Saturday, August 12, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Disappointing Progress on an Important Debate: Response to ‘The Myth Myanmar can Afford to Ditch’

Posted: 12 Aug 2017 12:56 AM PDT

Tea Circle Editor's Note: The following is a response to a recent opinion piece by Brandon Aung Moe on Tea Circle. In light of responses to this post (both directly to our blog and circulating on social media and on other blogs), we invite readers to view an updated version of our submissions policy and to consider submitting their own responses. We also invite you to read some previous Tea Circle posts on issues related to women and women's rights here, here, here and here.

In a recent post on Tea Circle, Ko Brandon Aung Moe asserts that the notion of the disempowered Burmese woman is a myth that Myanmar can afford to ditch. He argues that it gets perpetuated by both locals and foreigners who have not thoroughly inspected the issue of women's rights in Myanmar, particularly during this period of Myanmar's reintegration into the global community.

While I appreciate and agree with Ko Aung Moe's apt sense that Burmese women are traditionally empowered, financially savvy, and efficient care-takers of the household, he has got it wrong that Myanmar today has achieved gender equality, and we can therefore move on from this much-needed discussion on gender and sexual identity rights. Unfortunately, there is much, much more work to be done for gender equality and basic rights for different identity groups in Myanmar.

My disagreement with Ko Aung Moe's position begins from the very understanding of Myanmar's context. In Ko Aung Moe's worldview, Myanmar has always had a long history as an isolated patch on the world's map until the last five years, which is how the foreigners in Myanmar today misinterpret the context of Burmese women, and locals perpetuate these misinterpreted views. My understanding of Myanmar is that the considerable detachment and isolation that the country is known for is a recent phenomenon, true only for the past five decades. As far as the existence of statehood goes, Myanmar (or the territories constituting today's Myanmar) has had remarkable exposure to the outside world, and Yangon itself was an incredibly cosmopolitan city, until the socialist government's policies took effect in the sixties.

Since Ko Aung Moe brought up the Kingdom of Ava in the late 18th century to establish then-Burma's detachment from global trade, I would like to call to his attention that Burma by then already had trade relations with countries as far away as Portugal for about two centuries, since the reigns of Mrauk-U's Minbin, and Toungoo's Tabin-Shwe-Hti. Today in Lisbon, in front of the Monument of the Discoveries, still stands a world map listing Portuguese first contact with various civilizations, including "Pegu 1511" firmly inscribed on the marble map. The Court of Ava employed hundreds of Armenians, who had emigrated from Persia in the early 1600s and whose descendants had gone on to establish such businesses as The Strand Hotel, or Balthazar family offices, renting space to the likes of Siemens.

Additionally, when I was a Myanmar-language walking tour leader, I would stop by Yangon's Port Authority to note that this port in the early 1920s used to be the second busiest, just after New York City. The fact that Nga-Zin-Ga was a Portuguese man who served as the governor or "Kalar-Wun" of today's Thanlyin in the 1500s; the fact that one can see the beautiful fusion of traditional ornamental elements on an otherwise classical Corinthian column at the Rakhine merchant association's tazaung on Shwedagon's precincts; or the fact that the fruit "papaya" – while never seen in Bagan era inscriptions – is known and loved locally as "a fruit that comes on a boat" all are overlooked tidbits pointing to a cultural evolution. They are also evidence that the Burmese often do a fairly decent job accepting new cultures and people, and Myanmar's self-imposed isolation is only a recent measure. For this reason, the locals like myself, who happen to agree with the foreign aid workers or journalists about the changing roles and needs of Burmese women, are perhaps worth listening to.

