The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• USDP to Reorganize
• Govt Invites Proposals for New Hotels in Myeik Archipelago
• Militia-Backed Rangoon High-Rise Defies Govt Suspension Orders
• Floods Affect Thousands in Irrawaddy Division
• Death Toll Rises As Unidentified Illness Sweeps Naga Region
• Four Civilians Injured in Karen State Clash
• Leaked Transcript of Suu Kyi-UNFC Meeting Reveals Firm Line on NCA

USDP to Reorganize Posted: 05 Aug 2016 05:30 AM PDT A Union Solidarity and Development Party conference on Friday at the former ruling party’s Rangoon Division headquarters. (Photos: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) Burma's military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) will hold its central conference and elect new party leadership in August at its headquarters in Naypyidaw, said Htay Oo, USDP vice chairman, at the plenary meeting of the Rangoon Division USDP on Friday. "The central conference is exclusively for new party leadership elected at divisional and state levels. Those who were recently suspended from party membership have to stand for [leadership] election at township level," said Htay Oo. On April 22, the USDP expelled 17 senior party members including former Lower House speaker Shwe Mann just days after former President Thein Sein resumed party chairmanship. At that point, Shwe Mann had been appointed by State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi to lead Parliament's influential Legal Affairs and Special Cases Committee under the new National League for Democracy (NLD) led government. Those expelled and more than half of the central executive committee (CEC) members requested at the end of May that party chairman Thein Sein summon an emergency party conference to solve internal party problems including the expulsions. The request was rejected. The Rangoon Division USDP in a report blamed party disunity, a failure to mobilize public support and the media's overwhelming support for the National League for Democracy (NLD) for the USDP's humiliating defeat in the 2015 election. At the meeting on Friday, the Rangoon Division USDP elected a new chairman, secretary and executive committee. Other states and divisions are scheduled to complete their new leadership elections by the second week of August, prior to the August 20 central conference. The post USDP to Reorganize appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Invites Proposals for New Hotels in Myeik Archipelago Posted: 05 Aug 2016 05:25 AM PDT A rare sighting of tourists in the Myeik Archipelago, near Shark Island. (Photo: Timothy Webster) RANGOON — The Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) is inviting proposals for new hotel projects in the Myeik Archipelago, which will be assessed for environmental friendliness in cooperation with the Tenasserim Division government. The development of the archipelago in Burma's far south for "eco-tourism" is prioritized in the Tourism Master Plan 2013-20, which was devised under the previous government and is being continued by the present one. It is hoped that the largely unspoiled, coral-rich collection of islands will draw tourists away from the beaches of southern Thailand. Foreign investor interest in the area has grown slowly. Eleven hotel projects were approved for development under the previous government. "We'll have to heed the lessons from other countries while approving new hotels and tourism projects in the Myeik Archipelago, if we're not to harm the environment there," MIC secretary Aung Naing Oo said. He said that no new proposals for hotel projects in the Myeik Archipelago had been received during the first three months of the new government's term since April. Tint Thwin, director general of the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism, said they would promote only eco-friendly tourism in the archipelago—regardless of the nature and level of investor interest—and would work with the MIC to guarantee this. The Mergui Archipelago consists of 800 islands spread over 10,000 square miles in the Andaman Sea, off the coast of Burma's far-southern Tenasserim Division. The archipelago is currently challenging—and expensive—for most tourists to visit, given the overall lack of existing tourist infrastructure and its remote location, but its potential is reckoned to be huge given the much-cited "over-development" of Thailand's coastal areas. Hlwan Moe, the Myeik District assistant director for the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism, said that, as of July, eight hotel projects in Kawthaung District and three projects in Myeik District were under construction. "Nearly 80 percent of hotel projects are within Kawthaung District. Hotel construction is getting started on projects approved by the previous government. There have been no new projects under the current government so far," he said. Hotel projects now underway are located on the islands of Khuntee (or Gabuza), Eastern Sula, Langan, Tanintharyi, Kadan, Ngakhin Nyogyi, Kyun Phila and Saw Mon Hla. The post Govt Invites Proposals for New Hotels in Myeik Archipelago appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Militia-Backed Rangoon High-Rise Defies Govt Suspension Orders Posted: 05 Aug 2016 04:52 AM PDT The 74 University Avenue construction site seen on Friday. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The construction of a high-rise development in Rangoon owned by a former state parliamentarian and current leader of a government-aligned militia in Shan State was found to be proceeding in defiance of municipal government suspension orders. Situated less than a hundred meters away from the residence of State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, the 12.5-story building project at 74 University Avenue was first ordered to halt construction in January by the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC). The reasons behind the halt order were: absence of the required approvals from the YCDC, failure to follow construction guidelines, and opposition from local residents who objected to any building flouting the neighborhood's proposed 42-ft height cap. "We have ordered them several times to halt but they simply paid out fines [and continued]. I saw that the project was still in progress as of Monday," said YCDC secretary Hlaing Maw Oo on Thursday. The project is owned by Kyaw Myint, chairman of the Pansay People's Militia, an armed group allied with the Burma Army. The militia was founded some 20 years ago and is based in Muse, on the Sino-Burmese border in northern Shan State. The 74 University Avenue construction site seen on Friday. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy) Kyaw Myint was previously a lawmaker in the Shan State parliament representing Namkham Township for the former ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party. Ethnic Palaung anti-drug activists have accused him of being a major player in the drug trade in northern Shan State, his Pansay militia controlling some 20,000 acres where poppy is grown. The project was one of two in Rangoon whose suspension was proposed during a session of the previous Parliament in January. The proposal won a majority vote but was put on record in the Lower House, to be considered under the new Parliament that began in February. Hlaing Maw Oo said initial approval for the high-rise project was revoked last month because the developers failed to follow YCDC orders, meaning it is now totally without official approval. "They promised they would halt it by July 15 but the project was found to still be going on as of Monday," the YCDC secretary said. "If they keep on, we will revoke the licenses of their engineer and contractor," she added. On Thursday, The Irrawaddy found the project site deserted. A looming yellow tower crane sat idle inside a construction area sealed off with blue galvanized iron sheets. Deep excavation for a foundation was visible and construction had not surpassed the base level. In early 2015, when the controversy over the building began, it had been charged with breaking YCDC regulations for conducting the ground excavation without permission. "We have fined them more than 2.8 million kyats (US$2,360) because they breached articles 68 and 69 of the YCDC Act. They are still in breach now," said Bahan Township Municipal Board Chairman Pe Than Aung during a press conference in January, on the subject of high rises in Rangoon, hosted by ex-YCDC member Khin Hlaing. The 74 University Avenue construction site seen in January. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy) According to Article 68, anyone who violates the city's construction regulations will be charged with up to one year in prison, a penalty of 10,000-500,000 kyats ($8-422), or both, while Article 69 holds that anyone that repeatedly violates Article 68 will be charged with up to one year in prison or a penalty of 10,000-50,000 ($8-42) per day till the offence is rectified. "Two-point-eight million kyats is just like labor fees for them," Khin Hliang commented at the press conference. He said the attitude of the developers was, "We can do as we like because we can afford the fines." In August last year, ten people living close to the project—including the abbots for four Buddhist monasteries—sent a petition to Khin Hlaing complaining about the prospect of a 12.5-story building in their neighborhood. The local residents said that when the developer asked them for their approvals in order to gain permission from the YCDC, the person representing the owner Kyaw Myint did not tell them it would be a high rise. "He just said it is would be a building for Kyaw Myint's family. So, we said yes. If we had known that it was to be a high rise, we wouldn't have signed 'agreed,'" said Zawana, the abbot of Lakefront Inya Monastery. The abbot said that he would not accept any building above four stories in the neighborhood—a zoning guideline for the area proposed by the YCDC. "Also, it could pose a threat to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's security because the building would be overlooking her residence," he said. Construction continued as normal after the first suspension order in January. Ponnya Sara, the abbot of Weiluwun Monastery, which sits next to the construction site, said on Monday that the groundwork had been carried out over several months during the nighttime hours. The noise had disturbed the evening prayers and nighttime meditation of the 25 resident monks. "They should be aware that there are monasteries nearby. It is very disrespectful," the abbot said. May Win Myint, the NLD lawmaker who proposed suspending the project in the Lower House, said she had been following the case from Naypyidaw and would investigate further after returning to Rangoon in a few days. "If needed, I will submit the case to the Rangoon Divisional parliament for debate," she said. Zawana, of the Lakefront Inya Monastery, wondered why the government appeared to be slow and lenient in its response to the illegal project. "Is it because it is backed by a militia allied with the army?" he asked. "It has to be in accordance with the law," he said, adding that the attitude of the developers is, "'we have money, we can do as we like." The Irrawaddy tried to contact project owner Kyaw Myint on Thursday but he was not available for comment. The post Militia-Backed Rangoon High-Rise Defies Govt Suspension Orders appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Floods Affect Thousands in Irrawaddy Division Posted: 05 Aug 2016 04:30 AM PDT Flooding in Kyangin Township in August 2016. (Photo: Salai Thant Zin / The Irrawaddy) Thousands of people have been affected by flooding in Irrawaddy Division, with relief organizations struggling to keep up. Rising water in the Irrawaddy and Ngawun rivers has caused flooding in Hinthada, Zalun, Kyangin, Myanaung, Ingapu, Maubin, Pantanaw and Danubyu townships since early August, and forced more than 2,000 households into relief camps, according to the Irrawaddy Division relief and resettlement department. "About 20 villages from eight different village tracts are now inundated. We have opened eight relief camps in Kyangin Township where we are assisting more than 400 households. Mainly, we need food and drinking water," said Thaw Zin Win, a Kyangin Township lawmaker. Relief camps have opened across the division: 23 in Myanaung, eight in Kyangin, six in Zalun, five in Hinthada, two in Ingapu and one in Maubin. The relief and resettlement department and donors are providing rice and drinking water to flood victims. "We have supplied rice and drinking water costing more than 3 million kyats (US$2,500). The floods have not caused any casualties and there are no missing people," said Than Soe, the director of the relief and resettlement department. Floods led to the closure of 42 schools beginning August 2 and the Irrawaddy Division's education department is planning to compensate for the missed classes during school holidays, said Win Maung, head of the local education department. "We had to close schools because they were submerged from the flooding and they will stay closed until the water recedes. We are afraid we will have to close even more schools if water levels continue to rise," he added. The Irrawaddy and Ngawun rivers have recently fluctuated between one and four feet above a designated "danger level" in flooded townships, and relief department personnel and locals are monitoring water levels in additional townships to prevent water from breaching embankments. The Irrawaddy Division suffered severe flooding in July and August last year, which submerged more than 88,000 houses in 17 townships in Pathein, Hinthada and Maubin districts and caused a financial loss of more than 18 billion kyats ($15 million). Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Floods Affect Thousands in Irrawaddy Division appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Death Toll Rises As Unidentified Illness Sweeps Naga Region Posted: 05 Aug 2016 04:21 AM PDT Naga children are pictured in 2014, in a village along the road connecting Lahe and Nanyun townships in the Naga Self-Administered Zone. (Photo: Nang Seng Nom / The Irrawaddy) An estimated 38 people—mostly children—have died from an as-yet unidentified and contagious illness in two townships within the Naga Self-Administered Zone in Burma's far north. Local authorities sent two doctors on Friday to the village of Thankholama in Lahe Township, the first location where the disease struck. Victims have presented with a cough, and then develop dark spots and lumps on their bodies. In the final stages of the illness, they vomit blood, explained Thein Zaw, the assistant director of the Naga Self-Administered Zone. "We can say that for the meantime, we are able to somewhat control the situation regarding this disease. The death toll has reached 38," he said; of the 38 casualties, 34 were reportedly children under 15 years old, and four were elderly people. It remains unknown what illness is afflicting the people of both Lahe and Nanyun townships.  Loyon, a lawmaker from Lahe Township, told The Irrawaddy that locals first suspected that the children were suffering from a more common condition, but as the death toll rose, people were alarmed by how little resistance or immunity patients appeared to exhibit toward the disease. Blood and urine samples from the patients are currently being transported to Rangoon for testing. "We may come to know the type of disease after 10 or 15 days," Thein Zaw said, referring to the timeframe for testing. The authorities from the Naga Self-Administered Zone have no plan to declare a state of emergency, he said, but will send more medics to administer treatment. Meanwhile, in Lahe Township, Thein Zaw said that between 20 and 30 patients remain sick, with reportedly even more individuals affected in Nanyun Township, though official numbers for that region were not yet known. Naung Hang, a resident of Lahe town and a member of the Council of Naga Affairs, estimated that most of the Thankholama's 50 households had now been affected by the outbreak. "It was hard to get access this village. This was why the medics could not get there on time to stop the outbreak," said Naung Hang; Thankholama is nearly 40 miles from Lahe town. Athong Makury, President of the Council of Naga Affairs, wrote short note on his Facebook page on Thursday about how the disease was first spotted, and then spread. He said that the first case appeared in Thankholama on June 14. Within one month, five children had reportedly succumbed to the illness. Only then did the village authorities inform the medical department in Lahe Town, which also serves as the headquarters for the Naga Self-Administered Zone. Yet although medics tried to spread awareness about general disease prevention, locals say that no serious action was taken to contain the outbreak. Thankholama is particularly remote and isolated—accessible only by motorbike—in a region already severely lacking infrastructure; the Naga Self-Administered Zone, populated by the Naga ethnic group, is considered one of the poorest and most under-developed areas in Burma. The post Death Toll Rises As Unidentified Illness Sweeps Naga Region appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Four Civilians Injured in Karen State Clash Posted: 05 Aug 2016 02:20 AM PDT Border Guard Force troops provided security on the Asian highway in July 2015. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy) Four civilians were injured in a clash between Karen State Border Guard Force (BGF) troops and a Karen ethnic armed group in southeastern Karen State's Kawkareik Township on Thursday, according to the BGF. According to Mu Char, the commanding officer of BGF No. 4, their assailants were a splinter group of the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), led by Maj. Nar Ma Kyar. "They came and attacked us. The clash only lasted half an hour," the commanding officer told The Irrawaddy. A child, a man, and two women from Ta Tan Kuu village were wounded and received treatment at Myawaddy Hospital. The extent of their injuries is not yet known. In May, combined forces from the Burma Army and the BGF attacked the house of Maj. Nar Ma Kyar in Kawkareik Township, but he escaped the attack. In February, the splinter group and BGF troops clashed in the same township, forcing hundreds of locals from their homes. The DKBA signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) in October with former President Thein Sein's government. The post Four Civilians Injured in Karen State Clash appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Leaked Transcript of Suu Kyi-UNFC Meeting Reveals Firm Line on NCA Posted: 05 Aug 2016 01:40 AM PDT State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi meets with UNFC ethnic armed alliance leaders for the first time in Rangoon on July 17. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi's words to leaders of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) ethnic armed alliance during their first closed-door meeting were leaked to the Thailand-based Shan Herald Agency for News on Thursday. According to the leaked transcript, during the meeting at the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) in Rangoon on July 17, Suu Kyi told UNFC leaders of her commitment to "non-separatist" federalism under the "Panglong spirit," and explained why she wanted the Union Peace Conference to be expedited for later this month. Suu Kyi also stated that those armed groups who have not signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) could not be given "equal status" to signatory armed groups, so as not to undermine the NCA, which she hoped all groups would sign. The nine ethnic armed groups that comprise the UNFC either refused to sign the NCA—reached between the government and only eight ethnic armed groups in October last year—or were excluded from doing so at the insistence of the military. UNFC members have expressed concerns that the government is rushing to hold the peace conference in premature circumstances, and have demanded that the government declare a unilateral ceasefire beforehand—a move that would require negotiation with Burma's armed forces, who have not appeared receptive to the idea so far. In the meeting, according to the leaked transcript, Suu Kyi said she wished to hold the peace conference as soon as possible out of an urgent need to "set a timeframe" for peace negotiations—a lesson drawn from peace processes elsewhere, such as Northern Ireland. She said that, if they were to only meet for political dialogue after every group had signed the NCA, it would provide an opportunity for "any group that does not want peace" to spoil the process. Political dialogue, envisaged as a central part of the Union Peace Conference, refers to anticipated negotiations over a federal restructuring of the state to accommodate longstanding demands from ethnic minority groups for greater autonomy. Right after the July 17 meeting, the government publicly described the meeting as "a family gathering" aimed at building mutual trust. Spokespersons from both sides said the meeting had yielded good results, with participants discussing federalism and issues related to the NCA. The transcript did not contain comments from the armed group leaders present: UNFC chairman Gen N'Ban La from the Kachin Independence Party, UNFC secretary Khu Oo Reh and Abel Tweet from the Karenni National Progressive Party, Naing Htaw Mon from the New Mon State Party, and Gen Say Htin from the Shan State Progress Party. The absence of their voices from the transcript could suggest that Suu Kyi dominated the dialogue. So thought political commentator Aung Thu Nyein, who said, "Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be listening more to the ethnic leaders rather than just talking." The transcript also has Suu Kyi advising the ethnic armed group leaders to take a "calculated risk" by taking part in the peace process, citing her own decision to participate in the 2012 by-elections and the 2015 general election. But Aung Thu Nyein and other commentators have criticized this as a false equivalence, because a key stakeholder—the Burma Army—is demanding that some ethnic armed groups disarm before taking part in peace negotiations, which would fundamentally impair their leverage. Suu Kyi invited them to "ask for whatever you want, but I cannot guarantee that you will get 100 percent of what you ask. We will negotiate. If you take part with the intention of gaining 100 percent, nothing can work." In response to Suu Kyi's much-publicized request to ethnic armed groups to "think more of giving rather than taking," UNFC secretary Khu Oo Reh told the press in Rangoon the following day, "What more do they want from us? We have nothing more to give because our natural resources have been destroyed and our people have faced hardship." During the meeting, Suu Kyi reassured them that the National League for Democracy (NLD) government accepted a federal state as the "sole solution," but was at pains to distance the notion from "separation from the Union." She said, "Federalism [would mean] the separation of power between the central government and the state and divisional governments, which must be defined in the constitution." "Federalism is not about encouraging separation. It is about building institutions that can guarantee non-separation," she said. In accordance with the "Panglong spirit," she said she had no intention of restricting the rights of minority ethnic groups. She referred to the preamble of the 1947 Panglong Agreement—a deal guaranteeing regional autonomy for "frontier areas" signed between her father Aung San and Shan, Kachin and Chin leaders—which she said contained the "spirit of 'working together' for all ethnic groups in Burma." In her final words, she cited her desire for the peace process to be "all-inclusive," and expressed a hope that all groups would sign the NCA prior to entering peace negotiations. She said, "I want to create a space for [current] non-signatories to the NCA to be able to participate in the 21st Century Panglong Conference"—the name she has given to the upcoming Union Peace Conference—"but I cannot give equal status to signatories and non-signatories. If I did, nobody would pay attention to the NCA." According to the current political dialogue framework—agreed in January this year—the armed groups that are not signatories to the NCA are invited to take part in the peace conference, but only as "observers." A political dialogue framework review meeting is scheduled for the middle of this month. The government has invited UNFC members to participate. The post Leaked Transcript of Suu Kyi-UNFC Meeting Reveals Firm Line on NCA appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• Inwa wall’s breach inundates ancient Mandalay sites
• How social media became Myanmar’s hate speech megaphone
• Employment agencies demand relief from Malaysia visa fee hike
• Ministry pledges to take action against builders of ‘illegal’ Muslim prayer halls in Hpakant
• Disease outbreak kills children in Naga
• Microfinance loans on offer for those willing to join the United Democratic Party
• Over 1000 schools closed due to flooding
• Social welfare minister discusses disaster relief efforts
• Police believe Laukkai explosion was targeted bomb attack
• Tai-Leng MP’s election win upheld

