Saturday, May 27, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (May 27)

Posted: 27 May 2017 12:53 AM PDT

Logistics Warehouse to Open in Thilawa SEZ

A modern logistics warehouse has been completed at the Thilawa Special Economic Zone and will begin operations on June 1.

The facility is operated by Nittsu Logistics Myanmar, whose services include warehousing, air/ocean cargo forwarding, customs clearance, domestic distribution (including bonded transport), cross-border truck transport and heavy haulage.

The new warehouse with temperature controlled and dehumidified spaces will offer facilities for the storage of products such as apparel and chemical products that require temperature controlled and an anti-fungal environment, according to a trade journal.

The facility will offer bonded storage services utilizing bonded cargo functions that are unavailable elsewhere in Burma, according to the report.

Plans to expand the cargo terminal at Thilawa port and to widen roads near the zone raise the possibility that the Thilawa economic zone will become a significant production and logistics hub, the report added.

Coca-Cola Welcomes New Chief in Burma

Coca-Cola Pinya Beverages, the bottling operation of the global drinks giant in Burma, has a new head, according to a company announcement.

Gaurav Chaturvedi previously served as an executive director for human resources at Hindustan Coca-Cola Beverages, one of India's largest manufacturing and distribution companies in the fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) sector.

Chaturvedi is one of 13 associates of Hindustan Coca-Cola who are working in senior executive positions for the company outside India, including in Burma.

The Burma plant is based in Rangoon's Hmawbi Township and opened in 2013 with a planned investment of US$200 million and a target to create 22,000 jobs over five years.

Trucking-Shipping Route Slashes Export Delivery Time

A new ground-sea route which cuts delivery times from Burma to major markets was started this month by Nisshin Transportation, a unit of Hitachi Transport System, Nikkei Asia reported.

The service is geared to the textile industry. Goods go first by land between Yangon and Bangkok. Nisshin Transportation has created a trans-shipment site to rearrange cargo on trucks at Myawaddy on the border with Thailand. After the goods arrive in Bangkok they are shipped to China and Japan.

The service cuts the transport time for goods between Rangoon and Japan or China to about one month, compared to around two months for goods traveling the sea-only route via the Strait of Malacca.

Burma has a growing sewing and garments industry and quicker transport systems can bolster its position as a hub for women's clothing and other items that require fast delivery, according to the report.

Burma's Air Services See Sharp Rise

The number of air passengers in Burma has more than doubled in two years, according to a report in an industry publication.

Data from the air travel intelligence firm OAG indicates that seat capacity at Burma's airports was twice as high in 2016 as in 2014, according to the report.

Rangoon International Airport has accounted for roughly half of all scheduled seat capacity for more than a decade, the report said.

Last year the airport handled around six million passengers, it added.

After Rangoon, Burma's most used airports are Mandalay and Heho. Domestic air travel is dominated by flights from Rangoon to other airports, with Mandalay and Heho served with at least 10 daily flights.

The capital Naypyidaw comes only fifth for passenger numbers, with just two international services, to Bangkok and Kunming.

The two leading international services linked to Burma are to Bangkok's two airports. There are more than 90 weekly flights to Suvarnabhumi airport and 63 weekly flights to Don Muang airport. Singapore's Changi airport is served by about 57 weekly flights.

Other international destinations served by direct flights from Burma include airports in Cambodia, China, Hong Kong, Japan, Malaysia, South Korea, the United Arab Emirates and Vietnam.

The OAG data indicated that of Burma's top 15 airlines (by seats), nine are locally based. "Going forward it seems unlikely that the country can sustain as many as nine local airlines, but while Myanmar [Burma] is developing rapidly there are clearly opportunities," the report said.

DICA Approves 25 Investments this Month

A total of 25 local and foreign investments were approved so far this month by the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA).

The approved companies include seven in the cut-manufacture-pack (CMP) garment sector, while others were in agriculture, construction and telecommunications, according to an official.

"We will give priority to investments which can create job opportunities," the official told The Global New Light of Myanmar.

DICA is in discussions with state and regional governments on how to stimulate investments in other industrial sectors besides the garment industry, the report said.

South Korea to Send Buses

South Korea's trade promotion agency said two hundred buses will be exported to Burma for use by public schools, according to Yonhap news agency.

The 29-seat Hyundai buses will be shipped next month in a deal between the Yangon Regional Government and the Korea Trade-Investment Promotion Agency (KOTRA).

"The deal marks South Korea's first government-to-government contract with an Asian country. It also involves South Korean trading firm POSCO Daewoo International Co. and a local operator," according to the report.

Bankers Set for Training in Thailand

A leadership program for banking executives will help build skills and deepen knowledge in Burma's banking sector, according to organizers Siam Commercial Bank (SCB) and Thammasat University in Thailand, together with the Myanmar Banks Association.

The "Myanmar Banker Leadership Program" is the first program developed exclusively for Burmese banking executives, according to SCB in a statement.

"With a rapidly developing economy and changing business landscape, the banking industry requires strong leadership and trained employees to drive banks into the new financial future," the statement said. SCB expects the program to be a "must attend" for Burma's rising financial leaders, the press release added.

The first round of the six-week program will include around 30 banking executives from private and public banks. Different curricula are offered for young executives and senior executives.

Subjects include financial analysis and credit risk management, trade finance, foreign exchange, money market management and portfolio management.

"Since establishing our presence in Myanmar in 2012, SCB has been keen to contribute to the Myanmar government effort to help improve the financial sector," said Kamalkant Agarwal, Head of International Banking, SCB.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (May 27) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

This Week in Parliament (May 22-26)

Posted: 26 May 2017 10:01 PM PDT

Monday (May 22)

The Lower House approved a proposal from Thabaung Township lawmaker U Thein Tun to increase the tax the on the use of land, irrigation water, and reservoirs to a rate that does not cause a burden to farmers. According to the lawmaker, the taxes have not been increased in more than eight decades.

U Soe Nyunt, a judge of the Union Supreme Court, extended apologies to lawmakers for accusing them of holding the court in contempt. Earlier, the judge, in response to a Waw Township lawmaker's proposal on March 7 urging the Union Supreme Court to fix the "corrupt" judicial system, said such an accusation amounted to contempt of court. Lawmakers, however, approved the proposal, which allows the Parliament to oversee the judicial system.

Tuesday (May 23)

The Union Parliament received the President's proposal to continue Burma's membership in 2017 Regional Cooperative Agreement (2017 RCA) which replaced the 1978 Regional Cooperative Agreement for Research, Development and Training related to Nuclear Science and Technology for Asia and the Pacific (1978 RCA).

The Parliament approved the President's proposal to sign the Indian Ocean Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Port State Control.

Two lawmakers discussed the President's proposal to obtain a US$125 loan from the World Bank to implement the South East Asia Disaster Risk Management Project, of which US$77 million is earmarked for the prevention of urban flooding in the commercial capital of Rangoon.

Nineteen lawmakers discussed the President's proposal to sign the agreement for the establishment of the Asean Forest Cooperation Organization.

Wednesday (May 24)

There was no session in either of the two houses, as lawmakers attended the second 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference which convened in Naypyidaw.

Thursday (May 25)

To dismay of lower-level civil servants, Deputy Minister for Planning and Finance U Maung Maung Maung Win told Mingin Township's lawmaker U Maung Myint in the Lower House that the government had no plan so far to increase the pay for civil servants. The deputy minister however said that the government was implementing other measures to contribute to the welfare of civil servants, such as the sale of apartments in installments and increasing overtime pay and other allowances.

The Parliament also approved a proposal from Hlaingbwe Township lawmaker U Khin Cho urging the government to adopt strategies to address the country's unemployment problem. According to the lawmaker, Burma has over 32.98 million people aged between 15 and 64, but just 66 percent are working.

In the Upper House, Daw Khin Swe Lwin of Chin State Constituency (9) asked if the government could provide small and medium enterprises (SME) in Chin State with access to international loans for their development.

Union Minister for Industry U Khin Maung Cho said that the government had obtained a loan of around 50 billion kyats intended for SME development from the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), and provided 41.558 billion kyats to 186 SMEs in 10 divisions and states; and that businesses in Chin State could ask for the loans from the remaining 8.442 billion kyats through the state government.

Friday (May 26)

There was no session in either house.

The post This Week in Parliament (May 22-26) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Displaced by Violence, Kaman Yearn for Home as Hopes Dim

Posted: 26 May 2017 09:24 PM PDT

RANGOON — After retiring from the army in Oct. 2011, Saw Aung returned to his family home in Arakan State's Ramree Township. He was 73 at the time.