One of these urgent needs is a legislative update.  Much of the gender-specific legal guidance comes from an 1860 Penal Code, which does not address marital rape, or enable women (or men) to seek protective or restraining orders. The legal enforcement body is neither trained nor equipped to deal with women (or men) seeking support in case of sexual assault, and instead quotes the colloquial saying, "kyee-thaw-ahmu-nge-say, nge-thaw-ahmu-papyout-say," meaning that the goal of a police officer is to reduce the gravity of a severe case, and do away with a small case altogether. In practice, this means that female victims in sexual assault cases are often dissuaded from pressing charges, which should strike any modern reader as a fairly egregious case of gender imbalance. A recent Myanmar Now article quotes the national police records of 700 rape cases in Myanmar last year. Assuming that only the most severe cases got reported in Myanmar last year, a comparable data point for England and Wales is 40,675 most severe cases. It stands to reason that either severe sexual assault is more pervasive in modern British society than Myanmar's, or that the rape cases in Myanmar are severely underreported and the judicial infrastructure is painfully inefficient. I think I will go with the latter.

Another indicator of a severe violation of gender-based rights is an absence of legal remedies for the men and women in abusive relationships at home. Domestic violence is neither socially recognized nor legally envisaged. There are no legal provisions for a victim of domestic violence to break a tenancy agreement and walk away from an unsafe environment, for instance. Revenge porn is not deterred under the current legal guidance. Myanmar is unique in Southeast Asia for still not having a legal framework against domestic violence. While the Burmese language barely has a recognizable term for domestic violence, its neighbors, Cambodia and Thailand, passed legislation to combat domestic violence more than a decade ago, in 2005 and 2007, respectively.

According to the Penal Code, customary laws based on a given couple's religion may guide the settlement of any marital disputes or divorce. This does not provide for equal protection for women or men of different faiths in Myanmar. To give a Buddhist example, a Buddhist wife may be obligated by Dhamma-that (Buddhist customary law), which technically gives the husband authority to physically "but lightly" punish the wife with a light cane. While having to legally declare one's faith to the state is already an outdated concept, a severe lack of protection against domestic violence, and lack of process for an equitable dissolution of marriages, seems to be a massive legislative void that Myanmar cannot afford to ignore. As a Myanmar woman, I do not want to be guided by a Penal Code that is older than the invention of the zipper, the ballpoint pen, or the remote control. Myanmar's legislation for gender-based rights needs an urgent update.

Reproductive health measures go hand-in-hand with social acceptance and a lack of basic gender-based rights in legislation. Reproductive health education is still considered taboo, mainly due to norms surrounding the control of a woman's body. Women are less likely to seek information on sexual health when they are still expected to preserve virginity until marriage, while the same expectation is nonexistent for men. A Myanmar woman can access sterilization only with her husband's signature. Most young Myanmar women, even in the most developed city like Yangon, are not receiving HPV vaccinations, which in many modern clinics are still reserved for married women. In 2015, the Myanmar government decided to ban the sale of birth control and contraceptives, including condoms, ahead of Thingyan Water Festival as a way to tackle unwanted sexual activity, which again seems to be an outdated measure stemming from a rigid adherence to traditional notions of a woman's role and her ability to make choices about her own body.

Yet, the sexual activity seems to be there; while the data is difficult to come by on this front, we can deduce that sexual activity exists from the fact that many women seem to suffer from labor complications and preventable causes of death. Childbirth remains the most prominent cause of death for women in Myanmar, according to the Central Statistical Organization. The UNFPA data suggests that the maternal mortality rate is the second highest in ASEAN, ranging geographically from 230 to 580 cases per 100,000 live births, and averaging about 280 per 100,000 live births. Rectovaginal fistula (a very serious condition in women) is not well cared for, and I have seen a man make fun of a woman suffering from rectovaginal fistula in a village in Myanmar.

Lack of access to reproductive health information and contraception, is again a symptom of gender inequality. Instead of making it difficult to access modern contraception and family planning tools and knowledge, and then later punishing women with inadequate health care provisions for labor complications, how about we empower women to make choices for themselves? Instead of shaming a young unmarried woman in a rural village for an unwanted pregnancy and holding her to a double standard, while the man responsible for the pregnancy is not held to the same degree of accountability, how about we educate her about her body and safe options? The social pressure behind reproductive health suggests that the root cause of the problem is not simply a sign of difficult times, as Ko Aung Moe has asserted. Shocking health statistics reveal that a debate on gender inequality is not something modern Myanmar can afford to ignore.