Inwa wall’s breach inundates ancient Mandalay sites Posted: 05 Aug 2016 12:44 AM PDT Ancient monasteries and tourist attractions are underwater following a breach in the Inwa city wall in Tada-U township, Mandalay Region, that has resulted in severe flooding. Hundreds of local villagers have been driven from their homes to take refuge in surrounding monasteries and are receiving emergency assistance.

How social media became Myanmar’s hate speech megaphone Posted: 05 Aug 2016 12:15 AM PDT There's a dark side to Myanmar's recent internet revolution.

Employment agencies demand relief from Malaysia visa fee hike Posted: 05 Aug 2016 12:11 AM PDT The Myanmar Overseas Employment Agencies Federation is attempting to clamp down on the sole visa-provider for workers headed to Malaysia.

Ministry pledges to take action against builders of ‘illegal’ Muslim prayer halls in Hpakant Posted: 05 Aug 2016 12:07 AM PDT The Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs has pledged to crack down on illegally constructed Muslim prayers halls in Hpakant that were the site of a mob attack last month.

Disease outbreak kills children in Naga Posted: 05 Aug 2016 12:02 AM PDT An undiagnosed disease has killed more than 30 children in a remote area of Sagaing Region, local officials said yesterday. Health authorities are struggling to treat the victims.

Microfinance loans on offer for those willing to join the United Democratic Party Posted: 04 Aug 2016 11:30 PM PDT With the 2020 elections in mind, a political party thwarted by its lack of returns last November plans to make headway with a new microfinance scheme.

Over 1000 schools closed due to flooding Posted: 04 Aug 2016 11:29 PM PDT Nearly 1300 schools nationwide have been temporarily shuttered due to flooding, according to a report from the Department of Basic Education.

Social welfare minister discusses disaster relief efforts Posted: 04 Aug 2016 11:27 PM PDT With the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement called upon in recent weeks as tens of thousands of people have been impacted by flooding, the man at the top assured media yesterday that aid delivery to those affected is being carried out properly.