But the idyll of his golden years was short-lived.

One year after returning, his home was burned to the ground amid communal violence between Arakan Buddhists and Muslims in Ramree, part of a wave of clashes that swept the state and left hundreds dead in separate incidents throughout 2012.

He and his family were sent to a refugee camp, where they lived for four years.

"Although there were some members of the army, police and administrative bodies there, no one tried to stop the fire," Saw Aung recalled during a press conference at the Royal Rose restaurant in Rangoon in late April.

Saw Aung is Kaman, the only ethnic group of Muslims recognized by Burma's government. Before 2012, the Kaman, who number in the tens of thousands, enjoyed considerably more rights than the Rohingya, a persecuted Muslim minority of about 1 million people who were stripped of their citizenship in 1982 and deemed newcomers from Bangladesh.

But after the violence, the Kaman struggled with some of the same problems facing the Rohingya, who make up most of the more than 120,000 people still living in IDP camps in Arakan.

Though they could vote in the 2015 election that brought pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi to power, many Kaman find it difficult to this day to gain national identity cards, a crucial requirement for freedom of movement.

While they have tried at times to distance themselves from the Rohingya, they face discrimination regardless and some have been accused of trying to fake their own identity to get proper documents.

In a cruel twist, the plight of the Kaman is often overlooked by the international community, who have focused intensely on the much larger Rohingya crisis, especially since a brutal crackdown on Rohingya Muslim militants began in October following attacks on police border guard posts.

Members of the Kaman community gathered at the Rose Restaurant to raise concerns about their rights and call for resettlement.

After his house was destroyed, Saw Aung and two relatives lived in a small room at the refugee camp in Ramree that sheltered more than 700 people. It flooded during the rainy season. Fed up with the conditions many in the camp later moved in with relatives in other cities in Burma. Saw Aung and his family went to Rangoon.

Tun Myint, another Kaman man who spoke at the Royal Rose, said more than 1,000 men holding swords had surrounded his village in 2012. But he escaped the mob, hiding in a pigsty owned by Arakan Buddhist friends.

"This is a proof of our close relationship with Arakan people. They also protected us from the attackers," he said.

Although he felt well off and comfortable in Ramree, Tun Myint had his share of misfortune after 2012. He moved to a refugee camp for three years before taking his family to Rangoon, where he struggled financially.

"We had to live in a bamboo house for more than one year in Rangoon, although we had an ordinary life in Ramree. My sons had to live separately from their wives, and we became homeless people," he said.

Religious Oppression a Factor?

The Kaman are Muslim, but they share many cultural and traditional traits with their Arakan Buddhist neighbors, leaving them sometimes stuck in the middle of an enduring conflict.

They continue to be oppressed because of their faith, said Tin Win Hlaing, secretary of the Kaman National Progressive Party.

"We, Kaman people, were treated unlawfully. We have spent five years of our time at the camps without regard from two successive governments," he said, referring to the new administration of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the previous military-backed President Thein Sein, who was at the helm as Burma launched reforms in 2011.

The Kaman should receive better treatment, Tin Win Hlaing argued, because they are "one of Burma's 135 ethnic races."

Situations at Refugee Camps

The Kaman have lived mostly in Arakan in the townships of Sittwe, Thandwe, Ramree and Kyaukphyu.

They were targeted in 2012 and many now live in refugee camps. There are 600 Kaman in a camp near Tan village in Ramree and 1,115 close to Kyauktalone village in Kyaukphyu.

Maung Phyu Shae is from Kyaukphyu but moved to the Kyauktalone camp when riots broke out in Oct. 2012, the second of two major clashes that year. He thought it might be temporary, but he and his family are still there.

The education of his children suffered and his family members could not get work, circumstances that are also rife in Rohingya camps in central and northern Arakan.

His family members have been living in a tarpaulin tent for five years. They have little hope of returning home.

"We do not get a daily income of [more than] 500 kyats for more than five years at the camp," he said.

Although the situation has stabilized in Kyaukphyu, the authorities say the Kaman cannot go back, citing security concerns. Instead, they want the displaced Kaman to set up new residential wards near Kyaukphyu, using plots set aside for families, Maung Phyu Shae said.

He thinks this is unnecessary.

"No one disturbed us when we went to Kyaukphyu. Extremist Arakan people in previous riots were the strangers. The local Arakan people and Kaman people have been living in peaceful coexistence for centuries," he said.

Tun Ngwe, chairman of the Kaman Social Network, a civil society organization, said community representatives held talks with officials from the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement in Sittwe Township on May 6, and reached an agreement for the return of 65 families from Ramree camp.

But refugees from the Kyauktalone camp have not been allowed to do the same thus far.

"When we asked authorities to go back to our native land that was allocated by an ancient king, they promised to rebuild new homes for refugees," Tun Ngwe said.

The post Displaced by Violence, Kaman Yearn for Home as Hopes Dim appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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Friday, May 26, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Woman Sentenced Under Article 66(d) for ‘Insults’ to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Posted: 26 May 2017 10:09 AM PDT

RANGOON — A Pegu Division court sentenced Ma Sandi Myint Aung to six months in prison on Friday for sharing Facebook posts deemed insulting to the State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

The Pegu Township Court handed down the sentence under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law at the court hearing on Friday.

Ma Lin Lei Lei Hlaing, a Pegu local, filed a complaint on Oct. 28 of last year at No. 2 Pegu Township police station against Ma Sandi Myint Aung, a staunch supporter of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). The complaint was based on Ma Sandi Myint Aung sharing posts that were said to include foul language against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who leads the National League for Democracy government.

The police arrested her on November 29 and she was later released on bail on December 26.

The plaintiff appealed to the court in February to revoke the bail, but the move was denied.

There have been 60 lawsuit cases filed under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law as of May 24 under the new government. The case is the eleventh such sentence handed down since last year, while defendants in six more cases have been detained without bail and are on or awaiting trial, according to the Telecom-Law Research Team.

The team said there were seven such cases under former President U Thein Sein's term and five ended in sentencing.

The post Woman Sentenced Under Article 66(d) for 'Insults' to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Northeastern Alliance Optimistic About Future Peace Talks With Govt

Posted: 26 May 2017 09:55 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW – The northeastern armed groups that met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on Friday in Naypyidaw said that further talks with the State Counselor appeared to be possible.

The seven-member alliance includes the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-N (SSPP/SSA-N), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Arakan Army (AA) chief-of-staff and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA).
The State Counselor met the seven groups separately, in two sessions–the KIA, UWSA, NDAA and SSPP as one group, and the TNLA, AA and MNDAA as another group—at her residence in Naypyidaw.

Colonel Zaw Raw, of the KIA, briefly told The Irrawaddy after the meeting that they "hope the path for further negotiations will be open."

"We presented our seven groups' demands and we discussed it well, so we will find a way to hold further talks," he said.

The UWSA's spokesperson, Zhao Guo An, told The Irrawaddy after the meeting that "the State Counselor said to collaborate together for peace while we all are alive, as we are now in our 70s."

Because these groups joined part of the 21st Panglong conference and met the State Counselor, the deadlock concerning the path toward peace had opened, according to Tar Parn La, a secretary of the TNLA.

He told reporters in Naypyidaw that they hoped "to move forward for further talks, as the path has begun."

Prior to meeting the State Counselor, the groups' representatives met in advance with the peace commission leaders at the Horizon Lake View Hotel on Thursday and shared their general principles and specific propositions.

The groups' delegations will depart from Naypyidaw for Kunming, China on Saturday afternoon.

The post Northeastern Alliance Optimistic About Future Peace Talks With Govt appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Security and Political Sector Discussions in Deadlock at Peace Conference: Delegates

Posted: 26 May 2017 09:45 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW – The security and political sector discussions reached an impasse during the second session of the Union Peace Conference in Naypyidaw this week, according to stakeholders.

Some 700 delegates have been instructed to discuss the basic principles for building a future federal state, laid out by the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC). Talks have centered around three other key sectors, in addition to politics and security: economics, society, and land and the environment.

The delegates took part in discussions on each sector on Thursday and Friday mornings. Participants representing the government, Parliament, military, political parties and ethnic armed organizations that signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) were present.

With the exception of the security and political sectors, delegates discussing the other sectors were able to "reach common understandings," according to dozens of representatives with whom The Irrawaddy spoke, but the talks at the Union Peace Conference were not made public.

Daw Khin Ma Ma Myo, a stakeholder who joined the peace conference with a special interest in the security sector talks, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that "any discussion about the sector would be kept as a record."

In the political sector, the term "non-cessation" from the Union became a point of contention, as the ethnic armed group delegates advocated for it to be removed from the basic principles, but the Tatmadaw wanted it to remain.