Lastly, I would like to point to a certain sexist attitude that exists day-to-day. While Myanmar women do not need to change their last name upon getting married, as Ko Aung Moe has pointed out, Myanmar women are still identified in relation to their father on official papers. As a BBC article from awhile back makes the case, Burmese papers seem to be editing out the umbrellas being held by male subordinates for female politicians, because a reverse in traditional gender power structure is simply unsettling for many in Myanmar. The Burmese phrase for being petty is known as "main-malo, main-maya," which is to say "like a woman," thus effectively reducing half of Myanmar's population to a petty bunch.  With this baseline attitude for women, it is not surprising that at my job, my colleagues would criticize in whispers a senior female executive for seating herself on the top row of a work forum, while her male counterpart was seen as rightly taking his position there. It is not surprising that when I meet with a film crew for a TV ad, my (male) Swiss intern is asked to stand in for an executive role while I am asked to be his secretary, even when I am the one handling the crew's account. In such a society, it is not surprising that women are underrepresented in politics and business. In such a society, only one respectable woman makes it to the board seat of all public companies listed on Yangon Stock Exchange.

Again, I agree with Ko Aung Moe in that Burmese women can be empowered, strong, and feisty. Women and single mothers I have met throughout rural Myanmar are a resilient, entrepreneurial bunch, defying the harshest conditions, severe weather and inefficient economic policies for many decades. Yet, while Ko Aung Moe, with his reasonable and strong mother, has been fortunate to be sheltered from the deleterious effects of Myanmar's legal failings, this is not the case for many women in Myanmar today. Local activists such as Ma Cheery Zahau of Women's League for Chinland, Ma Htar Htar and Ma Win Win Khaing of Akhayar, or Ma May Sabei Phyu and Aunty Pansy Tun Thein of Gender Equality Network, work directly with women suffering from gender-based violence and often speak up about and attest to the depth and nuances of gender inequality in Myanmar. I do not agree that these locals are simply downplaying Burmese-style women's empowerment, as Ko Aung Moe has mistakenly suggested.

If anything, the debate on gender equality is slowing down, instead of making progress. A discourse on gender should go beyond women's rights, and encompass sexual identity rights, including LGBT rights and even include problems male victims face in gender-based violence. Instead of making progress on such fronts, Myanmar's government recently enacted an interfaith marriage ban, which restricts women's ability to make choices and treats women as inept beings who cannot think for themselves. The inspiration behind the ban, according to the monk Wirathu, is the protection of women. The chairperson of the Theravada Dhamma Network has said, "Our Buddhist women are not intelligent enough to protect themselves."  While draft bills on violence against women have been in the making for more than five years, there are more restrictions now on women's ability to make choices for themselves.

Therefore, while I appreciate the positive sentiments behind Ko Aung Moe's recent post, I have to argue that Myanmar society cannot afford to ignore rights based on gender and sexual identity while reintegrating into the global community, after five unfortunate decades of isolation.

Born and raised in Yangon, May Thu Khine started her career as a fundraiser for New York City-based Girls Inc. She has since worked at Proximity Designs and Yoma Strategic Holdings, and is currently pursuing her MBA in London.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post Disappointing Progress on an Important Debate: Response to 'The Myth Myanmar can Afford to Ditch' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Comments on Enhanced Security in Rakhine

Posted: 11 Aug 2017 10:37 PM PDT

Amid a recent uptick in violence and recently deployed Myanmar Army troops in Rakhine State, the State Counselor's Office issued a press release on Friday condemning extremist acts and emphasizing its efforts toward development in the region.

Tension between Rakhine State's Buddhist and Muslim communities is high as of late, with a number of recent killings and disappearances from both communities. The State Counselor's Office statement reported 59 people killed and 33 missing this year in the region as of August 9, many of which the government has attributed to "terrorists."