Police believe Laukkai explosion was targeted bomb attack Posted: 04 Aug 2016 11:18 PM PDT Police suspect an August 2 explosion in the Kokang self-administered zone was the result of a calculated attack. The blast in Laukkai injured eight people.

Tai-Leng MP’s election win upheld Posted: 04 Aug 2016 11:16 PM PDT A National League for Democracy member and would-be lawmaker has lost his case contesting an election result in Sagaing Region's hluttaw.

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Shan Herald Agency for News

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Burmese govt vows action against drug traffickers Posted: 05 Aug 2016 01:28 AM PDT Burma's government has pledged to take strong action against drug producers and traffickers across the country. Drug dealers and users were arrested in northern Shan State's Lashio Township on May 4, 2016.( Photo : Lashio News ) Speaking to Shan Herald following Tuesday's Upper House of Parliament session in Naypyidaw, Sai Wan Leng Kham, an MP representing the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, said that a proposal was passed on Tuesday after Upper House lawmakers had urged the Aung San Suu Kyi-led government to take decisive action oAn those involved in drugs in Burma. "Deputy Minister for Home Affairs [Maj-Gen Aung Soe] has confirmed that this administration is cracking down on drug trafficking. He said that they will bring to justice those who are involved in the illicit production and trafficking of narcotics, whether they be drug dealers or government officials," said Sai Wan Leng Kham, who has been active in drug eradication efforts in Shan State's Lashio Township. He added that the government must speed up efforts to deal with this issue because it has a major impact on so many people. "The government must arrest those who are involved in the drugs trade," he continued. "Drug addicts should be given information about the impact of drug use, and they should be treated at rehabilitation centers." Shan and Kachin states are by far the largest producers of opium and methamphetamines in the country. Burma is ranked second only to Afghanistan as the largest producer of opium in the world. In an unsuccessful bid to eradicate opiates from Burma in 1999, the then ruling military regime declared a 15-year master plan. Then, in October 2012, President Thein Sein announced that the country would be free of opium production by 2019.  Nonetheless production, trafficking and in particular addiction appear to be continuously increasing. Eyes will be on Suu Kyi's new National League for Democracy government to assess whether its efforts bear fruit. By Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Govt ‘Blacklist’ Practices Highlight Lack of Transparency, Activists Say
• Govt to Take Action Against Those Behind ‘Illegal’ Hpakant Mosque
• For Sumlut Roi Ja’s Husband, Trauma Continues Five Years After Her Disappearance
• Govt Seeks Work Permits for Undocumented Domestic Workers Abroad
• Lawmakers Blame Burma’s Drug Problem on Warlord-Govt Nexus
• Commission Approves 13 Foreign Investment Proposals During New Govt Term
• Commentary: Still Too Early For Burmese Refugee Return
• Advocacy Group Calls for Release of Arrested Arakan Activist
• KBZ Bank Opens Office in Bangkok
• A Legacy of Military Land Grabs in the Delta: a Test for the New Govt

Govt ‘Blacklist’ Practices Highlight Lack of Transparency, Activists Say Posted: 04 Aug 2016 08:06 AM PDT The expanded Rangoon International Airport, photographed on March 12, 2016. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw/ The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Ministry of Labor, Immigration and Population officially announced on Wednesday the removal of over 600 people from Burma's notorious blacklist. A total of 619 names—of both foreign and Burmese nationals—were taken off of a previously existing blacklist of more than 4,380 people, minister Thein Swe told the reporters at a press conference in Naypyidaw. The names which have been removed include individuals put on the blacklist by the former Thein Sein government for political reasons, according to Minister Thein Swe. He said there was no plan to disclose the blacklisted names, in order to protect the privacy of the people in question. "Fifteen ministries are working together to scrutinize the list of blacklisted people and to continue relaxing regulations," he added. Despite the removals, activists are still skeptical about the announcement, which comes on the heels of an incident involving Maung Maung Wann, an educator, 88-generation political dissident and former Burmese political prisoner who was deported back to the US on Tuesday by Burmese immigration officers at the Rangoon International Airport. They claimed he was on the country's blacklist. Maung Maung Wann was in fact granted entry to Burma with the permission of State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, but he was forced to return to the United States before being notified of this development. So why was Maung Maung Wann, a US citizen, issued a visa by the Burmese embassy in the United States if his name was featured on a blacklist? Myint Kyaing, a permanent secretary with the Immigration and Population Department, told The Irrawaddy that the name "Maung Maung Wann" was on the blacklist until August 2, but was removed. However, spokesperson Aye Aye Soe of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs claimed on Wednesday that the Burmese embassy in the US had issued him a visa because his name was not on the blacklist that the ministry had used as a reference. Aung Myo Min, executive director of Equality Myanmar and a once-exiled activist, questioned the government mechanisms at play, describing them as "not transparent" and exhibiting a "lack of coordination." "The case proves there is a lack of coordination between respective ministries," he said. "Such a blacklist—and the removals—should be announced publicly so that similar cases to Maung Maung Wann do not happen again." "Without knowing who is still on the blacklist and who has been removed, we can't pressure the government about who else should be removed," he explained. Bo Kyi, of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) agreed that the current government faces challenges in reforming the much-criticized bureaucracy of its predecessors. He also highlighted the lack of clear guidelines and government policy reflected in the removals. Some exiled activists have been forced to sign pledges that they will not engage in political activity in Burma, lest they face a rejection of their visa if they try to return. Ko Ni, a legal advisor to the ruling National League for Democracy party, said that the current government should remove all names of those who were put on the blacklist by the former military junta due to their political stances or dissident beliefs. He also feels these changes should be publicly announced once they are finalized. Former President Thein Sein's administration removed more than 2,000 names from a blacklist of more than 6,000 in 2012—one year into his quasi-civilian rule. The names included many exiled pro-democracy activists, foreign journalists and political critics. The post Govt 'Blacklist' Practices Highlight Lack of Transparency, Activists Say appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt to Take Action Against Those Behind ‘Illegal’ Hpakant Mosque Posted: 04 Aug 2016 07:39 AM PDT A Buddhist nationalist mob gathers near the site of the mosque in Lone Khin Village Tract, Hpakant Township, Kachin State. (Photo: Zaw Min Htun / Facebook) RANGOON — The Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs has announced that the mosque burned down by a mob in rural Hpakant Township in Kachin State had been built "illegally" on state-owned land, and action would be taken against those who constructed it. The mosque, in Lebyin Village of Lone Khin Village Tract, was burned down by a Buddhist nationalist mob on July 1, after which five locals were arrested. The Irrawaddy phoned the Lon Khin Village Tract administrator and local police officials but they could not be reached. The ministry's statement on Thursday via state-owned media outlined the background of the Muslim place of worship, according to government investigations: Ye Maung, a local Muslim, was permitted to construct a "temporary" home in 1985 on vacant land in the village held by Khin Maung, the chairman of the local People's Council. After the latter's death, the land defaulted back to the state. In September 2014, Sonny Thein, another local Muslim, was being employed as a supervisor on the construction of the Uru Creek Bridge in the village. Sonny Thein erected a wall around a yard adjacent to the construction site to prevent it being used as a footpath. The walled-in area contained the small structure built earlier by Ye Maung, which Sonny Thein then expanded and adapted into a mosque. When the bridge was opened on March 28 this year, local Buddhist residents and monks discovered that local Muslims were using the structure and its extensions as a place of worship. The structure was not legally authorized for religious purposes, according to the statement. The Buddhist residents urged local authorities to take action. Hpakant Township authorities met with two trustees of the mosque on June 26-28 and said they would be charged according to the Vacant, Fallow and Virgin Lands Management Law (2012), if they did not demolish all the "illegal" buildings. The ministry's statement said the Mosque trustees then oversaw the demolition of three extensions to the structure, but refused to have one part demolished because it had been funded by private donations. This prompted the authorities to charge the trustees—although legal proceedings could not get underway before the mob burned the structure down. Tin Soe, the National League for Democracy representative for Hpakant Township in the Lower House of Parliament, told The Irrawaddy that he had attempted to mediate between the mosque trustees and the township authorities. He and local authorities had had around seven meetings with the mosque trustees, who ultimately promised to demolish all the buildings—in contradiction to the ministry's statement—before the "extreme nationalist" mob came. "A very upsetting incident happened because of some extremists. Our efforts were ruined within a moment," he said. Tin Soe claimed that Ma Ba Tha members were among the mob, and that the Ma Ba Tha township chapter was "behind" the incident. He told The Irrawaddy that four men and one woman—of Burman, Shan and Arakanese ethnicity—were being tried in court for the Lone Khin mosque burning, and were now acquiring a defense lawyer. The lawmaker also recalled an earlier incident, which had received little publicity, in Tanai Township of Kachin State, where a mosque had also been destroyed by a local mob. The Irrawaddy phoned the director of the Ministry of Culture of Religious Affairs, Aung San Win, on Thursday. He confirmed that the government would be taking action against both the people behind the construction of the "illegal" mosque in Lone Khin and the people involved in burning it down. The director said the relevant government department in Kachin State is still investigating the case. The ministry's statement on Thursday explained that the government had also been taking action against the illegal construction of Buddhist religious structures. It stated that, in early 2014, the government had demolished 24 "illegal" Buddhist monasteries in the Naypyidaw area. Additionally, legal proceedings against 173 monasteries in Rangoon Division and 86 in other states and divisions had been launched at the recommendation of the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, the government-appointed council that oversees monastic discipline in Burma. Ministry director Aung San Win confirmed these actions, stating that many of these "monasteries" had been not been authorized for religious observance. He declined to say how many monks had been imprisoned, although some individuals behind these monasteries had been given prison terms. "When we found them guilty, we disrobed and jailed some of them," he said. "Some are on the run." Although the ministry statement cited a total of 283 monasteries that had been previously been charged as "illegal," it did not mention any figures for places of worship related to other religions, such as Christianity or Islam. Aung San Win said a list of "illegal" religious buildings had been compiled across the country, although he would not disclose the number. The post Govt to Take Action Against Those Behind 'Illegal' Hpakant Mosque appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