Lt-Col Sai Ngern from the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S), told The Irrawaddy on Friday that by signing the NCA text, the signatory groups have demonstrated trust in what are referred to as the state's—and previous military regimes'—Three Main (National) Causes: "non-disintegration of the Union, non-disintegration of national solidarity and perpetuation of sovereignty." Therefore, the lieutenant colonel argued that there "is no more need to include the term 'non-cessation' from the Union."

On Thursday, the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy party also expressed concern in its statement that the term seems to represent worry on the part of the state, rather than a pragmatic solution. The party said in its statement that "inclusion of the term is also opposite of the first Panglong agreement" in 1947, to which the late Gen Aung San and ethnic Chin, Kachin and Shan leaders had agreed.

UPDJC member Salai Lian Hmung Sakhong said at the Thursday press conference that it is important how the state will ensure that ethnic nationalities do not secede.

While the political sector outlines 21 basic principles centering around sovereignty, equality, self-determination and federalism, the security sector has just one topic: the existence of a "sole" Tatmadaw; further details on this issue—which was presented for the first time—were not made public.

Delegates told The Irrawaddy that the Burma Army representatives urged for this concept to be agreed upon without further discussion. When this approach was rejected by participants, the discussion reportedly came to a halt after a half-day, while other sectors enjoyed a full day's worth of discussion on Thursday on their topics.

Discussions on basic federal principles for other sectors include the input from national level dialogues held in Karen, Chin and Shan states and in Tanintharyi (Tenasserim) and Pegu divisions between January and May 2017.

Previously, the UPDJC had planned to create a Union accord based on the principles discussed in each sector. But as national level dialogues have not yet been held by the RCSS and the Arakan Liberation Party, the RCSS has said that it would not sign any agreement that comes out of the Union Peace Conference.

The post Security and Political Sector Discussions in Deadlock at Peace Conference: Delegates appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Who Are The Wa?

Posted: 26 May 2017 07:11 AM PDT

It seems very likely that the United Wa State Army (UWSA) will become the next target of the Myanmar government's efforts to bring the country under its control. But that does not necessarily mean that the army will launch an all-out offensive against the country's most heavily armed ethnic army. A more likely scenario, insiders say, would be for the Myanmar military to capitalize on internal divisions within the UWSA first, play one faction against another—and attack only when the group has been considerably weakened.

But would that work? And who, exactly, are the Wa? In the Myanmar media, they are often portrayed as some kind of Chinese group, and it has even been suggested that the UWSA may follow the secessionist example set by Crimea, which recently held a referendum and joined Russia. In a similar fashion, the UWSA could hold a referendum in the area under its control, and then decide to merge it with China.

This scenario is extremely unlikely, however, because China would never accept such a move, as it would antagonize the whole of Southeast Asia and most of the rest of the world. And, needless to say, the Wa are not a "Chinese people." They are a Mon-Khmer-speaking tribe whose closest ethnic relatives in Myanmar would be the Palaung and, much more distantly, the Mon. (There are ethnic Wa across the border in China as well, where they number about 400, 000, but they are an ethnic minority in Yunnan and not related to the majority Han Chinese.)

'We Are Very Wild People'

But one also has to remember that the Wa Hills of northeastern Shan State have never been ruled by any central Myanmar authority. What the Wa want their future to be is, therefore, a major concern that cannot be ignored.

Even during the British colonial era, governmental presence in the Wa Hills was limited to annual flag marches up to the Chinese border. The Wa were headhunters and feared by the plainspeople, and the British troops that carried their flag up to the border were always heavily armed.

The Wa Hills were first surveyed by outsiders in 1935-36, when the Iselin Commission began to more firmly demarcate the border between the Wa Hills and China, which was finally agreed upon by the British and the Chinese in 1941. Even so, the Wa Hills were never fully explored and were only nominally under British and later Myanmar sovereignty. The first road in the area was built in 1941, from Kunlong near the Thanlwin River and into the northern fringes of the Wa Hills.

The British-initiated Frontier Areas of Enquiry—set up to ascertain the views of Myanmar's many minority peoples just before independence—reported in 1947 that the Wa Hills "pay no contribution to central revenue…there are no post offices…and the only medical facilities are those provided by the Frontier Constabulary outposts…and by [non-certified] Chinese practitioners."

The Wa did, however, send three representatives from their "states," as their fiefdoms were called, to the committee's hearings in Pyin Oo Lwin—and those talks revealed the gap between the Wa way of looking at life and the committee's perception of it:

Do you want any sort of association with other people?

Hkun Sai [for the Wa]: We do not want to join anybody because in the past we have been very independent.

Sao NawHseng [for the Wa]: Wa are Wa and Shans are Shans. We would not like to go into the Federated Shan States.

What do you want the future to be in the Wa states?

Sao Maha [for the Wa]: We have not thought about that because we are very wild people. We never thought of the administrative future. We think only about ourselves.

Don't you want education, clothing, good food, good houses, hospitals?

Sao Maha: We are very wild people and don't appreciate all these things.

In retrospect, this exchange of views may appear almost farcical, but it nevertheless shows that the Wa did not think of themselves as citizens of Myanmar—and that was not going to change after independence in 1948.

Kuomintang, then Communist, Control

In the 1950s, most of the Wa Hills were occupied by renegade Nationalist Chinese Kuomintang forces that retreated across the border into Myanmar following their defeat by Mao Zedong's Communists in the Chinese civil war. The Kuomintang established bases in the Wa Hills and in the mountains north and south of Kengtung, from where they tried on no less than seven occasions between 1950 and 1952 to invade Yunnan, but were repeatedly driven back to the Myanmar side of the border. The parts of the Wa Hills where the Kuomintang was not present were controlled by various local warlords.

The Kuomintang's presence in northeastern Myanmar was a major reason why China decided to support the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) in the early 1960s. Myanmar Communists in exile in China began surveying the border as early as 1963 to identify possible infiltration routes. On Jan. 1, 1968, the CPB—and the Chinese—made their move. The old Kuomintang bases were some of the first targets. And while the political commissars were Myanmar Communists, the foot soldiers were almost exclusively "volunteers" from China.

It was only when the CPB had captured the Wa Hills in the early 1970s that its "people's army" began to consist of recruits from Myanmar. Before long, the bulk of the CPB's fighting force was predominantly Wa. But China was still supplying the CPB troops with all their weapons and other equipment, which made them the most formidable rebel army in Myanmar.

By the mid-1970s, the CPB had established control over more than 20,000 square kilometers of territory in northeastern and eastern Shan State. Myanmar's central authorities were as remote and alien as they had always been in regards to the Wa Hills. But it was also clear that there were severe frictions between the CPB's ageing Bamar leadership and its mostly hill-tribe troops, who had little or no sympathy for communist ideals.

Mutiny and Ceasefire

In 1989, the tribesmen rose in mutiny and drove the old leaders into exile in China. But there is every reason to believe that the Chinese had a hand in the mutiny as well. Just a few months before it broke out, the CPB's politburo had held a meeting and the then-chairman Thakin Ba Thein Tin, read out a message from the Chinese authorities. The entire CPB leadership had been offered retirement in China. It was clear that China no longer was interested in exporting revolution to Myanmar, but wanted to open the border for trade and exploit the natural resources in the frontier areas.

Thakin Ba Thein Tin was furious. "We have no desire to become revisionists," he said, indicating that he considered the post-Mao leadership in China to be revisionist—which was enough for the Chinese to encourage the rank-and-file of the CPB to rise up in mutiny.

And so the UWSA was born. Almost immediately, the newly formed group entered into a ceasefire agreement with the Myanmar government, which allowed it to retain control of its area and its weaponry in exchange for not fighting the government's army.

This led to the formation of the UWSA's current territory, which it claims consists of 13,514 square miles (35,000 square kilometers), including new areas along the Thai border that were captured in the early 1990s. With a population of 400,000 and its own local administration, schools, hospitals and even a bank, this "mini-state" is almost unique in recent Asian history. The closest comparison would be to the parts of Sri Lanka that were ruled by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) until it was wiped out by a massive government offensive in 2009.

Chinese Influence

The currency used in the UWSA's area is the Chinese yuan, and mobile telephones are connected to Chinese networks. Chinese is much more widely spoken than Myanmar. With Chinese assistance, the UWSA has also managed to build up an army that is both stronger and better equipped than the CPB ever was. Its arsenal includes Man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADS), a wide range of mortars and rocket launchers, and even light tanks and a few helicopters.