The statement said that the government was working with security forces to handle the situation in line with the law, but assured that "actions will be taken against all extremists and those who abet their extremism."

The release emphasized that in an effort to bring about national reconciliation, peace and development in the region, the government was implementing "the provision of humanitarian assistances from both international and domestic resources, and development of basic infrastructure in the region," with an emphasis on roads, bridges and enhanced electricity.

It added that a curfew would be imposed in necessary areas in order to establish and maintain peace, stability and security in the region.

The post Govt Comments on Enhanced Security in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Protests Must Serve the Public Interest

Posted: 11 Aug 2017 09:22 PM PDT

Kyaw Kha: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss the recent anti-government protests in Yangon and Mandalay. I'm Irrawaddy reporter Kyaw Kha. Sayadaw U Pannavumsa, who participated in a 1990 anti-government protest and the 2007 Saffron Revolution, and U Kyaw Ko Ko, who participated in the Saffron Revolution and the 2015 protest against the National Education Law, join me for the discussion.

Recently, there were sit-in protests in Yangon and Mandalay staged by Buddhist monks and laypeople who identified themselves as nationalist activists. The Mandalay Region government arrested the protestors on the third day of the demonstration. The same day, protesters in Yangon dispersed, saying they were advised by senior Buddhist monks to do so, and protestors in Taunggyi also dispersed. Sayadaw U Pannavumsa, what is your view of the protests in Yangon and Mandalay that called for overthrowing the government?

The Irrawaddy discusses the lack of public support for recent anti-government protests in Yangon and Mandalay.

Posted by The Irrawaddy – English Edition on Friday, August 11, 2017

Pannavumsa: When a protest is to be staged, what is important is that the people want it—whether it is because food prices are too high or people are dissatisfied with the performance of the government. You can't demand a government step down only because an individual monk or layperson dislikes it. It needs to be based on the desire of the people. That is why the people's leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has highlighted the importance of public participation.

The protestors said they staged the protest for religious cause. But, the people still have trust in the government. According to the protesters' signs, the government should be overthrown because it doesn't safeguard Buddhism. But the deepest wish of people right now is to achieve peace. And the current government is not a military regime or authoritarian. But protestors labeled the government as authoritarian in their signs. Far from supporting these protests, people view them with disgust. If a protest is to be staged, there must be strong reasons for it. Without strong reason, many will not join the protest.

Looking at the 1990 movements of Buddhist monks as well as the 2007 Saffron Revolution, monks didn't take to the streets of their own accord but at the request of people and housewives [who complained of high food prices]. In so doing, monks didn't shout slogans that were against the Buddhist commandments.

During the Saffron Revolution, monks took to the streets in townships across Yangon and were supported by students like Kyaw Ko Ko and Sithu Maung. People from all walks of life—from street vendors to well-off people—joined to support the monks. It is important that people support protests. This recent protest did not reflect the desires of the majority, but only a small group of people. So, it failed and the organizers now face legal action.

KK: Looking at those sit-in protests in Yangon and Mandalay, the number of protestors was a maximum of 40. And from what we saw on social and print media, there was no public support. When you students staged a protest march through townships, locals and students' parents joined you along the way. The recent protests didn't receive similar support. Why do you think that is?

Kyaw Ko Ko: The [protesters'] organization has taken the wrong path. They are not acting as they should, they are doing the opposite. Many of Myanmar's problems are leftover from the military dictatorship. And it is difficult to root out the problems because of the [military-drafted] 2008 Constitution. All of the fights against military dictatorship, although they were suppressed, won a certain degree of public support. All of the united fights by us or Buddhist monks or farmers or workers against the military dictatorship garnered some public support and moved us forward in the political transition.

The recent protests in Yangon, Mandalay and Taunggyi did not win public support because the ideologies they espoused were not acceptable to the people. Usually, there is a three-point principle regarding protests; there must be a strong reason to stage the protest, there must be limits, and there must be an outcome. Without these three points, we can't put up a fight.