For Sumlut Roi Ja’s Husband, Trauma Continues Five Years After Her Disappearance Posted: 04 Aug 2016 07:16 AM PDT Dau Lum, husband of Roi Ja, pictured on July 28, 2016. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) Since his wife disappeared in Oct. 2011, Dau Lum has struggled with chronic illness and depression. Sumlut Roi Ja, a then-28-year-old mother of one, was abducted while harvesting corn, allegedly by Burma Army soldiers from the Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 321 in eastern Kachin State. It is believed that she was raped and murdered, but her body was never found. At the time of the interview with The Irrawaddy in late July, Dau Lum is still visibly distressed. "I often get sick, and since she was taken, my mind has become traumatized and sad," Dau Lum said. He and his lawyer took the case against the commander of LIB 321 all the way to Burma's Supreme Court, but it was dismissed in 2012 due to a lack of evidence. Although he traveled to Naypyidaw, Dau Lum was not allowed a chance to testify. Since then, civil society organizations have attempted to put pressure on public officials to re-examine the case, particularly the Kachin Women's Association Thailand (KWAT), which sent an open letter to ex-president Thein Sein asking him to re-open the Roi Ja's case. He did not. Dau Lum and his parents have since abandoned their village of Hkaibang and relocated to a camp for internally displaced people, about a three-hour drive from Mai Ja Yang on the Chinese border. The Irrawaddy visited Dau Lum and Roi Ja's house, built just after their marriage in 2007, but now abandoned. Uninhabited, it is now broken and empty of belongings. Dau Lum and Roi Ja's daughter entered first grade this year. The girl, Dau Lum said, often asks him where her mother is. "I say to her, 'your mother went to look for money,'" he said, using a local expression for leaving home in search of employment. "Then, she replies, 'why does it take her so long to find money?'" Dau Lum still remembers the last day he saw his wife. They were with his father, harvesting corn just outside their village. He said Burma Army soldiers appeared and detained them—Dau Lum and his father managed to escape, but as soldiers shot after them, Roi Ja could not keep up. "They tightened the rope around our hands, but the three of us ran away. Then, they shot at us, and my wife was afraid, and she could not run anymore," he said. Some locals reported seeing her in the Burma Army barracks on the mountain ridge outside the village. Troops from the Kachin Independence Army—a local ethnic armed group—who monitored the base said, on at least one occasion, they saw a woman they identified as Roi Ja. The Irrawaddy asked Dau Lum whether he believed Roi Ja was still alive. "She is not alive," he said quietly. "She has been killed already." The post For Sumlut Roi Ja's Husband, Trauma Continues Five Years After Her Disappearance appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Seeks Work Permits for Undocumented Domestic Workers Abroad Posted: 04 Aug 2016 05:55 AM PDT A seminar to mark International Domestic Workers' Day in Thailand on June 16, 2016. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) NAYPYIDAW—Burma's government will seek the cooperation of concerned labor ministries to issue official work permits for undocumented Burmese domestic workers in foreign countries, said Thein Swe, minister of labor, immigration and population. "We will cooperate with concerned embassies and labor ministries to make a list of illegal Burmese domestic workers in foreign countries so we can provide legal protection and guarantee their fundamental rights," said Thein Swe. The decision follows labor rights defenders' request to State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi to take care of Burmese domestic workers in Thailand, during her visit to the country in July. The government began compiling a list of undocumented domestic workers in cooperation with Burmese embassies and labor organizations after Suu Kyi returned from her trip to Thailand. The government estimates that the numbers could be as high as 28,000 in Thailand and 40,000 in Singapore. Most of the domestic workers in Thailand are women who do not have any legal protection since they are working without official permission. "They don't get fair wages and it is difficult to protect them in the case of violence," said Thein Swe. The government estimates that there could be at least 28,000 Burmese migrants in Thailand working odd jobs—as garden cleaners, office gophers, vendors, drivers and so on, said Thein Swe. The Singaporean government already recognizes Burmese domestic workers as legal workers even though they do not hold proper documentation to work there. "Although the Burmese government doesn't officially send domestic workers to Singapore, they go there on tourist visas and then stay on. We've learned that the number is somewhere between 30,000 and 40,000," said the minister. "Even though the Singaporean government recognizes Burmese domestic helpers, the Burmese Embassy in Singapore receives complaints almost daily regarding abuses inflicted by home owners or requests for help changing jobs," Thein Swe added. Burma sent 174 people to Hong Kong and 130 people to Singapore in 2014 to work as domestic workers under a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with the respective governments. Employees, labor rights advocates, and the MAP Foundation—a Thai non-governmental organization working with Burmese migrant workers in Thailand—met in June in northern Thailand to mark International Domestic Workers' Day. Participants at the commemorative seminar agreed that relations between Burma and Thailand have improved, but with little positive impact on Burmese domestic workers in Thailand. The post Govt Seeks Work Permits for Undocumented Domestic Workers Abroad appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Lawmakers Blame Burma’s Drug Problem on Warlord-Govt Nexus Posted: 04 Aug 2016 05:36 AM PDT Burma's Upper House of Parliament in session. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) Upper House lawmakers have blamed Burma's endemic drug problem on a nexus of corrupt government officials and warlords commanding ethnic militias, and demanded that the government take a tough line against both. In a session of the Upper House of Parliament on Tuesday, lawmakers said the connivance of such highly placed actors, in an environment of general impunity, made it particularly difficult to tackle the drug scourge, which was particularly harming Burma's youth. Khun Than Pe, representing Shan State Constituency-9, said that "drug lords" could begin to produce drugs on a grander commercial scale by posing as ethnic armed resistance leaders at a time when the military junta was forging a series of bilateral ceasefires in the 1990s. "It was in the 1990s that [the drug problem] spread across both urban and rural areas. It is fair to say that [the problem] was born with 'peace,'" said Khun Thein Pe. He said that "uniformed people," besides drug kingpins and militiamen, are selling drugs in the Pa-O Self Administered Zone of southern Shan State. He also said that, "In eastern Shan State, [drugs] as served like snacks in public gaming centers. You can see people openly abusing drugs in groups, as if they don't care." Though the government has formed dedicated drug squads in the police force at the division and state level, they are too understaffed and under-equipped to arrest drug lords even if they want to, said Myo Win, a lawmaker from Mon State Constituency-8. On the other hand, he said, the complicity of government authorities in the drug trade has frustrated efforts to arrest drug kingpins and major dealers because government officers leak information to them. He cited a raid on July 15 on 13 known drug-dealing hotspots in the city of Mandalay involving 350 policemen, which resulted in the arrest of only drug users and small-time street dealers. In the parliamentary session, military representative Lt-Col Tin Lin Oo countered that large-scale drug seizures were now frequent. However, he did not comment on the causes of the drug problem in Burma or on whether the Burma Army had a special plan to combat the activities of drug lords in cooperation with police drug squads. Lawmakers suggested that higher-level government authorities should take the responsibility of taking on drug lords and rooting out government officials working in cahoots with them. They also urged the government to conduct public awareness campaigns on a wide scale and provide poppy growers with alternative livelihoods. Various lawmakers commented on increases in drug abuse within their constituencies, particularly among the young, many of whom become prone to committing crimes when short of money to buy drugs. "Drugs are available even at betel nut shops in the streets in Arakan State, although poppy is not grown there," said Myint Naing, a lawmaker representing Arakan State Constituency-5. Poppy, the primary ingredient for opium and heroin, is grown in Shan, Kachin, Karenni and Chin states of Burma. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Burma is second largest producer of opium in the world, after Afghanistan. Large quantities of methamphetamine drugs are also produced and trafficked in Burma. The post Lawmakers Blame Burma's Drug Problem on Warlord-Govt Nexus appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Commission Approves 13 Foreign Investment Proposals During New Govt Term Posted: 04 Aug 2016 05:32 AM PDT A worker is seen at a construction site for Shangri-La Residences in Rangoon on September 20, 2013. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — The newly re-formed Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) approved 13 foreign investment proposals and nine local investments over the last two months, a figure significantly lower than the same period in 2015, Aung Naing Oo, secretary of the MIC, told The Irrawaddy. Since the MIC was re-staffed in early June under the chairmanship of Kyaw Win, Union Minister of National Planning and Finance, the commission has been met with more than 100 proposals left over from the previous government's term; most are still waiting to be approved. "The new MIC has approved 13 foreign investment proposals. We're checking more proposals, as most of them are for the construction of office towers," said Aung Naing Oo. "It's only the beginning stage of the new government. That's why we are taking more time to approve the proposals," he said. The foreign investment proposals approved by the MIC over the last two months have an estimated net worth of more than US$124 million. These include proposals for seven projects in the manufacturing sector, three in transport and telecommunications, and three proposals whose sectors were not known at the time of publication. Approved local proposals, which total nine projects, include one in transportation, construction, manufacturing, agriculture, respectively. Two projects have been approved in the hotel and tourism industry, and three are not yet known. The total investment is valued at nearly US$35 million. "Some local proposals include investment in hotel projects in Mandalay and Kengtong [Kengtung]," Aung Naing Oo said. The amounts of these investments—both local and foreign—are estimates provided at the time of proposal. Yet these foreign investment projects are expected to create 9,651 job opportunities in Burma; the local investment proposals aim to establish more