Recently, a helipad has been constructed at the UWSA's Panghsang headquarters, with a sign outside saying, in Chinese, feijichang, or airport. Even more worrying, on Oct. 30 of last year, the local Myanmar intelligence office in the garrison town of Tang-yan sent a message to the regional command headquarters in Lashio saying that the UWSA was constructing a "radar and missile base" in its area.

The first location was supposed to be Mong Mau in the northern Wa Hills, but when the government found out about it, U Thein Zaw, the vice chairman of the Union Peace Working Committee, was sent to Panghsang to tell the Wa not to go ahead with their missile project. The UWSA leaders said that they wouldn't—and changed the location to Wing Gao, closer to Panghsang.

The new facility is going to be built in partnership with a Chinese company called Liao Lian and equipment will be bought from China, Taiwan and Pakistan, the report asserts. It is not clear, however, what kind of missile it is, but given the fact that radars will be installed at the base, it is plausible to assume that it would be something more powerful than what the UWSA has in its current arsenal. The Myanmar-language report uses the term taweipyetonggyi, or "long-distance missile."

So it is abundantly clear that the Wa have no intention of submitting to the authority of a country that they feel that they have never been part of. The Wa Hills have gone from being ruled by nobody to being occupied by the Kuomintang and then the CPB, and are now administered by the UWSA.

Bargaining Chip

But what are the Chinese up to and why are they making sure the UWSA is armed to the teeth? The simple answer is that China does not actually want the UWSA to fight the Myanmar army, but would like to see it strong enough to deter any attack against it.

For China, the UWSA is a useful bargaining chip when Beijing wants to put pressure on the Myanmar government not to stray too close to the West, or to protect Chinese investment in the country. The latter concern became especially important after President U Thein Sein's government decided in September 2011 to suspend the US$3.6 billion Myitsone hydroelectric dam project in Kachin State. China also has to deal with ongoing protests against a copper mine project in Letpadaung, which is a joint venture between the Chinese Wanbao Mining Copper company and the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings.

In other words, any military action against the UWSA would pit the Myanmar army against China. The Wa leaders are always accompanied by Chinese intelligence officers, and it is no exaggeration to say the UWSA is an extension of China's People's Liberation Army.

So would the Myanmar army risk a conflict with the UWSA? Sri Lanka's offensive against the LTTE was successful because the Tamil militants had nowhere to retreat to when they came under attack, whereas an attack on the UWSA would force tens of thousands of refugees into China, causing further frictions between Myanmar and its powerful northern neighbor. The UWSA's MANPADS would also enable it to shoot down airplanes and helicopters.

At the same time, however, no government in Myanmar can tolerate a continuation of the present situation in northeastern Shan State: a pocket-state with its own army. But if the present government wants to succeed where all its predecessors have failed—to convince the Wa that their hills are indeed part of Myanmar—a different approach than the military option may be needed.

A divide-and-rule scheme, which seems to be what is in the offing, may also cause resentment and divisions that could result in an even messier situation than what we have now.

But before the end of the year, some action is bound to take place in the Wa Hills. And whatever shape it takes, it will be a much more serious challenge than any of the other ethnic conflicts that have been plaguing Myanmar for decades. It will involve an area never before controlled by any Myanmar government—and China.

This article first appeared in the June 2014 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Who Are The Wa? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Civil Society Groups Urge Govt to Accept UN Fact-finding Mission

Posted: 26 May 2017 07:02 AM PDT

RANGOON — More than 50 civil society groups in Burma urged the government to fully cooperate with a UN-mandated fact finding mission into human rights abuses in Arakan, Shan, and Kachin states in a joint-statement released Friday.

"The Fact Finding Mission will help the Government of Myanmar [Burma] to uphold human rights, and it will foster a rule-of law culture by establishing the facts and identifying perpetrators of human rights violations to prevent future atrocity crimes," read the statement signed by groups from across the country including Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC), Burmese Women’s Union, and Karen Women Organization.

Failure on the part of the National League for Democracy-led government or the military leadership to cooperate with the mission could cause Burma's human rights situation to deteriorate and more atrocities, the groups argue.

The UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) resolution—adopted at its 34th session in Geneva, Switzerland in March—provides a mandate "to establish the facts and circumstances of the alleged recent human rights violations by military and security forces," but has been consistently rejected by both Burma's civilian and military leaders.

A flash report from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights released in February documented allegations of arson, torture, extrajudicial killings, and widespread sexual violence against the minority Muslim Rohingya population in northern Arakan State during Burma Army "clearance operations" launched in response to insurgent attacks on police border guard posts on Oct. 9 of last year.

"It's not too late for civilian and military authorities to work with this mission to establish the facts and prevent further violations and abuses," said Khin Zaw Win, director of the Tampadipa Institute, a signatory to the statement according to a Fortify Rights' press release.

"National reconciliation, stability, and development depend in large part on ending and remedying abuses and atrocities, and that can't happen until the facts are firmly established."

Matthew Smith, director of Fortify Rights, told The Irrawaddy that the diversity of the signatories showed the widespread concern for rights abuses in the country.

"The narrative that the entire country overlooks atrocities in Rakhine [Arakan State] is tired and inaccurate, and a lot of groups in the country are equally concerned about atrocities in the north as well," he told The Irrawaddy on Friday.

The timing of the statement's release during the Union Peace Conference, he said, showed discontent with the government's current approach to national reconciliation.

"Sadly I don’t think anyone is holding their breath for national reconciliation through the current peace process," he told The Irrawaddy. "Civil society is industrious and fierce and will keep working for solutions; the international community can and should support them."

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi previously said the UN mission "does not correspond with our country's [situation]," at her state of the union address last month. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing said that any international political intervention on the pretext of assisting refugees from this community would threaten Burma's sovereignty at the 72nd Anniversary of Armed Forces Day in March.

Last month, 23 international organizations including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and Fortify Rights, called on overseas governments to engage Burmese authorities in allowing unfettered access to the UN fact-finding mission.

The post Civil Society Groups Urge Govt to Accept UN Fact-finding Mission appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Border Police Detain Three Maungdaw Women Following Weapons Search

Posted: 26 May 2017 06:54 AM PDT

RANGOON – Border police have detained three women for the alleged possession of ammunition and three improvised guns on Friday morning in Arakan State's Maungdaw Township, said southern Maungdaw border policeman Lt-Col Thant Zin Oo.

He told The Irrawaddy that the police had received a tip-off that led them to search four houses in Tha Win Chaung village early in the morning, including that of the a former village administrator. They reportedly discovered the weaponry under a pile of firewood at a house belonging to another resident named Mahmoud Shalby, along with a payslip stating that Shalby had made payments to 25 individuals.

Police are tracking the names on the payslip as part of an investigation into coordinated attacks by militants last October on police outposts in the region, in which nine policemen were killed and ammunition was looted.

Lt-Col Thant Zin Oo said that eight rubber bullets and seven rounds of assault rifle ammunition recovered in Tha Win Chaung match those stolen from the Koe Tan Kauk border police outpost in nearby Rathedaung Township, which was among those targeted in October.

Mahmoud Shalby was not home at the time of the search; his wife was taken in to custody, according to the police report. The wives of two of the men whose homes were searched—but at which no weaponry was reportedly uncovered—are also currently being detained.

At the time of reporting, police had not revealed the names of the detained women.

The post Border Police Detain Three Maungdaw Women Following Weapons Search appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Forces Turkish Man to Leave Country Amid Crackdown

Posted: 26 May 2017 04:22 AM PDT

Burma-based Muhammed Furkan Sokmen was forced to leave the country on Thursday evening after he and his family were detained at Rangoon International Airport for 24 hours.

Police detained the Turkish family as they tried to board a flight to Bangkok on Wednesday evening. Mr. Sokmen told The Irrawaddy that authorities informed him that his passport had been canceled and that he would have to return to Turkey.

"I do not want to go back to Turkey. They will definitely put me in jail without any judgment," he said.

Mr. Sokmen was a director of the Horizons International School in Rangoon, which was investigated for alleged links to Turkey's opposition movement and temporarily closed and renamed following a licensing complaint.

Since a failed coup in Turkey, the Erdoğan government has called for an international crackdown on people suspected of having links to the US-based Turkish cleric Fethullah Gülen. More than 47,000 people have been placed in pre-trial detention since 2016, according to Human Rights Watch.

Richard Weir, a fellow from the Asia Division of Human Rights Watch, told The Irrawaddy that the organization's concerns are that Mr. Sokmen could face "torture, extended pre-trial detention, and a trial that is neither free nor fair" if he is sent back to Turkey.