We staged a four-day protest in Yangon in our protest against the National Education Law. Before the protest, student unions across Myanmar met at the office of Free Funeral Services Society (FFSS). We staged the protest only after we reached a unanimous agreement.

The recent protest came out of nowhere. It took place without the decision of the monkhood, the people or housewives, as the Sayadaw mentioned. Why was the objective of their protest to overthrow the government? Which weakness of the government do they object to? That they say that the government is not safeguarding Buddhism is a wishful argument. It is nowhere close to reality. So, the reason behind the protest is not valid.

Again, there are limitations in a fight. In our case, we distributed pamphlets to rally the people first. As students took to the streets, parents and people who sympathized with them also joined. They can't challenge a government to step down all of a sudden. They staged the protest because they don't understand that there must be reason and limits. And they did not achieve an outcome. Their ideology is wrong, and it will never be right again.

In our country, no one oppresses Buddhism except military dictators. The Sangha protests bore witness to this—the bloodshed. In the 2007 Saffron Revolution, we saw a photo of a dead monk drifting in Dawbon Creek in Thaketa Township. There were also other pictures that serve as evidence.

I'd like to ask this question—why are they trying to distract the public attention with their activities while they still can't identify the main perpetrators? If they can answer, they will succeed. If they lie, they will fade away.

KK: Monks have participated in most of the protests since the 2007 Saffron Revolution. But the public views on their participation have changed. Trust in monks' protests has declined. Why do you think this is?

Pannavumsa: Not only has the image of monks been marred, but doubts have risen among the people. As Kyaw Ko Ko has said, we need to see to what extent a protest will benefit the people. In this instance, there is no benefit as it was staged in a confrontational manner. This has marred the image of good monks.

Eleven protesting monks were arrested in Mandalay, and it was discovered that six of them were not officially registered as monks. They don't know religious verses. And looking at their appearances, they lack charm. They have tattoos on their hands. And according to the interrogation, they joined the monkhood just before the Buddhist Retreat [which usually starts in July]. They did not join the monkhood as children. They have not studied Buddhist scripture. They are not serving the interests of the religion, but they are outsiders.

KK: People had high hopes for the National League for Democracy [NLD] government regarding reforms. But the NLD government's performance falls short of the people's expectations in many areas, including the peace process. Why has it failed to implement speedy reforms as people expected?

KKK: It is clear. As I remember, the NLD made three commitments when contesting the [2015] elections—constitutional amendment, peace and the rule of law. And it still can't realize its commitment to peace. It can only graze it, with no tangible achievements.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi contested the election with her eyes fixed on national reconciliation. National reconciliation is quite a problematic issue. My personal view, also the view of the Social Democratic United Front of which I'm a member, is that the wishes of the people will not be fulfilled while a military dictatorship persists. We can't allow a military dictatorship to survive under the flag of reconciliation. It must be eliminated once and for all by scrapping the 2008 Constitution, which it uses as a fort. Soldiers should not be in Parliament. They must be in places appropriate to their roles. We want to get rid of military intervention in politics.

But the NLD's path is not that path. It seeks to reconcile with the other side. And for this, it has to make compromises. It cannot take the helm of the entire government. Three important ministries—home affairs, defense and border affairs—are held by the military. As the Home Affairs Ministry is held by the military, the management of the general administration departments under that ministry is largely in the hands of the military. So, it has been difficult for the NLD government to realize its commitments.

To be frank, staff officers, directors and permanent secretaries in each ministry are military associates. And [state and regional] chief ministers do not have complete power. The heads of regional and state general administration departments—who are referred to as commissioners—are more powerful than the chief ministers. The NLD doesn't have complete administrative, legislative and judicial power. So, no matter how eager it is to introduce reforms, it can't exert its full efforts, and there will be delays and setbacks.

KK: Thank you for your contributions!