than 1,750 jobs. The MIC, which is responsible for assessing and approving large-scale investments and is headed by Union-level government officials, initially consisted of at least nine members who dealt largely with processing foreign investment. Each set of MIC members serve a term of three years. In the first quarter of the 2015-16 fiscal year, 71 projects were approved at a valuation of $2.65 billion. The first quarter of the 2014-2015 fiscal year saw 39 projects approved which were valued collectively at $810 million. However, when compared to last year, the first quarter of the 2016-2017 fiscal year has seen lower numbers of approval, which some attribute to the country undergoing a transition period with the new government. Dr. Maung Maung Lay, vice chairman of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), told The Irrawaddy that though the National League for Democracy-led government has announced its 12 economic policies, they appear to be very general, which will impact foreign direct investment (FDI) entries. "General economic policies will not work well. More rules and regulations need to be put into place—that's why decisions concerning FDI are also 'wait and see' this year," he said. Maung Maung Lay added that other countries in the region are welcoming FDI with more attractive methods, which could delay Burma's own development, as investors often have to build infrastructure themselves in order to complete projects. "It is important to welcome FDI here," he said. The post Commission Approves 13 Foreign Investment Proposals During New Govt Term appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Commentary: Still Too Early For Burmese Refugee Return Posted: 04 Aug 2016 03:48 AM PDT Bamboo huts with leaf roofs, built by refugees, dot the hills of Mae La Oon camp southwest of Mae Sariang in northern Thailand. (Photo: The Border Consortium) Service centers for Burmese refugees who wish to return home will soon be opened in the camps along the Thai-Burma border—a sudden development that has alarmed refugees and camp leaders. Set up with the involvement of agencies including the International Organization of Migration, the Voluntary Repatriation Centers will provide counseling, advice and provisions to enable voluntary returns. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) will conduct official processing in coordination with the Thai authorities. However, refugee community leaders and local organizations have told The Irrawaddy that a majority of the 120,000 registered refugees in the nine camps along the border do not wish to return to Burma. The conflict-wracked areas of rural Karen State in eastern Burma that many of the refugees fled from are still considered unsafe, due to continued militarization. There is a perception among sections of the international community that, after 30 years on Thai soil—and after the installment of a democratically elected government and the signing of a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement that included the Karen National Union (KNU)—it is time for many of the refugees to return home. In the last few years there has been a decline in assistance from international donors to the border refugee communities, which has coincided with an increase in donor funds dispersed inside Burma, including through government channels. The decline in assistance has also been attributed to unprecedented global pressures on refugee funds and resources caused by the current refugee crisis in the Middle East. The UNHCR has given assurances that all returns would be voluntary and that refugees retain the right to decide. However, many refugees consider the choice as one of "do or die," being unsure of their chances of survival in Thailand under dwindling donor assistance. Some have interpreted cuts in this assistance as a form of pressure. Since Thailand does not legally permit refugees to work, those in search of extra income—outside of running small-scale businesses within the camps—would have to join the ranks of "illegal" Burmese migrant workers in Thailand, whom labor rights organizations have estimated to number as high as 2 million (against 1.7 million Burmese migrants working legally). Those with family members or friends working in third countries may be able to live on remittances. Saw Honest, chairman of Mae La camp, the largest Burmese border camp hosting around 40,000 refugees, said that, when the Mae Fah Luang Foundation—a Thai nongovernmental organization—conducted a survey in 2014, "only 2 or 3 percent" of the [refugee] population showed an interest in going home. "Most of them wanted to resettle in third countries. The second largest proportion wanted to remain in Thailand," said Saw Honest. "We know that we are coming under pressure, anyhow," said Saw Honest. More official and up-to-date statistics on refugees' willingness to return home are not currently available, but refugee community leaders claim that the majority of refugees consider it "still too early" to return home. Refugees have gone individually to check on their abandoned villages and farmlands, they said, but the continued presence of Burma Army units there have precluded the desire of most to return permanently. "We know that the KNU has made a ceasefire with the Burmese government and they have developed a greater understanding of one another. But there are still threats to civilian safety because the Burma Army and [non-state] armed groups are deployed close to villages, and landmines have not yet been removed. Also, land ownership issues should be addressed," said Saw Honest, referencing a legacy of military land grabs. A large proportion of the refugees who fled conflict have lost whatever land registration documents they might have had, after their villages were burned down or ransacked and they went on the run, moving from place to place before reaching Thailand. After visiting some of the villages that these refugees had fled from in Karen and Mon states in April this year, this Irrawaddy reporter found that several of the "model villages" built for returnees were incomplete and seemingly abandoned. Some that have made return visits to their villages in Thaton and Bilin townships of Mon State—from which 3,000 refugees fled armed conflict to the border camps in Thailand—found that their old farmland had been confiscated. Across Papun and Hpa-an districts of Karen State, which saw large outflows of refugees due to conflict, militarization remains significant, with not only the Burma Army present across rural areas but also ethnic Karen armed groups including a Border Guard Force, the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army and brigades of the KNU. These groups have also seized farmland and exploited land rich in gold and tin for business opportunities—including land once held by the current refugees. Despite apparent progress in the peace process, with the "21st Century Panglong" Union Peace Conference scheduled for later this month, there have been scant moves by the Burma Army to withdraw their troops from rural civilian areas. Furthermore, the KNU's armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army, is continuing to recruit and train new soldiers, and is remaining on the alert. Naw Blooming Night Zar, a spokesperson for Karen Refugee Committee, told The Irrawaddy that she had raised with the UNHCR her concern that the sudden introduction of Voluntary Repatriation Centers might frighten refugees. "We do not see so many refugees interested in returning. Some individuals have gone home only to observe the situation. There are no group returns. We have told [the UNHCR] that it is not yet time," said Blooming Night Zar. The UNHCR, meanwhile, said that it would distribute pamphlets to inform refugees about the voluntarily return process, and would explain to community leaders about the current preparations. Iain Hall, a UNHCR senior field coordinator, insisted that they were not "promoting or encouraging refugees' return," but were making the necessary preparations to "support any refugees that have made a voluntary decision to return, as is their right." Such preparations, being undertaken in earnest, appear to reflect the new priorities of donors and governments. But instead of expediting their altered policies, the UNHCR should be exercising its mandate to speak of behalf of refugees and their concerns. Without fully understanding or addressing the challenges on the ground—such as continued militarization in the areas of Burma where these refugees may return to—any decisions made by the Thai and Burmese government, donors, international agencies and non-state armed groups to accelerate repatriation would be premature. If the wrong choices were made, it is not they, but the refugees, who would suffer the consequences. The post Commentary: Still Too Early For Burmese Refugee Return appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Advocacy Group Calls for Release of Arrested Arakan Activist Posted: 04 Aug 2016 02:39 AM PDT Khine Myo Htun faces charges for accusing the Burma Army of committing war crimes in the Arakan State. (Photo: ERI) EarthRights International (ERI) called on Thursday for the immediate release of prominent environmental activist Khine Myo Htun, who will appear for a court hearing on Friday. Khine Myo Htun, deputy-spokesperson for the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) was arrested last week in Arakan State's capital Sittwe, after being accused of sedition and incitement under Burma's severe penal code. He faces charges for accusing the Burma Army of committing war crimes in the state. In its statement on Thursday, United States based advocacy organization ERI said that Khine Myo Htun’s arrest was politically motivated. Ka Hsaw Wa, co-founder and executive director of ERI said in the statement that the Burma Army had once again demonstrated its ruthlessness and unwillingness to change by going after activists who dared to expose its abuses, despite the introduction of a new democratic government. "It is disgraceful that human rights activists continue to be persecuted for exercising their democratic rights in a country led by a former prisoner of conscience," he added. The Arakan Liberation Army, the military wing of Khine Myo Htun's ALP party, was one of eight non-state ethnic armed groups that signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) in October with the former government. The outspoken activist was charged under sections 505(b) and 505(c) of Burma's Penal Code – for sedition and incitement respectively. The charges were filed by Lt Col Tin Naing Tun from the Sittwe-based Regional Operations Command of the Burma Army on May 5. Khine Myo Htun is a former student at ERI's school for human rights and environmental activists in Chiang Mai, Thailand. He also worked with Arakan Oil Watch, an environmental and human rights group. He is the co-founder of Natural Resources for the People and a board member of the Arakan Natural Resources and Environmental Network. In April, the ALP incited controversy when it accused the Burma Army of violating the Geneva Conventions by targeting civilians for forced portering and torture. ERI, however, said that it had reviewed the audio and video evidence backing torture and forced portering allegations against the army and deemed that it was credible. The rights advocacy group said it would support Khine Myo Htun's legal case. The post Advocacy Group Calls for Release of Arrested Arakan Activist appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

