mandalay Region, July 8. (Photo: Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY — A court in Mandalay Division's Madaya township on Friday fined 105 farmers between 500 and 3,000 kyats (US$0.43–$2.56) for plowing in protest on land they claim had been seized from them. For staging the plowing protest in March 2013, the farmers from seven different villages in the township were charged with trespassing, deterring government officers from their duty and destroying public property. The farmers and the lawyer representing them, who spoke to The Irrawaddy, interpreted the sentence as deliberately lenient. "Sentencing the farmers with only a fine shows that the court in Madaya had sympathy for the farmers whose land was confiscated, even though it found them guilty," said Thein Than Oo, a lawyer representing the farmers. The farmers charged with trespassing must pay a 3,000-kyat fine, while those charged with deterring government officers from their duty or destroying public property must pay 500 kyats. The lawyer stated that common penalties for these offenses include jail time between three months and two years, but the judges opted for small fines based on their "humanity." "We have to welcome the court's decision. They had sympathy for us, because we lost our land and have nothing to do for our living," said Ye Yint Aung, one of the dispossessed farmers from Tangar Taung village in Madaya Township. Since the year 2000, about 600 acres of land from seven villages in the township was seized by the (now defunct) Ministry of Cooperatives in partnership with the Yaynantha Agricultural Corporation. Because the lands were abandoned soon after their seizure—and in light of promises made by the reformist administration of President Thein Sein from 2011 to return seized lands that were not being used back to farmers—they staged the plowing protest in 2013. Vice-president Henry Van Thio, who acts as chairman of the Central Review Committee on Confiscated Farm Lands and Other Lands, will reportedly visit Madaya on Saturday to host a ceremony overseeing the return of seized land to local farmers. However, the farmers fined for the plowing protest said their lands were not included on the list of those who will be getting their land back on Saturday. However, they were hopeful that their lands could be returned eventually: "We still need to send the required documents to the chief minister of Mandalay and to Naypyidaw," said Ye Yint Aung. "We believe our government will not abandon us." The Central Review Committee on Confiscated Farmlands and Other Lands, which is situated within the executive branch of government, was formed in May. It is charged with monitoring state and divisional governments' handling of land disputes, and enabling the return of land to dispossessed farmers from government ministries, state-owned enterprises and private companies. So far, the committee claims to have overseen the return of 6,000 acres of land in Maubin and Pyapon townships of Irrawaddy Division. On June 30, 70 dispossessed farmers in Zayarthiri Township of Naypyidaw were given temporary farmland tenure permits for more than 200 acres confiscated between 2006 and 2013. At the ceremony, Naypyidaw Council Chairman Myo Aung said that the Central Review Committee would resolve all land disputes in Burma within six months. The post Farmers Protesting on Seized Land Let Off With Light Fine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Gold Price Reaches New High Posted: 08 Jul 2016 04:41 AM PDT Vendors arrange a display of gold jewelry at a shop in Chinatown in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — After hitting a record high last month, gold prices have continued to rise to their highest point ever due to increasing global gold prices, industry sources say. The local price for one tical, a traditional Burmese weight measurement equal to 16.33 grams (just over a half ounce), jumped to almost 840,000 kyats (US$685) this week, up from last month's 812,000 kyat peak. The price has been pushed up by global prices and influenced by Britain's exit from the European Union (EU) last month. Gold dealers said this is the highest price on record since the country opened its economy to external trade in 1988. "Today's local price is a record, and the global gold price is only going to increase in the coming days. Gold shop owners are seeing decreased sales, but there are many sellers coming here and trying to profit on goods they bought for a lower price," said Kyaw Win, secretary of the Myanmar Gold Entrepreneurs Association. On July 8, the global gold price reached US$1,363 per ounce, up from $1,300 last month. "The local gold market is indirectly affected by matters in the EU, but I don't think the price will go down again right away. There is the potential for it to go even higher seeing that the actual Brexit has a long way to go still," Kyaw Win said. "People are selling their gold and saving money or investing in the US dollar, as this is not a good time to invest in property," he said. Because the US dollar exchange rate has stabilized around 1170 kyats per dollar, investors are hoping to profit by shifting their investments from gold to dollars, Kyaw Win said. It is a good time for people who have hoarded gold to cash out in the market, said U Maw, owner of Aung Thamadi goldsmith in Mandalay. "Many gold shops are now buying gold from their customers. Trading has reversed." The post Gold Price Reaches New High appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Kachin Warlord to Appeal Loss of Parliamentary Seat Posted: 08 Jul 2016 04:22 AM PDT Zahkung Ting Ying, Upper House representative for Kachin State-5, who commands his own private militia, the New Democratic Army-Kachin. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Veteran Kachin militia leader Zahkung Ting Ying has appealed against the ruling of a post-election tribunal, which required that he vacate his seat in the Upper House of Parliament, according to Hla Han, the lawyer defending his case. On June 24, the tribunal in Naypyidaw—comprised of three members of the Union Election Commission (UEC)—pronounced Zahkung Ting Ying guilty of breaching Article 66 of the Upper House Election Law, which outlines electoral "malpractices" including "committing violence," "false accusations," "creating public unrest," and obstructing a party or person "for the purpose of electing a [parliamentary] candidate." His rival independent candidate Yaw Na and a National League for Democracy (NLD) candidate, San Wai Khaung Lwan—who competed in another constituency in the same area of eastern Kachin State—both filed cases against him with a tribunal established by the UEC in December last year to settle post-election disputes. The cases filed against Zahkung alleged intimidation, defamation and violence against other candidates during the election campaign period last year, via Zahkung's private militia—the New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDA-K), which is firmly allied with the Burma Army and became a Border Guard Force in 2009. As an independent candidate, Zahkung won the Upper House seat of Kachin State-5, a sparsely populated area covering Chipwi, Tsawlaw and Injingyang townships. He was also a lawmaker under the previous government, from 2011. Zahkung's lawyer Hla Han told The Irrawaddy, "We decided to appeal because local supporters of Zahkung opposed the ruling. We heard that they are preparing to stage a protest. What's more, there were some errors in the [tribunal's] judgment." Zahkung released a statement on July 1 requesting his supporters not to organize protests for fear that it might lead to "unnecessary problems." If Zahkung loses the appeal, his independent rival Yaw Nar would assume his parliamentary seat since he was the runner-up in the poll with around 3,000 votes to Zahkung's approximately 5,000. Electoral laws state that either party to a dispute can appeal a tribunal ruling within 15 days. All appeals will be heard by the UEC, without judicial or parliamentary oversight. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko The post Kachin Warlord to Appeal Loss of Parliamentary Seat appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Landmine Explosion Kills 1, Wounds 7 in Shan State Posted: 08 Jul 2016 02:11 AM PDT Palaung (Ta'ang) villagers walk in Namtu Township, northern Shan State. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy) One person died and seven were injured when a landmine exploded on Wednesday in Namtu Township in northern Shan State, where several armed groups are active. The landmine detonated while 17 villagers from Nar Seng village tract in Namtu Township were transporting food rations for the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S). The SSA-S will provide care and arrangements for those who were injured and the one fatality, said Nang Kham Aye, Lower House parliamentarian from the same township. She said that landmine injuries have increased in the region since 2015, and that raising awareness of landmines would help the locals and lower the number of incidents. Namtu Township has been plagued with fighting, at times between the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the SSA-S, and also between the TNLA and the Burma Army. The armed groups have placed landmines during the conflict, some of which kill or maim civilians before being cleared. Over the first three months of 2016, 21 landmine causalities were documented in Shan State. According to Unicef and its partners in compiling data, 59 landmine incidents occurred in 2015, with 34 of the victims being children. Burma has the third highest concentration of landmines in the world, after Afghanistan and Colombia. The post Landmine Explosion Kills 1, Wounds 7 in Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Education Ministry to Invest in Informal Education Posted: 07 Jul 2016 11:30 PM PDT Primary students on their way home from a school in Mandalay. (Photo: Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy) Under the new education policy of the National League for Democracy (NLD) government, the Ministry of Education will invest its efforts in informal education, a sector that was previously handled by civil society organizations. "The education ministry has recently engaged in informal education because of the new government's policy. For the time being, we are holding talks with stakeholders," said Khine Mye, a ministry spokesperson. An alternative education forum was held at Mingalar Thiri hotel in Naypyidaw on Wednesday. Attendees included education minister Myo Thein Gyi, departmental personnel, and civil society organizations currently engaged in providing alternative education to children who cannot afford formal education and children with disabilities. The ministry spent over one billion kyat (about US$850,000) in the 2015-16 fiscal year, and plans to establish alternative and life-long education departments under its supervision, according to spokesperson Khine Mye, who also serves as director-general of the Education Research Bureau. He added that the ministry implemented a plan in 2008 that enables dropouts who receive informal education to attend the appropriate grades when they return to school. So far, the approach has benefitted more than 60,000 dropouts. "Our policy is to carry out a formal education program in parallel with an informal one that provides knowledge and expertise for nation-building," Khine Mye said. The education ministry began providing schooling to the children of Burmese migrant workers in Thailand's Mae Sot earlier this year, where students in grades five through nine are permitted to sit for Burma's nationwide exams. Last year, 100 children of Burmese migrant workers sat for the matriculation exams in Burma's Myawaddy [across the border from Mae Sot] and 17 of them passed. "There are migrant learning centers [in Mae Sot] funded by civil society organizations. There were previously 74 centers there but now there are 64. They teach a syllabus that aligns with Burma's formal curriculum," said Tin Nyunt, an education expert. The NLD levied a 5 percent tax on all mobile calling and data charges beginning in April, and invested the revenue from April and May into the education sector. According to the Ministry of Finance and Planning, almost US$6 million was raised in April from the tax. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Education Ministry to Invest in Informal Education appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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