The post Protests Must Serve the Public Interest appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

This Week in Parliament (August 7-11)

Posted: 11 Aug 2017 09:06 PM PDT

Monday (August 7)

In the Lower House, MP Daw Thandar of Einme Township asked what actions the government would take against the tender winners of the government-funded projects if they failed to meet agreed-upon standards or fulfill their contracts.

Minister for Health and Sports Dr, Myint Htwe replied that the government could decline to accept a project if it failed to meet specifications, ask the tender-winner to incur additional charges to meet standards, or delay fees in the case of a delayed project. They could also confiscate a certain percentage of the performance guarantee for substandard construction and services and blacklist the company if it breaches the rules and regulations, he explained.

The Lower House put on record Twante Township lawmaker U Myint Lwin's proposal urging the government to establish "library development committees" in cooperation with locals and civil society organizations in each township.

In the Upper House, lawmakers discussed a report from the Health, Sports and Culture Committee. Lawmaker U Kyaw Thaung of Sagaing Region (3) pointed out the lack of funds for the promotion of sports in the country.

Tuesday (August 8)

The Union Parliament approved an exemption from commercial tax on diamonds, emeralds, and gold bars, which are listed as special commodities under the Special Commodities Tax Law. Under the existing law, there is a 45 percent of tax—30 percent tariff, 10 percent special commodities tax, and five percent trading tax—on diamond and emerald imports. Despite the exemption from the commercial tax, the tariff and trading tax will remain, according to Deputy Minister for Planning and Finance U Maung Maung Win.

Wednesday (August 9)

Lower House Speaker U Win Myint urged the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation to strictly oversee the issuing of farmland ownership certificates by ministry staff on the ground. According to Deputy Minister U Hla Kyaw, his ministry disciplined a total of 86 of its own staff in connection with corruption and misconduct in issuing farmland ownership certificates to farmers.

The Upper House approved consideration of a proposal put forward by MP U Khin Maung Latt of the Arakan National Party which urged the government to take action against suspected militants in northern Rakhine State under the 2014 Counter-Terrorism Law and help locals who have fled their homes because of recent killings in the area.

Thursday (August 10)

The Lower House Bill Committee asked to reduce the maximum prison term under Article 66 of the Telecommunications Law, which includes online defamation charges, to less than three years on Thursday.

The Upper House approved amendments of the law on Aug. 2 without reducing the imprisonment term. The amended bill states that those charged under Articles 65, 66(a), (b) and (d) "may" be granted bail, leaving it to the judge's discretion. A maximum prison term of two years would allow for bail to be more widely granted.

Responding to a question by lawmaker U Min Thein of Magwe Region's Taungdwingyi Township, Minister of Labor, Immigration and Population U Thein Swe pledged to provide legal protections for Myanmar housemaids working abroad without proper documentation.

In Upper House, lawmakers discussed regional development works in their respective constituencies.

Friday (August 11)

In response to a question about the safety of forestry department personnel by U Aye Naing of South Dagon Township, Minister for Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation U Ohn Win said his ministry would coordinate with the defense ministry to equip forestry department personnel with arms.

In the Upper House, lawmakers discussed a proposal by U Aung Thein of Bago Region (12), which urged the government to take action against gambling centers that are allegedly operating while disguised as amusement centers in major towns across the country.

The post This Week in Parliament (August 7-11) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

TIMELINE:  Reporters Remanded

Posted: 11 Aug 2017 07:58 PM PDT

On the occasion of the third court hearing in the trial of The Irrawaddy's Lawi Weng and the Democratic Voice of Burma's U Aye Naing Ko Pyae Bone Naing on Unlawful Association charges, The Irrawaddy takes a look at the most pivotal moments that have occurred during their 46 days in detention.

The post TIMELINE:  Reporters Remanded appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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Friday, August 11, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Following Talks, NCA Signing Remains on Hold for UNFC

Posted: 11 Aug 2017 09:42 AM PDT

YANGON — Ethnic armed alliance the United Nationalities Federal Council  (UNFC) remains undecided on signing the country's nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), following the sixth round of formal talks with the government's Peace Commission, held at the National Reconciliation and Peace Center in Yangon on Thursday and Friday.