KBZ Bank Opens Office in Bangkok Posted: 04 Aug 2016 12:33 AM PDT Nang Lang Kham, the executive director of KBZ Bank, talks at the opening ceremony of the bank’s representative office in Bangkok on Aug 3. (Photo: KBZ Bank) Kanbawza Bank (KBZ Bank) has opened a representative office in Bangkok, the first Burmese bank to establish an international presence. Earlier this year, KBZ Bank officially received a licence from the Bank of Thailand to open the office in the capital. The bank also recently obtained a representative licence to open an office in Singapore, continuing its planned expansion within the Asean region. Than Cho, senior managing director of KBZ Bank, said the office would start offering financial and advisory services as soon as possible to Burmese people and to businesses in Thailand. The KBZ representative office at Sathorn Square Office Tower in Bangkok (Photo: KBZ Bank) "Naturally, Thai businesses are interested in entering Burma. We hope they take advantage of our extensive knowledge of Burma's financial markets and join the growing bilateral trade between our two countries," he said. Zeyar Sein Htut, KBZ Bank’s new chief in Thailand, said the bank will focus on activities such as market research, liaising with the private sector and serving as a source of information, including regulatory requirements for doing business both in Thailand and Burma. KBZ Bank wants to explore opportunities to build relations with, and eventually cater to, the large Burmese population in the kingdom—estimated at 3 million people—when they return to their home country. Thailand’s Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwan met Burma’s President Htin Kyaw in Naypyidaw last month. The two countries announced they intended to double bilateral trade to US$20 billion in 2017. The post KBZ Bank Opens Office in Bangkok appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