Mr. Sokmen said men whose affiliation was unknown to him followed him throughout his detention in the airport and once he was on the plane. He added that authorities told him that his flight would stop in Bangkok and then he would continue on to Istanbul. He was issued a temporary passport with four pages that he was told would last one month and only allowed travel to Turkey. He is currently in a transit area in the Bangkok International Airport; his status is in limbo.

"The Burmese government must ensure that it evaluates all cases wherein there are threats and risks to individuals that governments want returned," said Weir.

"The fate of Mr. Sokmen and his family, including his young daughter, hang in the balance and the risks they face are grave. The Myanmar government should not let itself become complicit in endangering this family and others who face return to governments where their rights are in danger of being violated."

There is currently no asylum system in Burma and no mechanism by which the UNHCR registers asylum seekers.

Mr. Sokmen's wife and child remain in Rangoon, where the status of their passports is unclear at this time.

"Now my wife and two-year-old daughter are in Burma. I don't know what will happen to me or to them," he added.

The post Burma Forces Turkish Man to Leave Country Amid Crackdown appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Court Orders Police to Re-Examine Fugitive in Ko Ni Murder Trial

Posted: 26 May 2017 03:45 AM PDT

RANGOON —Rangoon's northern district court ordered on Friday that the police reexamine the case surrounding the fugitive Aung Win Khaing in the U Ko Ni murder trial, including a nationwide search if necessary.

Last week, the Rangoon Division High Court rejected the petition from lawyer U Nay La—representing the family of the assassinated National League for Democracy (NLD) legal adviser U Ko Ni— requesting a new arrest warrant be issued in Naypyidaw for the fugitive.

Aung Win Khaing is suspected of involvement in the murder but remains at large. He was last seen in Naypyidaw, according to CCTV footage.

"Even though the High Court refused to issue a new arrest warrant, it ruled that the investigation of fugitive Aung Win Khaing [prior to the trial] was insufficient," U Nay La told The Irrawaddy after the hearing at the northern district court on Friday.

"In accordance with the ruling of the High Court, the northern district court ordered [the police] that the search for the fugitive Aung Win Khaing be carried out again more thoroughly," he explained.

Before the trial in early March, U Nay La initially requested that the northern district court issue the warrant in Naypyidaw, but the court ruled against the move.

Last month at the divisional court, he claimed that the district court had been handling the case "carelessly" and was "weak" in examining the fugitive in accordance with designated procedures.

It's been nearly four months since the prominent Muslim lawyer U Ko Ni was shot by gunman Kyi Lin outside Rangoon International Airport on the afternoon of Jan. 29. Police have detained four suspects: gunman Kyi Lin, and alleged co-conspirators Zeya Phyo, Aung Win Zaw, and Aung Win Tun.

The next court hearing will be held at the northern district court on Jun. 2.

Shooter Kyi Lin and three alleged co-perpetrators—Aung Win Zaw, Aung Win Khaing and Zeya Phyo—are being charged under Article 302 of Burma's Penal Code for murder.

Zeya Phyo, a former military intelligence officer, is also charged under Article 67 of the Telecommunications Law for the possession of restricted telecommunications equipment and Article 468 of the Penal Code for the forgery of national identity cards.

Two of the suspects—gunman Kyi Lin and alleged co-conspirator Aung Win Zaw—are also being charged under Article 19(d) and (f) of the country's 1878 Arms Act for illegal arms possession and transportation, in addition to the murder charge.

The post Court Orders Police to Re-Examine Fugitive in Ko Ni Murder Trial appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

TNLA Denies Sending Extortion Letters Containing Bullets

Posted: 26 May 2017 03:22 AM PDT

RANGOON — The Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) rejected accusations that the armed group sent letters demanding "tax" from businesses in northern Shan State's Lashio.

Ten hotels and other businesses this week reported receiving letters from the TNLA demanding payment with a bullet in the envelope, according to business owners and works in the city.

"They [TNLA] always levy tax and extort money, though they may deny doing so to the media," said a manager of a hotel in Lashio who asked for anonymity, adding that the letter was dated  May 22 and delivered by two men on a motorbike on Tuesday.

Images of the letters quickly went viral on social media despite warnings that concerned parties should not leak the letters.

TNLA information officer Col Mai Ai Kyaw told The Irrawaddy his group was not responsible, though he admitted TNLA troops were active in the area.

"We are still investigating who sent the letters," he said on Friday. "The letters did not have our seal and letterhead and that is not the way we deliver letters, so, they must be fake."

He said the letters were sent in the middle of the day and that no armed group would do so for the sake of security.

The colonel admitted levying taxes and soliciting help from some businessmen in Shan State, but declined to reveal the names of the taxpayers and how the tax was imposed.

The letters accuse the relevant companies and businessmen of failing to pay taxes despite TNLA's tax department requesting payment by phone, the letters shared on social media read.

Tax must be paid by May 24, the letters demanded, and only then would the businesses receive protection from the TNLA.

The ten businesspeople did not pay but filed a case with Lashio Township Police Station, one of the businesspeople said.

On Thursday morning, TNLA troops arrived at Ho Kho Village in Nawnghkio Township, and stopped cars and motorbikes and briefly detained drivers, according to villagers.

"Palaung [TNLA] soldiers arrived at the village around 4 a.m.," villager U Kyaw Min told The Irrawaddy.

"They inspected those who passed the village, and briefly detained cars. A motorcyclist did not stop and was shot, I don't know what happened to him," he added.

The TNLA has not signed the government's nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) and is a member of the United Wa State Army-led coalition of northern groups that rejects the NCA peace process but has joined the Union Peace Conference this week.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

The post TNLA Denies Sending Extortion Letters Containing Bullets appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pulling Strings Together

Posted: 26 May 2017 02:33 AM PDT

Over the past few years of Myanmar's transition since 2015, an evident change can be seen in the relaxation of printed press and Internet censorship, the revival of daily and independent newspapers, and the release of a number of journalists from jail. Without a doubt, people here in my homeland seem to be happier than before and more importantly, they are more hopeful about their future.

I, too, was hopeful about my future, aspiring to become an energetic social worker. I returned to Myanmar (Burma) in 2013 after receiving my Master of Science in Social Work from Columbia University, ready to work to make my dream come true. My ultimate goal is to become an agent of social change, enabling fellow citizens to envision a better future, to mutually appreciate their differences, and to draw strength from those differences in order to build a happy and cohesive society.

As soon as I stepped on the soil of my motherland, I started working in advocacy, promoting the rights of the LGBTQ community. However, I quit after two months, due to security concerns. Thereafter, I worked as an associate program director at the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation under the direct leadership of two of the most influential women in the country: Dr. Ohmar and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

After working at the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation for a year, a noble idea came into my mind to explore the technology sector's contribution from a business perspective to promoting the mechanism of delivering services in the social work sector. This led me to come up with a different approach to make my dream come true. I ventured into the technology business with my two "repat" (as we call those who have returned to Myanmar from abroad) friends in 2014.

We developed Myanmar's first ever restaurant search app called 'MyLann,' having been inspired by Yelp, back in the United States. We were highly motivated, energetic and dreamed big, imagining that some day, Google might buy our mobile app. In fact, it turned out not to be as simple as I thought. My friend, who is a developer, took the CEO post and the other friend, with his bachelor's degree in business from UC Berkeley, took on the role of managing director. They both believed that I possessed good communication skills and, therefore, I was assigned to be in charge of marketing and sales.

At first, I had high hopes and enjoyed my life as a young entrepreneur. In spite of knowing that I lacked business knowledge and skills, I worked very hard. I walked into every restaurant in Yangon and spoke with many restaurant owners. Some showed interest, yet the majority seemed reluctant about online marketing tools, even though it could help them promote their restaurants in a more cost-effective way. In 2014, most companies would have rather concentrated on traditional forms of marketing such as billboards, TVCs, Radio FM Channels, and newspapers. They might spend millions on billboards but be cautious about social media marketing.

Nevertheless, I did not give up and joined many networking events like "Mobile Monday" and other young professional gatherings to expand my business contacts. It was not an easy path for a social worker in the technology business field as I was trying something totally out of my comfort zone. As a result of participating in networking activities, I came across two Australians who were working in Silicon Valley, who happened to be at the same event. They were keen to guide us through our endeavor for a few months. As Christians believe, "God helps those who help themselves."

Soon, I developed connections with many well-known local restaurants and international chains such as YKKO and Manhattan Fish Market, and a leading online media channel supported our app. Our team worked countless hours to collect restaurant data, and eventually, by early 2015, MyLann became a leading local mobile app consisting of more than 1,000 restaurants' data countrywide.

