Thursday, July 13, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Saving Cultures in Karenni

Posted: 13 Jul 2017 09:25 AM PDT

DEMOSO TOWNSHIP, Karenni State — Mou Mi, 53, is one of roughly 70 Kayan women known as the "long-necked people" who wear bronze neck rings, a disappearing tradition among the ethnic group in Karenni State.

The way of life for people in her village and nearby Kayan villages in Demoso Township has been the same for generations: farming, breeding animals, hand-weaving clothes, and crafting bamboo household wares. In the last two years, however, their village has become more known to outsiders, since the introduction of community-based tourism.

With distinctive cultures and untouched scenery, Karenni State has attracted thousands of foreign tourists and even more domestic visitors since the previous government opened access to the area in 2013. The decision came months after its biggest ethnic armed group, the Karenni National Progressive Party, signed a ceasefire agreement with the government.

Over the last three decades, many residents of Karenni—the smallest state in Myanmar, with a population of about 290,000, according to the 2014 census, but also host to at least eight ethnic armed groups—fled for the Thai border because of fighting between the Myanmar Army and ethnic armed groups.

About half of Karenni State's ethnicities, including Kayah, Kayaw, Kayan, and Manu Manaw, are staying in Thailand's refugee camps. Mou Mi said some of her friends went to the camps, but she remained in her village. The oldest ethnic villagers hold on to their traditional way of life.

Losing Traditions

Like every girl in Banzan village of Pan Pet village tract, Mou Mi began wearing four bronze coils on her neck when she was little. Even though it was initially painful, "it was shameful at that time if we didn't wear them," she said through a translator, as she spun yarn.

Mou Mi spins yarn to make a cotton scarf. (Photo: Thet Tun Naing / The Irrawaddy)

But she does not force her daughters to wear the neck rings as her mother did to her."My daughters don't want to put these on all the time, so I don't make them," said the mother of eight children.

Those accustomed to the heavy neck rings understand how burdensome they would be to wear—one of the reasons why the custom has faded among the younger generation that has not embraced the custom. Traditional attire of other ethnicities such as the Kayah and Kayaw in Karenni has also faded.

Only a handful of young women don the bronze coils now. One of them, a 20-year-old clothes peddler named Mou Tar who returned from Thailand to live with her family three months ago, sells hand-woven scarves as souvenirs at her home-cum-shop.

Mou Tar, one of the few young women who dons the traditional bronze neck rings. (Photo: Thet Tun Naing / The Irrawaddy)

Mou Thu, 47, returned from Thailand in April 2016 and also began selling scarves from her home. Visitors can also preorder local food and enjoy the music of her family band.

She lived in Thailand's Kayan villages for nine years after leaving on the advice that she could earn more money there.

Kayan villages receive support in Thailand, with residents given a regular salary and taught vocational skills, but Myanmar offers no such support—not even an awareness drive in order to preserve the traditions. The villages in Thailand, however, are often referred to as "human zoos," as visitors pay an entrance fee to see the Kayan people.

"For our people, the ethnic Kayan, survival matters more than being labeled as a human zoo," said Khun Lakwui, a community guide who was in a Thai refugee camp for almost a decade, then resettled in the United States for five years before returning to the village of his childhood last year.

"I want the Myanmar government to put effort in to bringing back the ethnic Kayan, or 'long-necked people,' from Thailand," said Khun Lakwui.

An estimated 11,000 Karenni refugees live in at least two camps in Thailand's Mae Hong Song district since fleeing their homes because of conflict between ethnic armed groups and the Myanmar Army in 1989. About 12,000 Karenni have resettled to third countries, mainly to the United States.

Community Fund

Tourists who want to explore the traditional ways of life of Karenni State's various communities can contact the area's community-based tourism coordinators.

Launched in early 2016 and supported by The Netherlands Trust Fund, the tourism project creates job opportunities and income for locals, according to the tour guides based in the state capital Loikaw. The fund provided trainings to the local community on how to prepare food for the foreigners and on basic hygiene, but the project ended in June this year, according to U Htay Aung, the chairman of the state's tour guide association.

The guides introduce the visitors to community elders, translating the language from the local dialects and vice versa. The guides also contribute 10 percent of their fees to the village funds, which are used for the development of the community.

"Our villagers, especially young people, have gotten jobs because of the project. In 2016 we got many visitors," said Khu Tee Reh, the village elder from Tanelale village, where many Kayah live, and the patron of the tourism project.

"They can also earn income from cooking traditional food," he added, explaining that the visitors can sample the local dishes.

It encourages locals to promote their traditions, he said, as foreigners want to learn about their culture.

Mou Thu prepares food for visitors. (Photo: Thet Tun Naing / The Irrawaddy)

Khun Lakwui said using community guides is the best way to contribute to the villages.

"Before there was a rule that visitors must hire community guides, but now some people hire them and some don't, because some regional guides or national guides know the places and they just bring the visitors to the community for show," he said.

Myanmar's government must support the communities, he said, to help them not only survive but also preserve their traditions.

"They do not earn any income by living here, but they could have incomes while staying in Thai villages, so it must be hard for them to decide [to stay]. They need the government's support to be able to come back," he said.

There is no entrance fee for the Kayan villages in Myanmar. The community-based tour guides said their approach is needed for development.

Mou Mi, pictured with children (Photo: Thet Tun Naing / The Irrawaddy)

"We want sustainable tourism. If many visitors arrive, we are afraid that it might damage the community," said U Htay Aung, the chairman of the Karenni State tour guides association. "We, the guides, the hoteliers, and the villagers all have to work together to preserve this tradition, which would support sustainable tourism," he said.

Challenges in Protecting Culture

The bid to preserve the cultures of Karenni's ethnicities has had a modest start, according to Khu Peh Nyoe Reh, the secretary of the Kayah National Literature and Culture Committee (KNLCC) in Loikaw.

"In this changing era, our traditions are becoming extinct as many tend not to wear the traditional dress. But we are trying to preserve it, especially the old styles, which use hand-woven clothes."

Traditional craftsmen in Loikaw who make pieces such as silver earrings, decorated silver swords, and necklaces all used as accessories in the traditional dress are also dwindling, he said.

"In ancient clothing, we have lacquered cotton leg rings, the turbans, and earrings in addition to clothes, but now these accessories are becoming rare and we have lost the experts who craft these," Khu Peh Nyoe Reh added.

Resource Shortages

Locals not only face the loss of crafting skills, but also a shrinking market for raw cotton to use for hand-woven cloth and bamboo household items.

A Kayan woman, pictured through colorful cotton fringe, plays a guitar. (Photo: Thet Tun Naing / The Irrawaddy)

"We have neither the market, the technology nor the higher quality cotton product," the KNLCC secretary said, adding there are few small-scale cotton plantations in the region compared to the past.

Kyar La Pya, the husband of the scarf seller, Mou Mi, grows some cotton plants in their field to use for clothes and scarves at home. He is also one of the village's last makers of lacquered bamboo kitchenware, which includes baskets, cups and circular trays used to serve meals.

The cups are used for drinking khawn—local millet wine—and the trays—daunglan in Myanmar and deeyapwelone in Karenni—were once a common sight in households.

The villages also lack access to underground water and households must save rainwater in large bowls for annual use.