A Legacy of Military Land Grabs in the Delta: a Test for the New Govt Posted: 03 Aug 2016 10:47 PM PDT Than Shin poses with copies of her land documents in Irrawaddy Division's Maubin Township in April 5, 2016. (Photo: Reuters) By the standards of her village in Burma's swampy Irrawaddy Delta, Than Shin was a prosperous woman. She had 20 acres of farmland on which her family grew rice. But her fortunes changed in 2000 when the military government informed her it was taking possession of her land. Over the next year, Than Shin watched as the fields that for decades had provided her family with a living were cleared to make way for fish farms. Today, Than Shin and her family live in a thatched shack along the main road leading to Burma's commercial capital Yangon. Her 67-year-old husband goes door to door on his bicycle selling soybeans. "We depended on that land our whole lives. When they grabbed it, we had nothing, no income. We had to eat curry made from leaves," she told Reuters. Than Shin’s story is just one example of what the ruling party of Aung San Suu Kyi says was the systematic confiscation of land from farmers by the army and the placing of that land in the hands of crony companies close to the military junta that ruled Burma for half a century. The fish farms that were built on her land were owned by a company linked to then regional military commander Shwe Mann, who is now one of Burma's most powerful political figures, according to a Reuters review of corporate filings. When Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) stormed to power in elections last November, its victory was fueled in part by rural anger over land seizures and the party's pledge to provide redress. Just days after the NLD formed the first government since 1962 that is not backed by the military, the new deputy agriculture minister told local media that returning land to its rightful owners was the duty of the government. Now the NLD is moving to make good on that promise. The parliament member overseeing the effort, Sein Win, told Reuters the party aims to solve all land-grab cases within one year. That's an ambitious timeframe. In untangling land disputes, the new government will have to contend with powerful business interests, many linked to the military. That could put Suu Kyi on a collision course with the generals and threaten Burma's fragile transition to democracy. ‘VIRGIN’ LAND The NLD's Sein Win estimates that the number of land-grab cases is in the hundreds of thousands. Based on surveys conducted by the party's branches around the country, he says that between three to five million acres of land was forcibly taken by the military. Shwe Mann, the former army commander, held the powerful post of speaker in the previous military-dominated parliament. Today, he is a close confidante of Suu Kyi. In a rare interview, he defended the junta's actions, saying that vast swathes of land were allocated to him in his capacity as the regional commander and to local authorities by the government as part of a national project by Burma's military rulers in the 1990s to bolster food security and agricultural production. All the land in the area he oversaw, he said, was "vacant, fallow or virgin" and so the junta's actions were not illegal. Still, Shwe Mann said there could be a discrepancy between "what's on the map in the land record office and the situation on the ground.” In the past, he said, farmers did not want to register land as agricultural to avoid participation in a socialist economy. The military did not respond to questions from Reuters. The previous military-dominated parliament set up two bodies to investigate and mediate land-grab cases, but was criticized for dragging its feet. In total, the government reviewed 17,000 cases, but only resolved around 1,000, according to local media reports. With Suu Kyi's party now taking the lead, the new government has formed a taskforce to deal with land-grab cases. In June alone, 6,434 acres of land that was seized in the Irrawaddy Delta was returned to 324 villagers, according to the state-owned Myanma Alinn Daily and local media. The vast majority of land was taken in the 1990s and early 2000s, amid a military-led transition from socialism to a market-driven economy. The state owned all land, but farmers were granted rights to cultivate it. "The land grabs were done by the (junta) government, with most of it going to the military, companies, government departments and ministries," the NLD's Sein Win said. MILITARY CONNECTIONS Hta Ni village, a collection of hamlets about two hours from Yangon, encapsulates the challenge facing Suu Kyi. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, local authorities under then-Southwestern Regional Military Commander Shwe Mann seized roughly 1,000 acres from about 200 homes, according to local paralegals who base their estimate on statements and documents from villagers. It was during this period that 474 acres of land in Hta Ni was handed to Asia Might Co. Ltd., the company with ties to Shwe Mann, for an aquaculture project. The former commander confirmed that Asia Might was linked to him and that it took part in the project at his request. He also confirmed that the company was run at the time by Min Naing, whom he described as a "close friend." A brother of Shwe Mann served as a company director and was a minority shareholder, according to corporate filings. "When it comes to my role, I take full responsibility," said Shwe Mann. "I acted according to the existing law." Min Naing did not respond to questions from Reuters that were sent via a son of Shwe Mann. "There are a lot of villages, particularly across the delta, which have lost almost all of their agricultural land to land grabs," said Tim Millar, the Burma program director of Namati, a legal aid group involved in helping farmers in Burma retrieve their land. With the start of Burma’s transition away from military rule in 2011, villagers began actively demanding the return of land. After its November election victory, the NLD instructed its branches across the country to gather information on land dispute cases. Now that the review has begun, the NLD's Sein Win is hoping his party's massive parliamentary majority will forestall any resistance from the military. It won't be easy. The country's constitution still reserves key ministerial posts for the military, including defense, border affairs and internal affairs. And Suu Kyi’s relationship with the army is strained: The constitution drafted by the military in 2008, for instance, bars her from the presidency. "Whether or not these cases will be solved depends on whether the NLD has a good relationship with the military commander-in-chief,” said Myint Naing, the director of Human Rights Watch Defence, a local NGO in the Irrawaddy Delta that is helping the villagers in Hta Ni. If they're not resolved, "we’ll be forced to take to the streets," he said. ‘LIKE SELLING STOLEN GOODS’ Frustration has already boiled over. A police officer was killed and 40 people injured in a 2013 land protest in the village of Ma Let Toe, not far from where Than Shin lost her land 16 years ago. Villagers are still occupying a tract of land they say was stolen by the army and forms part of a fish and rice farm owned by Orchard Co. Ltd. Orchard’s owner, Myint Sein, says his entire concession was either "virgin land" given to him for free by the military or land that he legally purchased from farmers. He showed Reuters a 2003 aerial map of some of the concession area, which shows a section of the land as empty swamp. But the map did not include the area currently occupied by protesting farmers. Adding to the challenge of addressing land disputes is the sheer complexity of the cases and often the absence of a clear paper trail. In many areas of the country, documents such as land tax receipts, government loan books, land use permits and witness statements from village elders have been destroyed by the damp climate. Cyclone Nargis, which killed as many as 140,000 people in the Irrawaddy Delta in 2008, also destroyed many of the documents kept by locals in their homes. Land-grab victims often don't know who now owns the land they once farmed. In many cases, the land has been divided and sold on several times, further complicating efforts to settle disputes. None of the Hta Ni villagers or NGO workers interviewed by Reuters were aware that Asia Might was linked to Shwe Mann. What's more, Asia Might no longer owns the land. In the mid-2000s, the company transferred ownership, according to the chief land office official in the area. Even if companies that were originally given the land have sold it on, the transfer should be viewed "like selling stolen goods,” Namati’s Millar said. "It’s not theirs to sell in the first place." The post A Legacy of Military Land Grabs in the Delta: a Test for the New Govt appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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