Despite our mobile app being regarded as a leading online restaurant search app, we encountered a shortage of cash and tried to raise funds. With hope of a breakthrough, we approached many potential locals to see if they would be interested in becoming angel investors; however, the outcome was not very encouraging. Moreover, not only was there no official government agency that would support local young entrepreneurs like us, but it was impossible for us to reach out to private banks.

As for access to finance for entrepreneurs, it is still very hard in Myanmar for two key reasons. First, banks cannot price risk: they can only charge interest between the 8-13 percent band. The nature of start-ups is riskier so they often get overlooked if banks cannot charge more than 13 percent interest. Second, the definition of collateral is very stringent and narrow: this gets more restricting because only collateralized lending is allowed in for now. This means by nature, smaller firms and start-ups do not have the assets that can be used as collateral to get loans. Therefore, banks only lend capital to the rich, who have all of the assets such as land and buildings. After a serious conversation with our management team and other key players in the respective community, we were unable to seek financial support to sustain our mobile app. Finally, the three of us decided to close this chapter and move forward to realize our own visions.

Beyond pride in our team's effort and endeavor in introducing a novel idea to connect people and technology from a business perspective, we believe that the integration of technological mechanisms has the potential to deliver enhanced services in the social work sector. However, this experience vividly exposed the inadequacies such as lacking a stable cash flow or a strategic business model, which would later lead us to lose the focus on mobile apps. Second, there wasn't a legitimate support system. Third, local people were not ready to search for things on mobile apps and instead, they tend to solely depend on Facebook to search (public sentiment when it comes to the internet is all about Facebook). An alternative use of Internet technology should be encouraged. Last but not least, was an insufficiency of competent human resources and expertise in the technology field.

As for the future in regards to financial support, the liberalization of the banking system will be essential. From the experience I encountered in entering the technology sector, if the above-mentioned strings could be pulled together, I believe the IT scene in Myanmar could be different.

Kyaw Sit Naing (MSW) is currently a visiting lecturer of Post-Graduate Diploma in Social Work at Yangon University. He co-founded Myanmar's first restaurant search app called MyLann and resigned after a year. Before his entrepreneurial journey, he used to work as an Associate Program Director at the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. He also worked as an Advocacy Coordinator at Colors Rainbow advocating for the rights of LGBT individuals in Myanmar. He received his Master of Science in Social Work (M.S.W) from Columbia University in New York City. He has a BA in Political Science and Social Work from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post Pulling Strings Together appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police Investigate Forged ATM Card Theft in Mon State

Posted: 26 May 2017 01:03 AM PDT

MOULMEIN, Mon State — Police are investigating ATM withdrawals using a forged bank card at Ayeyarwady Branch No. 1 in Mon State's Moulmein (Mawlamyine) Township, Mon State with more than 1.5 million kyats thought to be stolen.

"We found one ATM withdrawal in both March and April, and two withdrawals earlier this month with a forged ATM card," said police officer Maung Maung of Moulmein Township Police Station.

The case is the first ATM theft in Mon State, said the police officer, and was discovered after a branch in Rangoon noticed something suspicious on an account and the Ayeyarwady head office instructed branches in divisions and states to check, said the police officer.

A total of 1.5 million kyats was withdrawn over the three months, he added.

According to CCTV footage, the person who withdrew the money appears to be a Burmese national. The forged ATM card was believed to be made with foreign technology, according to Maung Maung.

Ma Yi Mon Su, a former customer of Ayeyarwady Bank, complained that the limited choice of banking in Burma meant consumers had to put up with poor service and dubious security.

"I question if banks have taken into consideration the possible risks before they implement a software program … they need to take responsibility for checking cards used in ATMs match accounts," she told The Irrawaddy.

Assistant general manager of Moulmein Ayeyarwady Bank Daw Yu Yu Aung filed the case with the township police station on Monday, but when questioned about the case, she said she had to speak to her supervisor before commenting.

The post Police Investigate Forged ATM Card Theft in Mon State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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National News

National News

What does the future hold for Ma Ba Tha?

Posted: 25 May 2017 02:37 PM PDT

The Organization for Protection of Nationality and Religion, also known as Ma Ba Tha (in the Myanmar langauge) is going to celebrate its fourth anniversary of its formation, on May 27.

MPs investigate validity of coffee, mulberry and teak plantations

Posted: 25 May 2017 02:25 PM PDT

In the past, forest lands in the Pyin Oo Lwin township of the Mandalay region had been taken over by military officials, retired civil servants, and entrepreneurs, to plant coffee, mulberry and teak.

Illegal digging for iron ore near Inya village

Posted: 25 May 2017 02:22 PM PDT

People are digging up red soil which contains iron ore near the Inya village of Pyin Oo Lwin township, Mandalay Region. It is suspected that they are digging illegally and the township administration office does not know about it.

New Bagan info centre opening soon

Posted: 25 May 2017 02:20 PM PDT

The construction of an information center in the Bagan cultural zone for local and foreign tourists will be completed by the end of May.

No pay-rise plan for civil servants

Posted: 25 May 2017 02:14 PM PDT

There are no plans for a pay hike for civil servants even though the new government is in its second year.

Endangered turtles, tortoises saved by conservation

Posted: 25 May 2017 02:05 PM PDT

Conservationists have successfully bred the ten turtle and tortoise species in Myanmar that are on the endangered and critically endangered list.

New health insurance scheme available

Posted: 25 May 2017 02:01 PM PDT

A new form of health insurance scheme was made available last year where the rate of each unit is charged according to one's age bracket.

Earmarked tax target increased by K11b in Mandalay

Posted: 25 May 2017 01:58 PM PDT

The amount of earmarked tax collected from entrepreneurs in Mandalay Region for this financial year has been increased by K11 billion compared to the previous year, U Kyaw Aung Moe, deputy director from Mandalay Region's Department of Revenue, said on on Wednesday.

Wa-led northern groups to meet with State Counsellor today

Posted: 25 May 2017 01:54 PM PDT

State's Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has accepted the request of Wa-led groups from northern Myanmar to meet today afternoon in Nay Pyi Taw on the sideline of the ongoing Union Peace Conference, government and ethnic leaders confirmed.

Heated debate on ‘secession’ on second day of Panglong

Posted: 25 May 2017 01:42 PM PDT

A Debate about the appropriateness of including the phrase "non-secession from the union" as part of the basic principle of a peace agreement dominated the second day of the 21st-century Panglong, said representatives from the forum.
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Thursday, May 25, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s Jade Necklace at Peace Dinner Raises Questions

Posted: 25 May 2017 08:45 AM PDT

RANGOON — From the campaign trail to meetings with dignitaries to state dinners, Burma's State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is under watchful eyes. Every move she makes is captured on-camera, each word painstakingly analyzed. Even her wardrobe, including her choices of color, design and accessory do not escape the gaze of admirers or critics.

Famous for her sense of traditional yet colorful Burmese fashion, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has served as a style icon of sorts since her release form house arrest in 2011—her signature look one of simple elegance. Unlike many other Burmese women who can also afford to do so, she rarely wears jewelry featuring gold or gemstones.

On Wednesday evening, the 71-year-old entered the function hall of the Myanmar Convention Center II in Naypyidaw to attend a dinner to commemorate the onset of the second session of the Union Peace Conference. The State Counselor was seen in a peach-toned blouse and a sarong. Jasmine and red roses were tucked into her hair, as it typically is when she appears in public.

But when pictures from the dinner of the State Counselor went viral on Facebook, it was her necklace that attracted the most attention. The piece was noticeably larger than other jewelry she had worn in the past, and was comprised of a set of jade stones.

"Normally, people wear amethyst against a peach-colored dress. But she used jade, creating something different and new," said Myo Min Soe, a fashion designer from Mandalay, who added that the move might herald a renaissance in jade accessories. "If you looked at her last night, your attention would go directly to her necklace. Wearing oversized necklaces is trendy among middle-aged women now."

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi arrives at MICC II for Union Peace Conference dinner on Wednesday. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

Yet some netizens have expressed shame at seeing the State Counselor wearing jade—a stone harvested in Kachin State, where thousands remain in displaced people's camps due to fighting between Burma Army and local ethnic armed group the Kachin Independence Army. The state is home to hugely profitable mines run by a network of military elites, drug lords, and crony companies who illegally exploit the jade for tens of billions of dollars each year, while most of the local population lives in poverty.

One Facebook user shared photos of Daw Aung Suu Kyi in the jade necklace and wrote that despite finding the accessory stylish, "I can't smile seeing her in this jade necklace."

Another user complimented the necklace, but said, "whenever I think about jade, only hand-pickers pop up in my mind," referring to thousands of men who risk their lives scavenging for stones from the waste of larger mining companies.