"We have to be thrifty using water and when it runs out in the summer, we have to go to further to fetch it," said one woman in the Pan Pet village tract. The locals added that they got access to electricity for the first time a month ago and that a new road leads to the community.

"From March to May, we have a shortage of water—especially when we have visitors who want to enjoy the local food," said Khu Tee Reh from Tanelale village.


A woman and child sit at a traditional Kayan home. (Photo: Thet Tun Naing / The Irrawaddy)

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Yangon Chief Minister’s Comments ‘Cause Misunderstanding’

Posted: 13 Jul 2017 08:04 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW — The Myanmar government spokesperson has said that the Yangon Chief Minister's remarks on the army chief's position do not reflect the government's stance and had "caused misunderstandings between the government and the military."

U Zaw Htay told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that the President's Office had replied to the Office of the Commander-in-Chief regarding the army's complaints concerning the chief minister U Phyo Min Thein that day.

"Those comments caused misunderstandings between the government and the military. As the chief minister is responsible [for what he said], we have instructed him to do what he needs to do," he said. When pressed for further detail, the spokesperson said: "We can only share that so far."

The army released a statement on Tuesday explaining that they told the National League for Democracy (NLD) government to "take necessary actions" against U Phyo Min Thein on Tuesday for comments he made at a workshop in Yangon over the weekend. He had said that there were "no civil-military relations in the democratic era" and compared the military's commander-in-chief as being in position the same as the level of director-general, "according to the [state] protocol."

In a following statement made on Wednesday, the army described Yangon's chief minister as unsuitable for "constructive, long-term relations" with the military and called his comments about the military chief an "insult."

The post Yangon Chief Minister's Comments 'Cause Misunderstanding' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Detained Journalists’ Trial Moved to Hsipaw

Posted: 13 Jul 2017 07:10 AM PDT

YANGON — The charges facing three detained journalists will be examined at the Hsipaw Township court on July 21 because of logistical complications and security concerns in Namhsan Township, where the trio was originally arrested, said one of the defendants' lawyers on Thursday.

The Irrawaddy's Lawi Weng, also known as U Thein Zaw, and U Aye Nai and Pyae Bone Aung from the Democratic Voice of Burma, were arrested on June 26 in Namhsan Township on their way back from covering a drug-burning ceremony held by ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) to mark the United Nations' International Day Against Drug Abuse.

The three journalists—and three men who drove them through the area—were charged under Article 17(1) of the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act for contacting the TNLA and were placed in detention in Hsipaw prison. They had their first court appearance in Hsipaw's court last Friday to extend their remand and were granted the judge's permission for their trial to begin on July 21 in Namhsan, where it was originally determined on July 4 that proceedings would be held.

Given difficulties regarding transportation to the hill town of Namhsan—which could cause inconveniences to the defendants and their family members—lawyer Daw Khin Mi Mi, who represents Lawi Weng, appealed to the Kyaukme District judge earlier this week for the case to be examined in Hsipaw Township instead.

The defense lawyer told The Irrawaddy that district judge Daw Mie Mie Win Shwe permitted the appeal on Wednesday, considering the security concerns in Namhsan region and the obstacles in traveling between the two towns.

Three defense lawyers have visited the trio in Hsipaw prison to discuss their case.

International and local press members, civil society organizations and right groups have condemned the arrest of journalists under the colonial-era statute, saying that it points to a worrying trend against media freedom in Myanmar.

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Draft Amendments to Telecoms Law Submitted to Parliament

Posted: 13 Jul 2017 05:26 AM PDT

YANGON — The Ministry of Transport and Communications submitted a draft bill to amend Myanmar's 2013 Telecommunications Law to the Upper House of the Parliament on Thursday.

The controversial statute enacted under the country's former quasi-civilian government has been responsible for a worrying trend regarding freedom of expression in recent years. Its Article 66(d) has been used to charge more than 70 people with "online defamation," including more than a dozen members of the media who have been detained and jailed.

Deputy minister for transport and communications U Kyaw Myo, who submitted the draft to Parliament, told the media after the legislative session that the law was originally enacted with the objective of protecting telecommunications service providers. However, as defamation charges under 66(d) have been steadily increasing against individuals, amendments were needed, he added.

Free speech advocates slammed the government's draft bill after it was publicly released on Friday, pointing out that their recommendations had been neglected and claiming that in some ways, it had made the statute worse.

The draft included three significant changes to the Telecommunications Law. It states that the accused who are charged under articles 65 and 66(a), (b), and (d) may be granted bail, and that third parties would be banned from opening cases unless they are affected directly by the action or are acting on an affected individual's behalf. Finally, charges filed under articles 66(c), (d), and 68(a) of the law would not require permission from the Ministry of Transport and Communication to proceed.

In Parliament on Thursday the Upper House Bill Committee praised the draft for facilitating bail options and thereby giving those accused under the law more opportunities to defend themselves, as well as for stopping third parties from opening cases without being granted the authority to do so from the complainant. They also commended the elimination of delays along with the requirement for cases to be approved by the Ministry of Transport and Communications.

The Bill Committee suggested that bail not be granted to those charged under Article 65, which states that those who provide telecommunications services without a license be sentenced to imprisonment for a term not exceeding five years, and asked to pay a fine.

The bill will be discussed in upcoming parliamentary sessions.

Additional reporting by Pe Thet Htet Khin in Naypyidaw.

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Mandalay Ma Ba Tha Appeals Ban on Name

Posted: 13 Jul 2017 05:19 AM PDT

MANDALAY — Nationalists of a sub-chapter of the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion are urging the State Buddhist Sangha authority to reconsider a ban on their group's name—otherwise known by its Myanmar acronym Ma Ba Tha.

The spokesperson of Ma Ba Tha's Mandalay chapter told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that it is preparing an appeal to the State Buddhist authority—known by its Myanmar acronym Ma Ha Na—which banned the group's name in May and ordered all signboards to be removed by July 15.

"We will send this appeal to the Ma Ha Na office in Yangon tomorrow requesting the senior abbots to reconsider the ban and the removal of the signboards," said U Yatha, the spokesperson.

The sub-chapter announced on Monday that it would continue to use the name and would not remove the signboards in defiance of the Ma Ha Na orders.

"Since our association [Ma Ba Tha] is not illegal and did nothing that is outlawed, we request the senior Sayadaw to let us continue with [the name]. If the Sayadaw decide to go on with their decision to abolish Ma Ba Tha, we will have to listen and follow them," said U Yatha.

The spokesperson said they would request a delay of a month or two on the order so that they could still use the signboards during the reconsideration period.

Commenting on reports that the group's members in Mandalay were planning to resist local authorities and senior monks if they attempted to remove the signboards, U Yatha added, "These are just rumors. We have no plan to act against the decision of the senior monks. If the senior abbots of Ma Ha Na decide we are outlawed, and if they want to arrest us, we have no choice but to respect and follow their decision," said U Yatha.

After a two-day meeting with members from across the country in late May, the association released an announcement that it would "no longer use [the name] Ma Ba Tha, but would go by the Buddha Dhamma Charity Foundation," rebranding itself as a charity group.

The post Mandalay Ma Ba Tha Appeals Ban on Name appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Child Killed by Artillery Fire in Kachin’s Tanai

Posted: 13 Jul 2017 04:25 AM PDT

YANGON — A 2-year-old child was killed by artillery fire in clashes between the Myanmar Army and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State's Tanai Township on Sunday, according to a statement from the Office of the Commander-in-Chief.