The UNFC has stood by a nine-point proposal that must be met in order for its five members to sign the agreement, and asked that it be added as an appendix to the NCA. Represented in the UNFC are the Shan State Progress Party, the New Mon State Party, the Lahu Democratic Union, the Karenni National Progressive Party, and the Arakan National Council.

Of the two-day meeting, government spokesperson U Zaw Htay said, "Half of the points were generally agreed upon as a result of the sixth round of talks. Discussion concerning the other half must be presented to the leaders of both sides for a final decision."

U Twan Zaw, the UNFC's joint general secretary, said on Friday that the policy framework was still unclear, and that leaders would need to approve any policy matters.

The remaining points of concern for the parties pertain to ceasefire rules, the military's code of conduct, terms of reference for ceasefire monitoring, and the relocation of troops.

The UNFC has argued that the ceasefire monitoring team should include international legal experts and judges who are acceptable to both the government and the ethnic armed groups. They have also asked that natural resource and development projects in ceasefire areas be undertaken in consultation with locals and carried out in accordance with procedures laid out in the standards like the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative.

In his opening remarks to the discussions on Thursday, UNFC joint general secretary Khu Oo Reh said that even after 14 months of talks, the trust level remained at "zero." Meanwhile, government representatives said that they hoped the sixth round of talks would lead to a signing of the NCA.

Among the NCA's eight ethnic armed group signatories, the Restoration Council of Shan State and the Karen National Union have pointed out weaknesses in implementing the NCA, which was signed into action nearly two years ago.

U Zaw Htay admitted that points exist within the political framework of the NCA framework that need to be amended, and that it would be reviewed with the ethnic armed organizations.

"The second round of the 21st Century Panglong conference was formed as a political debate for policy framework. The first round of the conference was just an opening ceremony," he added, referring to the government's peace conference. The third session is scheduled to be held no later than December.

Chair of the government's National Reconciliation and Peace Center U Tin Myo Win said he, "hope[s] for a pathway through the peace process to appear, by fulfilling the points of the discussions with UNFC as much as we can after presenting to the government."

"If we can pass this point, the peace process will not stop or move backwards. It will keep going forward, toward peace," he added.

The seventh round of talks between representatives of the Peace Commission and the UNFC will be held in September.

The post Following Talks, NCA Signing Remains on Hold for UNFC appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

At Political Forum, State Counselor Urges Break With the Past

Posted: 11 Aug 2017 08:38 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — Myanmar's State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has urged the government officials to break "the shackles of the past" as part of the country's democratic transition.

"The victims of the past, those who can't shatter the shackles of the past, have caused a lot of hindrances in the democratic transition," said Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in her opening remarks to the Forum on Myanmar's Democratic Transition which kicked off in Naypyitaw on Friday.

"The past is only about learning lessons. The most important thing for us is the present. Think simply: What you are doing for the democratic struggle?" she asked.

Under the military-drafted 2008 Constitution, the Myanmar Army still holds three key ministries—home affairs, defense and border affairs—and the entire administration is still largely dominated by associates of the previous governments, though the top positions are held by the National League for Democracy (NLD). Political analysts have pointed out that this indicates resistance from the old guard in the deregulation and reform process.

The three-day forum seeks input on smoothing the democratic transition in Myanmar, and is being attended by political scientists, diplomats, and researchers from political and economic fields.

The forum will mainly discuss the topics on the shifts from a military to civil administration, from a centralized to a market economy, and from wars to peace.

"The government officials need to look far ahead and be dutiful in undertaking their responsibilities," Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said.

Min Ko Naing, a prominent leader of the 88-Generation Peace and Open Society, touted rule of law as an important factor in the transition.