For all the criticism, only Daw Aung San Suu Kyi knows where the where the necklace came from, whether it was an expensive gift or an accessory fashioned out of cheap jade. At a press conference, she once told reporters that, when it comes to her appearance, she makes do with whatever is on hand.

People also commented on what they described as the inappropriate timing of the fashion statement. They raised questions about her sensibility for wearing jade to the dinner marking the beginning of the peace conference—to which KIA representatives were also invited. A peace agreement between the ethnic armed group and the Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led government still has not been reached, and thousands displaced by conflict await a resolution.

For those living in IDP camps, the State Counselor's choice in attire may seem insignificant; for many, the hope is that her wisdom, patience and collaboration with armed groups in conflict will finally allow them to return home.

The Irrawaddy reporter San Yamin Aung contributed to the reporting.

 

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Religion Minister Seeks Banks’ Help to Track Nationalist Funds

Posted: 25 May 2017 08:08 AM PDT

RANGOON — Religious affairs minister U Aung Ko is grappling with the Central Bank of Myanmar for cooperation in order to trace the funds used for the activities of hardline nationalists that include a protest against him last week.

About 300 protesters, including nationalists and Buddhist monks, along with roughly 2,700 supporters from across the country, gathered in Naypyidaw on May 20 to accuse U Aung Ko of neglecting Buddhism and favoring Islam.

The Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture cited on May 22 social media posts alleging that protesters were paid sums ranging from 7,000 kyats (US$5) to 30,000 kyats ($22) to participate, and that 800 million kyats ($584,000) went toward organizing the demonstration.

On Wednesday, U Aung Ko said his ministry first asked the Central Bank for the account information of every religious and social organization in Burma last July after the nationalist group Ma Ba Tha, also known as the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, said its members would stage nationwide demonstrations if the government failed to take action against Rangoon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein for labeling the group as "unnecessary" for Burma.

The State Buddhist Sangha authority or the Sangha Maha Nayaka, known as Ma Ha Na, ordered Ma Ba Tha on Tuesday to cease all its activities.

The Central Bank provided the ministry with one whole figure of 300 million kyats, said the minister, but ignored his second request. The Central Bank is the main authority for local private banks, and the government has to go through it to retrieve the information.

"Money is the only motivation for people—especially at a grassroots level—to participate in such a demonstration," he said. "If thousands of people come and stage a protest in Naypyidaw, hundreds of millions of kyats would have to be spent. Where did the money come from?"

U Aung Ko criticized the bank and other local private banks for being "uncooperative" in the investigation process, adding that he told the President's Office the Central Bank had not responded to the ministry's second request.

The minister could not confirm rumors that funds of about 5 billion kyats were designated for the activities of nationalist groups, he said, because of the banks' unwillingness to help.

The Central Bank's financial institutions supervision department was not available for comment on Thursday.

According to the 2016 Financial Institutions Law, a bank has a duty to maintain secrecy about the information relating to its customers' accounts unless the disclosure of the information is ordered by a court and required for criminal proceedings.

U Aung Ko accused United Amara Bank, run by a son of the late U Aung Thaung, a controversial businessman and politician known for his ties with former dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe, of dealing in the funds of nationalist groups.

His allegation prompted the bank to deny "any involvement with Ma Ba Tha" in a public statement on Wednesday night.

"We always provide information and data requested by the Central Bank regarding financial cases without any delay," the statement read.

The ministry announced on Thursday that it had acted "hastily" by using the bank as an example in explaining its investigation to the media and has since apologized to the bank's management.

U Aung Ko claimed "a group of people or an organization" wanting to reverse the transition toward democracy is supporting nationalist groups, though he was not able to confirm the theory.

The payment of protesters would violate Section 10 of the Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law, which prohibits any act of paying, bribing of threatening people to participate in demonstrations. Violators face up to one month in prison.

U Sanda Siri, a member of Mandalay-based Nationalist Buddhist Monks Association, led hundreds of protesters last Saturday. The monk said it cost 2.8 million kyats to transport protesters from Mandalay and Pyin Oo Lwin to Naypyidaw, adding that the funds came from donors and nationalists.

"I don't know about protesters from other places," he said. "But in the place where I took responsibility, protesters were paid nothing."

Htet Naing Zaw contributed to this report from Naypyidaw.

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State Counselor Will Meet Northeastern Armed Group Delegation: Spokesperson

Posted: 25 May 2017 05:33 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW – The government peace commission's closed-door meeting in Naypyidaw with representatives of seven northeastern armed groups on Thursday morning was just a "social" event, according to the commission's Dr. Tin Myo Win.

He told the reporters after the meeting that it was held in order to build trust.

After peace brokering by a Chinese special envoy between the non-state armed groups and the government, the ethnic delegation arrived in the Burmese capital on Tuesday.

The northern delegation joined the opening of the second session of the 21st Century Panglong peace conference and dinner hosted by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as "special guests" on Wednesday.

China's ambassador to Burma Hong Liang also attended Thursday's meeting between the government's peace negotiation team and the northern groups.

"We will meet the State Counselor on Friday," said the United Wa State Army's (UWSA) spokesperson Zhao Guo An, who expressed the UWSA's gratitude to China and to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and described the meeting as an opportunity to build trust.

Through a translator, Zhao Guo An said that he "did not have any detailed discussion" in Thursday's closed-door meeting.

The seven-member delegation representing armed organizations based in northeastern Burma is led by the UWSA vice chairman Bao Yuri. Also participating is the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) vice chairman N'Ban La, the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) secretary U Kyi Myint, the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA-S) vice chairman Sao Khun Sai, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) vice chairman Tar Jok Jar, the Arakan Army (AA) deputy chief-of-staff Dr. Nyo Tun Aung, and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) official Phone Win Naing.
They had said they would only meet with the government for peace talks as a coalition under its team known as the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC).

They said that the FPNCC's general principles and specific propositions concerning political negotiations was agreed upon during their last meeting on April 19 in Panghsang, and was shared with the government. Copies were distributed to the media on Thursday.

The State Counselor will meet the seven groups separately. The KIA, UWSA, SSPP and NDAA will be invited to one meeting and she will meet the TNLA, AA and MNDAA in another, said government spokesperson U Zaw Htay at the peace conference's daily press briefing on Thursday. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will also reportedly host a private lunch for the KIA's N'Ban La and his wife.

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Saw Mutu Say Poe Calls for Inclusive Peace Negotiations

Posted: 25 May 2017 04:24 AM PDT

Chairman of the Karen National Union (KNU) Saw Mutu Say Poe urged for a more inclusive peace process in his speech on the opening of the Union Peace Conference in Naypyidaw on Thursday.

The leader of Burma's oldest ethnic armed organization and signatory of the government's Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) denounced the government's position on only inviting NCA signatories as delegates to the conference and said time restrictions were impeding national reconciliation.

"We cannot solve the problem covering the whole nation with only those who signed the NCA," he told the ethnic armed group delegates, Burma Army officials, government ministers, members of Parliament, foreign diplomats, and NGO and UN representatives gathered for the second session of the 21st Century Panglong Peace conference.

"I want to stress that there are still other national ethnic armed groups who are stakeholders in building up a future federal nation," he said.

NCA non-signatory groups—including members of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC)—were not invited to attend as full delegates, but "special guests" with limited participation.

Saw Mutu Say Poe criticized "hastily made political negotiations" and said procedures and meetings with time limits and boundaries could not bring about national reconciliation.

The Arakan Liberation Party and the Restoration Council of Shan State were unable to complete regional consultations, known as national level political dialogues and an essential step in the NCA procedure, ahead of this session of the peace conference.

Peace negotiations should include all stakeholders—the government, parliament, military, NCA signatories and non-signatories, political parties, and civil society representatives—and be held "depending upon race, place and matters."

"We need to create this condition; the government and the Tatmadaw were leading the political negotiations, but to build a federal union all stakeholders must participate in the peace process with equal rights," he told the conference.

He said negotiations needed to take place free from influences and with sufficient preparation, and that everyone must analyze this session of the Union Peace Conference and judge its effectiveness.

The post Saw Mutu Say Poe Calls for Inclusive Peace Negotiations appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Court Charges Tailor Shop Owners Over Torturing, Enslaving Children

Posted: 25 May 2017 03:49 AM PDT

RANGOON — A Rangoon court charged six family members on Thursday under eight legal statutes—some of which carry life sentences—for the torture and enslavement of two children in the family's tailor shop.