The parents of the child are also receiving treatment for injuries, as the family was hit while inside a hut on their farm in Tein Kauk village, said the statement shared on the Facebook page of the commander-in-chief's office, blaming the KIA for the death and injuries.

KIA spokesperson Lt-Col Naw Bu denied the army's allegation, placing the blame on the army.

"It is not only Tein Kauk village that was hit by artillery fire. Other villages were also hit. We know where civilians are living, and we don't target them. It is not good that the army always puts the blame on ethnic armed groups in the case of casualties," he told The Irrawaddy.

Though the Myanmar Army and the KIA have not clashed seriously recently, there have been frequent skirmishes near gold and amber mines in the area, said the KIA spokesperson.

Locals and workers of gold and amber mines fled the mines to seek shelter in Tanai since clashes broke out on June 6.

Currently, four churches in Tanai are providing shelter for the displaced persons, Naw Ta, a member of Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) told The Irrawaddy.

"For the time being, there are more than 900 people at four camps. Social organizations have provided food for them, but now we only have one month of rations remaining," he said.

Myanmar Army helicopters dropped leaflets in the second week of June, asking the people in the mining areas to leave by June 15 or else be recognized as insurgents. Most of the mine workers then left the mines, said locals.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Eight Elephants Poached in Six Months in Irrawaddy Division

Posted: 13 Jul 2017 01:16 AM PDT

PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Division — Eight wild elephants were killed by poachers in six months from January to the end of June in Irrawaddy Division, according to the divisional police force.

"Poachers used to kill elephants with percussion-lock firearms. But we found that they are now using an old method that utilizes crossbows and poisoned bolts," police lieutenant colonel Kin Maung Latt of the Irrawaddy Division Police Force told The Irrawaddy.

Of the eight cases, police arrested the poachers in four of them, are still investigating three cases, and closed one due to lack of evidence.

Forest reserves in Pathein, Ngapudaw and Thabaung townships in Pathein District are home to wild elephants.

Poachers take the tusks, hide, flesh, and tails from hunted elephants and sell them to smugglers along the Pathein-Mawtin road. From there, smugglers take the items via the Pathein-Monywa road to Mandalay Division, where they smuggle them into China via the Mandalay-Muse road.

In the past, the majority of the elephant poachers were from Minbu, Ngape, and Sidoktaya townships in Magwe Division. But some of the Irrawaddy residents who had accompanied elephant poachers in the past are now hunting as well, according to the Irrawaddy Division Police Force.

"Some locals have learned how to hunt elephants after accompanying poachers. But they still don't know how to make the poison. So, they take the poison from elephant poachers in Magwe," said police lieutenant colonel Khin Maung Latt.

"It is a real cause for concern that locals are involved in poaching wild elephants. It has become more difficult for police to arrest the hunters," he added.

Though the Forestry Department deployed forestry security police in Pathein and Thabaung townships last year to prevent the hunting of wild elephants and illegal logging, elephant poaching persists.

"I think there should be routine security patrols around the forest reserves to prevent elephant poaching. Only when security forces can chase and forcibly arrest the poachers like soldiers, can poaching be prevented. But now, migrant workers who have links with poachers tip them off about police, and they just run when police come," said Ko Tun Lay, administrator of Tin Chaung village tract in Ngapudaw Township, who is also a private elephant breeder.

Ko Tun Lay, an ex-mahout suggested establishing inspection gates on major roads and smuggling routes to prevent the smuggling of elephant parts.

Last year, poachers killed 13 wild elephants in the region and police arrested hunters in four of the cases. They are still investigating six cases and closed three cases, as they could not identify the poachers.

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Minister’s Comments ‘Insult’ Myanmar Army

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 11:18 PM PDT

YANGON — The Myanmar Army said Yangon's chief minister is not suitable for "constructive, long-term relations" with the army and called his comments about the military chief an "insult" on Wednesday following its first complaint to the government since it took office.

The army told the National League for Democracy (NLD) government to "take necessary actions" against Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein on Tuesday because of his recent comments about the head of the military, according to a statement released by the Office of the Commander-in-Chief on Tuesday night.

The statement, quoting news reports which have gone viral on Facebook, explained that during a workshop on Sunday in Yangon, the chief minister reportedly said "there are no civil-military relations in the democratic era" and that "the military's commander-in-chief position is the same as the level of director-general, according to the [state] protocol."

The complaint comes at a time when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD government has been coaxing the country's powerful military to participate in the peace process and amend the controversial military-drafted 2008 Constitution that was drafted by the military.

On Wednesday, the army released a statement explaining the complaint, saying "the military takes the remarks as a direct insult to the military chief and the armed forces."

"Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein's reckless and confrontational comments could damage the national reconciliation. He can be reviewed as someone who could cause difficulties for the long-term process that has to be built continuously among the government, people and military for better relations," the statement read.

"Civil-military relations are more important in our multi-party democracy where armed conflicts are still ongoing. U Phyo Min Thein's remarks show how he is less learned, and it can be concluded that he is more confrontational," it added.

Myanmar's armed forces chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing is currently in India for a goodwill visit.

The post Minister's Comments 'Insult' Myanmar Army appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Escorts Media to Rakhine, Vows ‘No Restrictions’

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 10:35 PM PDT

SITTWE, Rakhine State — Myanmar pledged on Wednesday "no restrictions" on journalists visiting the troubled state of Rakhine this week, in the first official trip to include foreign reporters to mostly Rohingya Muslim villages affected by violence since October.

Eighteen Myanmar nationals and foreigners representing international media, including Reuters, arrived in the state capital of Sittwe on Wednesday ahead of a government-escorted visit to the northern areas of Buthidaung and Maungdaw, where most residents are stateless Rohingyas.

"There are no restrictions regarding the areas that you can report from," said Thet Swe, a director at the Ministry of Information's News and Periodicals Enterprise.

"We didn't arrange any 'for show' places for news reporting," he said.

Last year, the Myanmar Army unleashed a crackdown in the area after Rohingya militants attacked posts near the Bangladesh border, killing nine police officers.

Some 75,000 people fled across the nearby border to Bangladesh, according to the United Nations, which has documented allegations of gang rape, torture, arson and killings by security forces.

Myanmar's government, led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, has denied most of the allegations, and has denied entry to a UN fact-finding mission tasked with looking into the allegations.

The government has blocked independent journalists and human rights monitors from going to the area in the far north of the state for the past nine months.

Suu Kyi has said a UN fact-finding mission would only heighten tension in the region. Many in Buddhist-majority Myanmar, see the Rohingya as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

Myanmar officials say a domestic investigation, led by Vice President Myint Swe—a former lieutenant general in the army—and a commission headed for former UN chief Kofi Annan—which is not mandated to investigate human rights abuses—are the appropriate ways to address problems in Rakhine State.

 Security Concerns

Annan recommended in March that authorities "provide full and regular access for domestic and international media to all areas affected by recent violence."

Reporters on the visit to the northern areas would be provided security by Myanmar's paramilitary Border Guard Police force, Thet Swe said.

Although access would not be restricted, he said, reporters should stay close to officials during visits to villages for their own security.

A detailed itinerary for the five-day trip was provided to reporters on Wednesday.

The itinerary does not include visits to the villages at the center of a two-week offensive in mid-November, in which Reuters has documented numerous allegations of abuses by troops following a clash with Rohingya militants.

However, Thet Swe said, the plan was "not fixed" and would be subject to changes due to the weather and security concerns. He invited reporters to suggest additional places they want to visit.

Reporters would be taken to the village of Tin May, where security forces killed two suspected militants and arrested one after they detonated a bomb on Sunday, according to an announcement from Suu Kyi's office.

While Myanmar has denied entry to a UN fact-finding mission, a UN special rapporteur on human rights, Yanghee Lee, is visiting Rakhine State this week.

Although she is not expected to visit the northern areas near the border with Bangladesh, she is due to meet some of the people displaced in violence since 2012.

About 120,000 Rohingya have lived in "internally displaced persons" camps in Rakhine State, dependent of international aid, since communal widespread violence that year.

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National News

National News


Govt focuses on improving prices of crops

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 01:24 PM PDT

The government is now focusing to get better prices for the country's agricultural crops as the problem of farmland-grabbing cases has declined, said Vice President 2 U Henry Van Thio on Wednesday.

Flooding closes 184 schools in Sagaing Region

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 01:22 PM PDT

Flooding has closed 184 schools in Sagaing Region, said U Zaw Win, social affair minister of the Sagaing regional government.

Malaysia condemned for migrant workers crackdown

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 01:20 PM PDT

Malaysia has rounded up over 3,000 undocumented migrant workers this month in a major crackdown, prompting alarm Wednesday from lawmakers across the region who said the campaign was "victimising the vulnerable".

Workers run gauntlet in bid to return home for documents

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 01:14 PM PDT

It is the same story-line from migrant workers across the region. Corrupt officials, unlawful arrest, low wages, employers exploitation and harsh working conditions – are repeated many times by returning migrant workers.

Protest for electricity in Dawei

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 01:04 PM PDT

More than 250 people marched for one hour in Dawei township, Tanintharyi Region, on Wednesday night to call on the regional government to end power blackouts in the city and reduce electric bills.

Protesters scoff at UN rights rapporteur in Sittwe

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 12:52 PM PDT

Protesters met UN special rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar Yanghee Lee as she arrived at Sittwe Airport yesterday morning.

Govt still silent over Tatmatdaw’s complaint

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 12:49 PM PDT

The government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD) is still silent over the complaint by Tatmadaw regarding a comment made by Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein.

Yangon urge public to fight dengue

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 12:47 PM PDT

Yangon's Public Health Department has accelerated its effort to eradicate mosquitoes in a bid to contain the surge of dengue cases in the region.

Wednesday, July 12, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Not the Time to Rock the Boat

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 06:20 AM PDT

It is still unclear how the government will penalize Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein for his recent remarks concerning the head of the military. What is certain is that the incident has been an embarrassment for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) administration, which has prioritized good relations with the army in the one-year-old government's quest for national reconciliation.

The Myanmar Army has filed a complaint with the government asking that they "take necessary actions" against the chief minister for saying "there are no civil-military relations in the democratic era" and that the position of the military's commander-in-chief "is the same as the level of director-general, according to the [state] protocol."

U Phyo Min Thein made the remarks in an address on Sunday during a workshop about the rehabilitation of former political prisoners in Yangon. The statement was delivered in the context of him explaining that the military should be placed under civilian control. "But in practice, we have to treat him in the same way as we do with the country's top leaders. It's not democracy," he added, referring to the commander-in-chief.

As a result, the relations between the government and the armed forces have soured at a time when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been attempting to build trust with the powerful military, hoping to amend the controversial 2008 Constitution. The Yangon Chief Minister's remarks have generated ire from the institution that, according to the charter, is relegated control of three of the country's important security ministries, and 25 percent of parliamentary seats.

According to the NLD government's official protocol, the military commander-in-chief is ranked eighth in the national leadership hierarchy, just after the Union Chief of Justice. It's the same position Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing enjoyed during the previous government's tenure, during which he was ranked seventh because the position of State Counselor did not yet exist. The senior general likely was insulted that U Phyo Min Thein equated his position with that of a director-general, ranked last, or 38th, for directors from the defense ministry.

Despite the army chief's standing as eighth in the country, there is truth in part of what U Phyo Min Thein said: that the military commander-in-chief is treated in the same way as the country's top leaders. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has the final say on military and security issues, while U Htin Kyaw, the President of the elected NLD government, takes control of civilian matters. It's contrary to practices in other democracies. In the US, for example, the civilian-elected President also acts as the military chief.

In Myanmar, no one in the government can directly appoint the military chief. Only the commander-in-chief can choose his successor: after all, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing was appointed by his predecessor, Snr-Gen Than Shwe. The Constitution says the President can appoint the army chief only with a nomination and recommendation from the National Defense and Security Council. But of the council's 11 members, six are from the military, including the army chief, who appoints the others. Plus, the commander-in-chief can appoint a vice president, and ministers for defense, home affairs and border affairs.

Addressing U Phyo Min Thein's concerns is only possible through constitutional reform, which is one of the NLD government's missions, alongside the realization of a successful peace process. Both aims will take time. To make either happen, military collaboration is crucial, and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's relationship with them is one that she has been developing for years. The last thing we want is to place further hurdles in her efforts for the country. The controversy surrounding the chief minister's statement is simply the latest reminder that civil-military relations in Myanmar remain sensitive, and that indiscreet comments can still rock the boat.

The post Not the Time to Rock the Boat appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Legal Expert: Press Council Must Defend Detained Journalists

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 06:12 AM PDT

YANGON — Legal consultant U Khin Maung Myint discussed with The Irrawaddy the case of three journalists, from The Irrawaddy and the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), charged under Article 17(1) of the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act and how the Myanmar Press Council must stand up for and defend the detained reporters.

U Khin Maung Myint consulted on cases against The Voice Daily's chief editor U Kyaw Min Swe, satirist U Kyaw Zwa Naing, also known by his pen name British Ko Ko Maung, and Myanmar Now's Editor-in-Chief Ko Swe Win.

Which groups or authorities should be assisting the detained journalists?

The three journalists just went [to northern Shan State] as part of their reporting, with the approval of their publications. They are official staff members for those publications. So, the Myanmar Press Council must take care of them.

The thing being debated is that as the journalists didn't first seek permission from authorities for their reporting trip, they breached the Unlawful Associations Act. I don't agree with that and that is not what the Media Law says. It doesn't say reporters must seek permission from the military or other security related organizations, rather that if reporters who go to conflict areas want to ask for protective measures, they can request this from the related security organizations.

What is the role of the Myanmar Press Council?

The 2014 Media Law says the Myanmar Press Council is the only organization to oversee that media keep within the provisions of the law. The law was enacted, and signed by the then President. But the media law is not in practice and the council that was established in accordance with the law failed to work properly to keep it in practice.

So what I see is that in those three cases—Ko Swe Win, The Voice and the arrest of three journalists—the main organization which holds responsibility to take care of journalists is the Myanmar Press Council. If the council does their work cleverly, the problems facing these journalists would be solved to a certain extent.

What actions should be taken by the Myanmar Press Council?

The council is the body that should explain to those who are concerned in the case [of the three journalists] to understand the law. If they could do this, there wouldn't be 17(1) charges.