Tin Thuzar, 59, Tin Min Latt, 37, Su Mon Latt, 27, and Yarzar Tun, 25, were charged under Burma's Anti-Trafficking in Persons Law, the 1993 Child Law, and for assault under the Penal Code. Ko Latt, 63, and Thiri Latt, 37, were charged under the anti-trafficking law and the child law.

All of the defendants, who ran Ava tailor shop and factory in downtown Rangoon's Kyauktada Township, pleaded not guilty in the West District Court. Their lawyers asked the judge to summon some witnesses to testify again.

"We'll consult with our clients to file an appeal to the divisional court," said one of the defense lawyers after the court session.

The anti-trafficking law carries a sentence of 10 years to life imprisonment, and the child law up to two years and a possible fine. Defendants found guilty of assault can face from seven years to life in prison and a fine.

The two girls, Ma San Kay Khaing, 17, and Ma Tha Zin, 18, both from Kawhmu Township, suffered five years of abuse at the hands of the tailor shop owners before the case came under the spotlight in August 2016. The family members were arrested in September 2016.

The girls worked as housemaids at the shop since the age of around 10, but that turned into forced domestic servitude. They escaped from the slave-like conditions after Myanmar Now news agency launched an investigative report into the allegations of abuse.

Ma San Kay Khaing received treatment at Rangoon General Hospital for more than five months for burns, broken fingers, and flesh wounds reportedly inflicted with knives and scissors.

The next court hearing is scheduled for June 8, when prosecution witnesses will testify again. The district judge overseeing the case will retire in June, and a new judge will take her place.

The six family members have been detained in Insein Prison since the trial began at the West District Court eight months ago.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Philippine Military Seeks to Secure Troubled City as Fighting Eases

Posted: 25 May 2017 12:11 AM PDT

MARAWI, Philippines — Troops began clearing out a southern Philippine city besieged by Islamist militants, with hostilities easing on Thursday after thousands fled as the rebels seized large parts of the city and torched buildings in a battle with government forces.

Hundreds of civilians, including children, were sheltering in a military camp in Marawi City, where militants linked to the Islamic State group had also taken Christians hostage and set free more than 100 prisoners from two jails.

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte imposed martial law late on Tuesday on impoverished Mindanao, the country's second-largest island, to prevent the spread of extremism after rebels rampaged through the city of 200,000 people.

Marawi mayor Majul Gandamra said some rebels from the Maute, a militant group that has pledged allegiance to Islamic State, were still holed up in buildings and sporadic gunfire could be heard.

He said troops had isolated the guerrillas but were not engaging them, and that the rebels were posting images on social media to make known their sustained presence in Marawi.

"They are still there, surrounded by our military," Gandamra told DZBB radio.
"They are not shooting at anybody specifically."

Islamic State claimed responsibility for the rampage, which flared on Tuesday afternoon, via its Amaq news agency.

The battle started with a failed attempt by security forces to arrest some Maute fighters. Seven government troops and 13 militants had been killed since Tuesday, according to the army.

Details from authorities were sketchy and the status of the hostages taken by the Maute was unclear. It was also not known whether civilians had been killed or wounded, or how many rebels remained and how many had retreated.

Marawi is located in Lanao del Sur province, a stronghold of the Maute, a fierce, but little-known group that has been a tricky opponent for the military. Its activities are a source of concern for Mindanao native Duterte, who is familiar with separatist unrest but alarmed by the presence of radicals inspired by Islamic State's radical agenda.

Duterte threatened harsh measures to prevent extremists taking a hold in Mindanao and said martial law would remain in place for as long as it took to restore order. It was not clear what exactly Duterte planned to do to achieve that.

House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez said Congress had received a mandatory report from Duterte explaining his martial law declaration and lawmakers would discuss it on Monday.

Martial law applies for an initial 60 days under the constitution, but that could be shortened or lengthened depending on security considerations, Alvarez said.

Human rights experts have expressed concern about possible abuses by the military and police in places under martial rule and say the conduct of security forces during Duterte's deadly anti-drugs campaign has not inspired confidence. Alvarez sought to ally those fears.

"Let us not worry about this declaration. There are safeguards in our constitution to prevent abuses," he said.

The post Philippine Military Seeks to Secure Troubled City as Fighting Eases appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Use the Law to Protect Human Rights and the Environment from Irresponsible Investment

Posted: 24 May 2017 06:48 PM PDT

Burma's 2016 Investment Law and the implementing Investment Rules issued in April 2017 create space for the government and civil society to facilitate responsible investment and exclude investors that have track records of environmental destruction and human rights abuses.

This means that affected individuals and communities must now test Burma's commitment to the rule of law. There are new opportunities for civil society to use law to hold them accountable. In this regard, both international law and Burma's constitution guarantee access to justice for rights abuses.

The Investment Rules instruct the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) to consider whether investors have demonstrated a commitment to responsible investment. In considering the good character and reputation of the investor, the MIC may study whether the investor or any associate with an interest in the investment broke the law in Burma or any other jurisdiction. The rules explicitly mention environmental, labor, tax, anti-bribery and corruption or human rights law.

What this means is that if an investor is determined to have committed a crime, has violated environmental protection standards or was involved with human rights abuses, the MIC should not grant it a permit.  If such a company applies for an investment permit, civil society should bring its record to the attention of the MIC and advocate for the rejection of a permit.

Successive governments in Burma have focused on increased investment to develop the country and improve its people's standard of living.

At the same time, human rights and environment proponents from civil society have opposed many investment projects, citing the impact on the environment and human rights of local communities. They complain that land rights are not adequately protected, that environmental impact assessments are not implemented and that they lack access to justice for corporate human rights abuses.

There are challenges to using the law to protect human rights in Burma. Disputes related to business activity are often considered sensitive political matters in which the courts are unable or unwilling to intervene. They are reluctant to review crucial decisions of administrative bodies or to hold rights abusers accountable.

But community activists, human rights defenders and lawyers have increased opportunities to pressure the courts to apply the law and should do so. Lawyers have an important role in protecting human rights by representing local communities.

Courts must become a venue to challenge administrative decisions that allow for irresponsible investment that does not comply with national law, and where appropriate, obtain remedies and reparations for victims of human rights violations.

The Investment Law and its rules, which govern both local and foreign investment except within special economic zones, provide legal guarantees for investors to access information and protections against expropriation including compensation and access to due process if changes in regulation affect their business. Investors can also access long-term rights to use land.

Civil society should help to ensure that only responsible investors benefit from these protections. According to the law, the MIC is the gatekeeper that issues permits and endorsements for many would-be national and international investments likely to cause a large impact on the environment and local community.

In order to ensure that the protective aspects of the law are effective, courts must have some power of review, at least to ensure that administrative bodies, such as the MIC, are acting reasonably and in accordance with the law, while respecting and protecting human rights. If the MIC grants permits for companies that do not meet the requirements outlined in the Investment Rules, their decisions must be subject to review by the judiciary.

Burma's courts have the authority to review administrative decisions, particularly through the application of constitutional writs. Lawyers can use the writs of mandamus and certiorari to secure the performance of public duties and quash an illegal order already passed by public bodies such as the MIC. This would help ensure the MIC uses its mandate to prevent irresponsible investment.

Likewise, investors that fail to respect human rights or unlawfully cause damage to the environment must be held accountable; but there are few options to do so in Burma. Criminal prosecutions against companies, actions imposing administrative sanctions, and civil suits face a variety of procedural hurdles, particularly if involving joint ventures with state run enterprises.

For example, a negligence civil suit brought by villagers against the Heinda tin mine in Dawei District was unsuccessful because the 1909 Limitations Act demands complaints to be brought within one year of damage. Section 80 of the Civil Procedure Code requires prior notice and the names of plaintiffs to be given to the government two months before filing a suit against the government and allows small procedural defects to preclude a claim. Lawyers are sometimes unfamiliar with these procedures and communities are reluctant to put their names to such cases fearing reprisals.

Clearly there are significant challenges to ensuring that investment in Burma does not adversely affect human rights. To overcome these, civil society and lawyers must engage the administration—the MIC—to ensure only responsible investments is permitted and start to use the judiciary to review its actions. Likewise, cases must continue to be taken against investors that abuse human rights and harm the environment. Powerful investors must be constrained by the confines of the law, including human rights law.

Unless civil society and lawyers can use the legal framework to address these concerns, Burma's judicial system is unlikely to develop; lawyers will not gain valuable experience and the public will remain distrustful. The process is long and arduous but necessary to protect human rights and the environment from irresponsible investment.

Daniel Aguirre is a legal advisor with International Commission of Jurists (ICJ).

The post Use the Law to Protect Human Rights and the Environment from Irresponsible Investment appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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