The council and the Ministry of Information can express their suggestions independently and give them to the respective courts at any stage of the court trial.

The council is the most responsible and the most authorized organization in relation to the media industry. They can even give their comments directly to Supreme Court of the Union. The Myanmar Press Council is the highest body of the media, and the Supreme Court is the highest body of the judiciary—they should negotiate.

Unfortunately, the voice of the council is not seen as strong enough in the case of the journalists detained in northern Shan State as well as the two previous cases—Ko Swe Win and The Voice. The Myanmar Press Council and the Ministry of Information have not yet stood firmly with the accused journalists.

As the three journalists have been charged, what should the media council do now?

Now, what we want is for the council members to go the place where the incident happened. They need to examine whether the journalists were arrested fairly, whether their detainment was in accordance with the law as they are required to appear in court within 24 hours of their arrest [the journalists were kept at an undisclosed place under military detention for nearly three full days]. The council needs to be in Hsipaw now and oversee the case. But we have not yet seen the council do any of this.

The council needs to invite editors from The Irrawaddy and DVB, and ask for the details of the case and get statements from them. They need to comment that the reporters were just doing their jobs without meddling with any political affairs, and thus they didn't breach the law. The council needs to give that to the Supreme Court.

If they do those things, the case of the three journalists would go smoothly and be resolved quickly. But, if the Myanmar Press Council continues to keep their hands off the case, it will be a struggle to escape from 17(1).

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Norway Extends Media Support for Women, Peace and Security Issues

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 04:40 AM PDT

YANGON — Norway is supporting The Irrawaddy news organization to strengthen its coverage of women, peace and security issues over a 19-month period as part of Norway's commitment to the implementation of United Nations' Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 in Myanmar.

The resolution reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction, and stresses the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security.

The Irrawaddy's founder and editor-in-chief Aung Zaw and the Royal Norwegian Ambassador in Yangon Tone Tinnes signed an agreement to implement the project on July 7.

The Irrawaddy's founder and editor-in-chief Aung Zaw and the Royal Norwegian Ambassador in Yangon Tone Tinnes sign an agreement on July 7 to strengthen the news organization's coverage of women, peace and security issues. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Starting this month, the project will focus on mainstreaming ethnic women's views and concerns related to peace and security, so that their voices will be heard and taken into consideration in the ongoing peace-building process in Myanmar.

The Irrawaddy will invest in building public awareness and understanding around women's involvement in the peace process. It will support and encourage the airing of the views of women and girls on the challenges they face and the solutions they seek in relation to gender issues and on all matters concerning peace and security.

The new project follows earlier support from the Norwegian Embassy to The Irrawaddy news organization for coverage of women and gender issues.

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Couple Who Abused Underage Domestic Worker Released on Bail

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 04:29 AM PDT

YANGON — Police have downgraded a charge and released a couple on bail who abused a 13-year-old domestic worker in Yangon's Yuzana Housing, angering the complainant and local residents.

Police arrested the pair, Htun Htun, 33, and his wife Myat Noe Thu, living in Yangon's Dagon Seikkan Township on June 3. The following day, block administrator U Myo Tint Naing filed a lawsuit against the two at the township police station under sections 325 and 326 of Myanmar's Penal Code for causing grievous hurt to the girl.

"Police changed the charge from section 326 to 324, and granted them bail," U Myo Tint Naing said.

The charge was altered from "voluntarily causing grievous hurt by dangerous weapons or means" to "voluntarily causing hurt by dangerous weapons or means."

"This is upsetting. The girl was severely hurt, but police changed the charge to slightly hurt," U Myo Tint Naing told The Irrawaddy.

"I want them to change it back to section 326 because I'm concerned that more children will be abused if this stands. If people see that a light punishment is given for such a serious crime, they won't be reluctant to do the same thing," he said.

The girl suffered burns to her chest, back, arms and left thigh, as well as bruises to her head and left leg, according to a statement from the Yangon Region Police Force.

Police arrested the couple on June 3 and remanded them in custody on June 5. The two were brought to court on July 3 and received bail after police lowered the charges. Local residents and the complainant were dissatisfied with the decision and asked divisional lawmaker U Nyi Nyi of North Dagon Township to intervene on Tuesday.

"I will present the case to the concerned authorities to get justice for the girl. Seeing her injuries, and thinking what if she were my daughter, makes me upset," the lawmaker told The Irrawaddy.

He said he would submit a report to the divisional social affairs minister, divisional parliamentary speaker, and chairman of the social affairs and management committee of the divisional parliament about the case.

The girl was brought from a village in Irrawaddy Division's Thabaung Township and had only worked for 27 days at the couple's house. She had to receive treatment at a hospital until June 16. The social welfare department is arranging for her to go to school.

The Irrawaddy was unable to obtain a comment from Dagon Seikkan Township Police.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Myanmar Army Arrests, Shoots TNLA Members in Namkham

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 04:06 AM PDT

YANGON — The Myanmar Army shot and arrested two members of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) suspected of extorting money from businesses, killing one, in Namkham Township in northeastern Shan State on Monday, according to the commander-in-chief's office on Tuesday.

The two men—identified as Mai Ai Oo and Ai San Aung—reportedly attacked Myanmar Army soldiers with knives and attempted to escape on a motorbike after the soldiers moved to interrogate them.

Ai San Aung later died of gun wounds at the military clinic of the Tatmadaw's Namkham battalion, the statement added. It said nothing about the condition of Mai Ai Oo.

General secretary of the TNLA Brig-Gen Tar Bone Kyaw denied its members were extorting money, saying the TNLA only levied appropriate taxes in areas under its control.

"It is likely the two men arrested were connected to our tax collection section; we are still inquiring with lower-level staff to find out exactly who they were," he told The Irrawaddy.

The army seized 1,022,000 kyats, paperwork listing the names and details of shops, two mobile phones, a dagger, and an unlicensed motorbike in the incident, said the army statement.

Ethnic armed groups based in northern Shan State have increased taxes on businesspeople since December, hoteliers and merchants in nearby Lashio Township told The Irrawaddy.

In May, some hoteliers and company owners in Lashio reported extortion to the police after they received letters demanding tax allegedly sent by the TNLA.

The TNLA is currently facing fierce offensives from the Myanmar Army and is therefore collecting taxes for its "revolutionary funds," said Brig-Gen Tar Bone Kyaw.

"We don't levy tax on those who can't afford it. We systematically levy an appropriate amount of tax depending on businesses and also give receipts to tax payers in line with our rules and regulations," he told The Irrawaddy.

Last week, police issued a bomb alert to locals in Lashio alleging the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and TNLA were plotting to target public buildings with explosives in the town.

The pamphlets also claimed the two armed groups were targeting Namtu Bridge, Yay Pu inspection gate, government offices, and toll gates in Hsenwi Township.

Both the KIA and TNLA denied the allegations.

The TNLA refused to sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) with the government, and are members of the seven-member Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC) led by the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and formed in April to discuss alternatives to the NCA-led peace process with the government.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

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UN Envoy’s Visit Incites Protests in Rakhine

Posted: 12 Jul 2017 03:19 AM PDT

KYAUKPHYU TOWNSHIP, Rakhine State — About 200 people protested the arrival of a UN human rights envoy at Sittwe Airport in troubled Rakhine State on Wednesday morning, according to residents and police.

UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, and her delegation are in Myanmar from July 10-21 to gage developments in the human rights situation. It is the UN investigator's sixth visit to the country.

Ultranationalist monk U Wirathu also arrived in Rakhine on Tuesday amid rising tensions between the local Buddhist and Muslim communities. Security forces in the region are on high alert after a flurry of machete attacks in villages of Rakhine's north and the killing of a Rohingya Muslim man by a mob of Rakhine Buddhists in Sittwe, the state capital, on July 4.

Authorities permitted the protest at Sittwe Airport, said Rakhine police official Cho Lwin of police station no. 2, who declined to name the person or organization behind the rally. Some media reports stated that a small local group, the Rakhine Ahlin Takar, organized the demonstration.

Sittwe residents told The Irrawaddy that authorities deployed nearly 100 policemen, some of them armed with assault rifles, on the road leading to Sittwe airport.

Protesters held banners reading: ''Reconcile between South and North Korea,'' referring to the poor relations between North Korea and Lee's home country, South Korea, and implying Lee should divert her attention there.

Lee and her delegation are expected to arrive in Buthidaung Township on Wednesday afternoon, where, according to residents and police, another protest against the UN envoy is planned.

Police Maj Kyaw Mya Win of Maungdaw Township, where Lee is expected to visit, said they have not received any requests to protest, adding that security forces would be tightened for the delegation's visit.

Lee held several closed-door meetings in southern Rakhine's Kyaukphyu Township on Tuesday with civil society organizations, internally displaced persons (IDPs) and local authorities.

U Tun Kyi, coordinator of the Kyaukphyu Rural Development Association, joined one of the meetings with Lee at Kyaukphyu Palace Hotel.

He told The Irrawaddy his group discussed four topics with the envoy: the situation of farmers in the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ); fishermen losing waters to oil tankers docking at Maday Island deep-sea port; unresolved problems of China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC)'s oil pipeline, which starts in Kyaukphyu; and trust building between Muslim IDPs and Buddhists in Rakhine.

U Maung Hla, an IDP from Kyauktalone camp, located on the outskirts of Kyaukphyu, attended a meeting with Lee on Tuesday evening. He recalled telling the envoy about the possibility of relocating IDPs back to their original homes in downtown Kyaukphyu.

"We believe that we can live peacefully downtown because whenever we go shopping, our neighbors treat us kindly. I think we are ready to go back to our homes," said U Maung Hla.

He added that more was discussed in the meeting, including freedom of movement, delays to pink national ID cards—denoting full citizenship—IDPs struggling with years of unemployment, and the situations of healthcare and education for children.

Controversial monk U Wirathu, known for his incendiary racial and religious rhetoric, claimed his trip to northern Rakhine was not related to the UN envoy's visit to the area, adding that he would donate food to villagers.

According to local news site Narinjara, Dr. Aye Maung, chairman of the Arakan National Party (ANP), told reporters on July 10 that Lee would experience "huge protests" during her visit to Rakhine and the ANP would not meet her.

Lee is scheduled to visit Kachin and Shan states to submit a report on the human rights situation in Myanmar to the Human Rights Council in Geneva.

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Report: Refugee Returns Must Be Linked to Broader Land Reforms

Posted: 11 Jul 2017 10:45 PM PDT

Myanmar has around 1.1 million refugees and internally displaced persons, and a lack of clear policies for their future reinstatement in society carries risks of fresh conflicts, according to a policy briefing by a Dutch think tank.

More than 60 years of civil war, natural disasters, ethno-religious and other conflicts have produced a complex and still shifting pattern of human displacement in the country, largely but not only in the border areas.

When and if conditions change, it is unclear how Myanmar will handle the task of restoring people to viable lives and futures in their places of origin.

The question is perhaps most immediately relevant to the situation of around 100,000 mainly Karen refugees on the Thailand-Burma border.

As donor support dwindles and a fragile ceasefire is maintained in Karen State, pressure is rising for a refugee return, while adequate plans for a voluntary, rights-based return program are not evident.

Purely 'technical' approaches to return and restitution for displaced people will not work, the policy briefing by the Transnational Institute argues.

Such approaches carry strong risks of creating more conflicts due to competing claims over land, it says.

"Overlapping land claims may pit displaced people against government or military elites as well as wealthy business actors and companies. Some… may also pit displaced people against environmental conservation organizations….or against other marginalized and vulnerable peoples, creating the risk of inflaming intercommunity or inter-ethnic tensions,'' according to the briefing.

The risk of such additional conflicts means that the issue of the future of refugee and displaced must not be separated from wider discussions and policies over land use, the briefing argues.

However, Myanmar's land policies remain highly problematic.

"Even within the rule of law, there are contradictions between different regulatory systems (i.e. Government of Myanmar laws vs. the National Land Use Policy [NLUP] vs. Ethnic Armed Organization [EAO] policies) and their implications for responding to people's needs."

A key piece of national legislation – the 2012 Farmland Law – is unable in practice to protect farmers from land grabs by business interests supported by government officials, the authors argue.

In addition, the National Land Use Policy adopted in January 2016 by the previous government lacks formal legal status and is ineffective as long as the 2012 law remains in place, while the national status of land policies adopted by ethnic armed organizations such as the Karen National Union (KNU) remains unclear.

That deeply problematic overall land scenario means that although displaced people are especially affected by the issues, they are not the only ones, and their needs must be allied with and tied to broader national solutions, the paper argues.

It notes experiences in other countries that show "that it is vitally important to link displaced peoples' rights and claims with the democratic land rights and claims of other marginalized, vulnerable and poor people."

The paper concludes that the "worst case scenario for Myanmar today is any land or natural resource-related law, policy, program or initiative that would put the most marginalized and vulnerable people in competition with each other and make 'poor on poor' conflict more likely."

What is needed, it says, is an integrated, ground-up approach to the IDP land issue that links with ground-up people's initiatives to address wider land problems.

"In light of the deepening land polarization pushed by powerful forces, the key to any durable solution in Myanmar is linking return and restitution to wider, pro-people's 'right to land' democratization initiatives at the grassroots levels."

The Transnational Institute is a Netherlands-based think tank that has worked on policy issues in Myanmar for many years. The briefing titled "Re-Asserting Control: Voluntary Return, Restitution and the Right to Land for IDPs and Refugees in Myanmar" was funded by Sweden and the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation.

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Coal Plan Sparks ire as Myanmar Struggles to Keep Lights on

Posted: 11 Jul 2017 10:01 PM PDT

YANGON — Opposition to a planned US$3 billion coal-fired power plant in eastern Myanmar is highlighting the challenges facing Aung San Suu Kyi's government in crafting a coherent energy policy in one of Asia's poorest and most electricity-starved countries.

With only a third of the country's 60 million people connected to the grid and major cities experiencing blackouts, finding investors is tough for Myanmar and it is now looking at options, from coal to deep-sea gas, to boost its power supply.

Myanmar has reserves of natural gas, but most existing offshore production is exported under agreements struck during the junta era, while new blocks will not come on stream for some years.

Coal would be one of the quickest ways to ramp up power generation but, as protests against the proposed 1,280 megawatts (MW) project in the eastern Karen State show, the option is unpopular in Myanmar.

More than 100 activist groups across the country have signed a joint statement calling for the project to be cancelled and urging the government to look at renewable energy instead.

"They are worried about their land and water, which would be affected by the coal-fired plant," said Karen-based activist Nan Myint Aung, referring to residents in the area who mostly depend on agriculture.

Attracting investment is crucial for Suu Kyi, who has made job creation one of her top priorities. Foreign direct investment has fallen 30 percent from the previous year to $6.6 billion in 2016/17 due to sluggish progress on retooling the economy after decades of military rule.

Myanmar aims a more than fourfold increase in its electricity generation of over 23,500 MW by 2030 to meet rising demand, a target experts said will be difficult to achieve—particularly, they say, if policy remains confused.

Uncertainty Over Energy Mix

The Karen State project, which is still awaiting approval from the authorities, is among the 11 planned coal-fired plants in Myanmar and, by itself, would increase the country's current electricity production by 25 percent, official data shows.

But it is uncertain how many of those projects will go ahead. The former quasi-civilian government led by President Thein Sein had to stall more than 10 coal projects across the country due to opposition on environmental grounds.

Some western experts advising the government also oppose the solution, arguing that importing coal—which is not abundant in Myanmar—would mean an outflow of dollars from a country with tiny reserves of hard currency.

Officials have previously said they were looking to increase the share of hydro power in the country's energy mix.

Most of its 49 planned hydropower projects have stalled, however, amid a lengthy dispute with China over the building of the Myitsone mega dam.

An electricity master plan has been under review since last year, but the government has yet to reveal details. Several energy officials said the share of coal and gas could be increased at the expense of hydro.

"International investors would like to see more clarity on energy policy. It is presently very difficult to say exactly what Myanmar's energy plans are," said Jeremy Mullins, researcher at Yangon-based consulting firm Frontier Myanmar.

'Dilemma of Coal'

Karen's energy minister, Soe Hlaing, told Reuters that the government would go ahead with the project if there was "enough public support." He did not elaborate.

Residents and environmentalists say the risks the plant in Karen could pose to the environment and the livelihoods of local people are not being properly investigated.

A feasibility study on the environmental and social impact will be ready later this year before the final decision from the energy ministry, local authorities said.

Thailand-based TTCL Public Company Ltd, developer of the project, said it would build a high-efficiency low-emissions station with advanced "clean coal" technology to mitigate environmental impact.
Coal currently generates just 1 percent of Myanmar's electricity.

Win Htein, one of the top leaders from Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, said alternatives such as hydropower would take time and coal was ideal for the country's urgent energy demand.

"If we have to choose between the dilemma of coal and the development of the country, we prioritize the development," he said.

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Cost of Trinkets: A Growing Archaeological Looting Network Between Thailand and Myanmar

Posted: 11 Jul 2017 07:46 PM PDT

Ancient jewelry, coins, and tiny ornaments for the mantelpiece may seem harmless when compared to a large bust or stolen sculpture, but the cumulative process to seek, loot, and put these materials on the market for consumers is much more destructive towards heritage than we often perceive.

Many sites across Southeast Asia are lined with holes that tell tales of looting, shared overnight when tourists gather in pubs and restaurants. As tourists and collectors laugh and display the trinkets they purchase off "a child in the village," a darker shadow lurks over heritage protection.

While Bagan is showing signs of this problem, one of the most refreshing sights when visiting early historical sites in Myanmar is the absence of widespread looting activities. When I last visited Thayekhittaya (Sri Ksetra), Bago, and several newly discovered urban sites in Mon State, I was always amazed by the extent to which communities were involved with protecting the sites. Local authorities informed me that there was some "organized" looting by certain groups hunting for gold and treasures, but villagers tended to leave the sites alone.

Myanmar is not exactly free of looting problems, but most of the time, only high profile cases receive media attention. Antiquities looting in modern Myanmar dates back to its colonial past, with many Buddha sculptures, coins, relics, and manuscripts ending up in Britain and Europe. Myanmar is a member of the 1970 Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing Illicit Import, Export, and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property but many of the country's antiquities still end up in high-profile auction houses, just like other Southeast Asian antiquities. National attention to research, preservation, and conservation is often diverted towards religious artefacts and sites associated with Bamar history, which highlights the centrality of Burmese-speaking people and statecraft as a main driver of national historiography. This highlights the narrative of Tirkuls or Pyu states, as well as Bagan and subsequent kingdoms.  Selective protection of a particular heritage over a more inclusive approach leaves a large part of the country's diverse archaeological heritage and artefacts in places such as Shan, Mon, Karen, Rakhine vulnerable to looting and trafficking.

Looting holes in Dawei. (Photo: Banchar Pongpanich)
Large soil clumps scooped out of looting holes for sieving. (Photo: Phacharaphorn Phanomvan)

While looting of bigger antiquities such as sculptures and inscriptions receives media attention, cumulative smaller scale looting is much more virulent and destructive in the long run. Local archaeologists in Thailand estimate that extensive small-scale lootings can destroy up to 80 percent of the archaeological and historical context. There is also the risk of destroying ancient structures that could be conserved for future heritage projects. Many ancient temple sites looted between the 1960s and 1970s in the Khorat Plateau (in Northeastern Thailand) collapsed and were dismantled by locals for construction materials.

The looting of beads is highly destructive, since the process often involves random testing of sites by digging different pits across large areas. Looting in this manner is highly destructive to historical landscapes, and can at times be dangerous for looters. The best time to find treasures is often during the rain or immediately after the rain. During the monsoon season, when heavy rains cause beads to surface, looting activity is at its highest. Looters, like miners, dig 'L' shaped pits to search for small artefacts along a certain depth. Looters would target areas near archaeological infrastructures that are poorly guarded, open agricultural fields where Iron Age burials can be found, and forest areas underneath trees (sometimes bamboo trees). Digging in these areas and at these times is dangerous, as both rain and tree coverage increase the risks of the ground collapsing on top of the digging looters.

Small-scale looters look for materials such as beads, metal jewelry, coins, and small religious amulets. They throw away materials such as iron and bronze tools, bones, and pottery. Beads in Southeast Asian sites are often related to late prehistoric to early historical sites. Indo-Pacific beads are sold by the bucketful across different local markets as well as in more prominent locations in Bangkok. Beads from Myanmar are increasingly becoming very popular on social media retail sites. Most Thai buyers seem to source primarily from Dawei and Tanintharyi (Tenasserim). There is a strong preference for beads that "match" those found in Thailand since they are easier to "authenticate." On the other hand, there is a slow but growing demand among Chinese buyers for particular types of beads only found in Myanmar.

Online information exchange with recommendations for literature references are widespread in bead trading networks. (Photo: Sources for screen captures have been anonymized for privacy and security reasons.)

Looting networks, particularly those operating online through social media and web blogs, are very knowledgeable. They carefully monitor the academic community for references to help authenticate materials and potential new looting sites. There are also discussions on how to "clean" objects. In addition, it is not uncommon for looters to forge artefacts such as beads, coins, or larger materials. Conversely, they also establish online communities to identify forgeries and forging techniques.

An example of Indo-Pacific glass beads labeled as "from Myanmar" sold on Thai social media sites. According to the seller's profile these beads were acquired from Tanintharyi and Dawei. (Photo: Anonymous)

Over the past six years, I have been following networks of small-scale looters in Thailand in person, and have monitored their online activities. In the past, Buddha sculptures and artefacts from Myanmar have turned up along the Thai borders in Chiang Rai, Tak, and Prachuab Khiri Khan provinces. Until recently, they were only of interest to a very niche group, and were not valued as highly as Thai or Cambodian antiquities in the market. However, with the recent growing interest in Myanmar and the simultaneous clampdown on dealings in Thai and Cambodian antiquities, materials from Myanmar are left susceptible to the black market. Whether the artefacts crossing the borders are genuine or not is a matter for the buyer's knowledge, but smaller scale goods such as beads and coins are increasingly appearing in Bangkok's flea markets and online retail communities.

Looters use sharp agricultural tools to dig for beads and marketable artefacts after identifying surface areas that have pottery and bead concentrations. Beads and coins often accompany body burials and pottery, which are destroyed during the looting process. (Photo: Phacharaphorn Phanomvan)

"Subsistence looting/digging," the act of looting to supplement a meager income, has been put forward as a reason to explain extensive looting in Southeast Asia. My experience of talking to looters I encountered on both sides of the border have revealed multiple socio-economic backgrounds.

In remote areas with little education and limited market access, beads and materials found in agricultural fields are sold at subsistence level. Looters from this group are usually more literate local laborers, teenagers and children. Older generations in these communities often refrain from looting due to their spiritual beliefs. Goods in this area are either purchased by a monopoly of buyers or tourists looking for materials. Many remote areas in Myanmar are still susceptible to subsistence looting problems.

The second group of looters can be described as a "regional network of collectors." Looters collect artefacts and loot by renting or monopolizing access to multiple sites. They have an elaborate system for exchanging information on price and authenticity. Online social media platforms have empowered this group of collectors, and have eased market access for new entrants with sufficient knowledge and money. One of the most well informed groups covers the area that stretches from Krabi Province in Thailand (Khlong Thom) to Surat Thani and across the border to Myanmar, to Dawei and up to Tanintharyi. They are usually willing to exchange limited information with academics and archaeologists.

The third group loots to fill seasonal unemployment. People in this group are often fishermen and agricultural laborers. Some are lucky enough to live in ancient settlements and will use their housing area or agricultural field as looting grounds. Others rent looting locations from landowners at day rates or pit rates, depending on the site's popularity. From my observations of this particular group's activity on social media, the increasing amount of professional networking between laborers in Thailand and Myanmar, particularly in the agricultural and fishery sectors, has led to a growing number of "backyard looting" trips to Myanmar.

Ancient beads and coins are not mere trinkets for collectors, but often hold a special spiritual value. Most collectors believe that beads from ancient sites contain special powers that will bring them fortune and protection. This is particularly tied to religious narratives, such as affiliation with sites known as ancient trade emporia or sites thought to have a close relationship to the arrival of Buddhism and Hinduism in Southeast Asia. Objects that are tied to locations with religious history and people from "blessed" locations and time periods are viewed by collectors as highly valued magical charms. Examples include areas around Mon State and the Isthmian Peninsula, where the semi-mythical country of "Suvarnabhumi" received Asoka's Buddhist missionaries. Artefacts associated with this period come from Iron Age and early historical sites in Thailand and Myanmar. Collectors are not only acquiring beads as works of art, but also physical links to people who lived during a religiously significant period in time. A sense of reverence over the "glorious past" exists among local collectors, who believe that people in the past possessed great spiritual powers and enchantment abilities which were transferred onto objects.

Moreover, ownership of beads such as Pumtek (elongated salicized etched bead), for example, displays wealth and position within Chin communities. This idea has been adopted by bead collectors, who advertize the spiritual and magical aspects of the artefacts. A collector with large and rare beads is considered to have a high level of "soul stuff" (an animist concept of supernatural prowess), which is mixed with the Theravada Buddhist idea of exhibiting barami (Pali: Parami for "characteristic perfections." People with more barami are believed to be closer to attaining enlightenment). Antique procurement is also a material display and measurement of the individual's punna or merit, which locals believe is reflected through the number of rare and precious items an individual possesses. It is interesting that beads from Myanmar are perceived to be more genuine and highly imbued with extra power because of Myanmar's close affinity to Buddhism.

A Thai Facebook advertisement for selling ancient beads, with some sourced from Myanmar. Part of the advertisement states that the beads "bring mental harmony and success, attract luck, ward off ghosts and evil, prevent harm from sharp objects or poisonous animals….Ancient people have imbued these glass beads with power from the universe, sun, and moon…" (Photo: Anonymous)

The primary concern is that, with growing trade and interactions, small-scale looting can become a serious problem for undiscovered heritage in Myanmar. While Thailand has a comprehensive database of archaeological sites across the country, a large part of Myanmar has yet to be surveyed and monitored. Even with extensive recording on the Thai side, the destruction of archaeological sites, notably of Iron Age and early historical settlements, has been detrimental.

The race to protect heritage is also a battle against poverty. Sites like Mrauk-U in Arakan State have been highlighted by Global Heritage Fund as highly endangered areas. While international organizations and some academics are now diverting efforts towards recording, monitoring, and empowering local initiatives to combat growing destruction of heritage, efforts and funding are not sufficient for the amount of heritage within the country and primarily concentrate on the main UNESCO sites like Bagan and Pyu cities. This leaves peripheral and border areas extremely vulnerable to looting, particularly those areas that are undergoing rapid modern development near Thailand. Little attention has been placed on the smuggling of small artefacts and beads, which is often viewed by authorities as "petty crime." In reality, illicit trade in artefacts across borders is usually part of larger archaeomafia networks that also smuggle drugs and weapons. Subsistence looters are not benefitting from sales of small artefacts since they often sell to intermediaries that retail materials at higher prices. Studies have shown that subsistence looting is neither an "equitable enterprise, nor is it a long-term solution to economic deprivation."

A heavy burden is placed upon governments of emerging economies to police looters and track down lost artefacts. These efforts would be better diverted toward addressing the demand side of the market, like sellers and collectors. At the same time, archaeologists should strive to develop an engagement approach with local communities and use heritage sites, even smaller ones, to develop alternative income and incentives. An increasing amount of grant funding for excavations now contains preferences for projects that can help develop local communities such as the Archaeological Institute of America (AIA) funding for initiatives in Latin America and Cambodia. The Myanmar Archaeological Association (MMA) has started working with communities in Bagan and Pyu sites to encourage public awareness and develop local cultural management organizations for planning and resisting looting among villagers. These local efforts will need more funding and capacity building to expand towards sites outside Burman historical attention.

Most archaeologists agree that urban development, agricultural practice, and looting have extensively destroyed Thailand's archaeological heritage. I write this in the hope that some efforts could be diverted towards containing "trinket" collection trends among the growing middle class that have led to a very widespread and destructive small-scale looting practice. However, in the long term, it is necessary to develop a further understanding of the effectiveness of law enforcement on small-scale looting. To minimize looting, communities need to be offered better alternative careers that can potentially involve heritage development.

Phacharaphorn Phanomvan is a D.Phil Candidate in Economic History at the University of Oxford. Her research is about ancient growth and trade in Myanmar and Southeast Asia. She is broadly interested in the roles of geography, technology, institutions, and heritage in long run growth and development.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

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