"A [smooth] civil-military relationship is impossible with a sensitive attitude—when we tell the truth, there will be sore points. If those who are aggrieved [by the military's actions] can tolerate [the oppression], then those who inflict this [suffering] should now demonstrate maturity. We need that," Min Ko Naing said.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said: "Some think that the country will automatically achieve peace if there is development. I don't agree that view. We can't view peace and development separately. Without peace, development can't be sustained for long, and vice versa."

"So, we are working for peace as our top priority," she said.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

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Conspirator in U Ko Ni Killing Still At Large

Posted: 11 Aug 2017 06:18 AM PDT

More than six months after the midday assassination at the Yangon International Airport, Aung Win Khaing—one of the main suspects in National League for Democracy (NLD) legal adviser U Ko Ni's killing—is still at large, with police staying silent about progress in their search for him.

According to a Yangon Region Police Force press conference on Feb. 25, Aung Win Khaing was last seen near the National Herbal Park in administrative capital Naypyitaw.

U Ko Ni was fatally shot at close range outside the airport upon his return from an official trip abroad on Jan. 29. Police have since arrested four conspirators—Aung Win Zaw, Aung Win Htun, Zeyar Phyo and the gunman Kyi Linn.

The Myanmar Police Force issued an arrest warrant for Aung Win Khaing and sent his photos to Asean police forces and Interpol. But the whereabouts of the wanted man remain unknown.

"A witness testified that Aung Win Khaing was seen at an office in Naypyitaw two days before police searched it on Feb. 12. But the police didn't testify to that. So, I asked the court to interrogate all of the witnesses, but the court rejected my request," lawyer U Nay La, who is representing U Ko Ni's family, told The Irrawaddy.

Police searched the National Herbal Park months ago, but to no avail.  Though police have suggested that Aung Win Khaing is still in the country, they have not publicly revealed progress in their search for him.

Lawyer U Nay La said he is not satisfied with the police investigation.

"If police are to arrest a criminal, they should carry out a related investigation about activities prior to the crime. But they haven't," he added,

"The criminal was in Naypyitaw for more than 10 days after committing the crime but they couldn't apprehend him. And they didn't interrogate the witnesses who testified at the court. They only testified that they had issued an arrest warrant," said U Nay La.

The Irrawaddy was not able to obtain a comment from the Naypyitaw Police Headquarters or the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).

Aung Win Khaing is a retired Lt-Col in the Myanmar Army and was a graduate of the No. 36 Intake of the Defense Services Academy.

The trial has been ongoing at the Yangon Southern District Court, with 19 weekly court dates held on Fridays.

Lawyer U Robert San Aung, who is representing the family of U Nay Win, a taxi driver killed by Kyi Linn while he attempted to apprehend him, has criticized the slow court hearings.

According to him, the court is still examining witnesses, and has so far only questioned 19 out of 80 witnesses because the hearings generally last no more than an hour and a half.

Previously, the court was hearing two witnesses at each appearance, but this week, it heard five.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

The post Conspirator in U Ko Ni Killing Still At Large appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

ANALYSIS:  Myanmar Army Deployed in Maungdaw

Posted: 11 Aug 2017 06:08 AM PDT

In a surprise move, Myanmar Army leaders decided to dispatch an army battalion to troubled Rakhine State this week.

The troops arrived in state capital Sittwe on Thursday.

National Security Adviser U Thaung Tun told reporters after a forum on democratic transition in Naypyitaw on Friday that the Tatmadaw was stepping up to its responsibility investigate militant camps in Mayu mountain range and protect civilians in Maungdaw Township.

The dispatch followed a two-hour meeting between Arakan National Party (ANP) members and military commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyitaw on Wednesday.

Just back from a week-long trip to Japan, the commander-in-chief hastily approved the closed-door ANP meeting.

The politicians did most of the talking, according to sources close to the matter, and requested a boost in northern Rakhine security after six ethnic Mro were killed in Maungdaw Township last week.

Since the attack, civilians—mainly ethnic Rakhine and Rakhine sub-ethnic Mro—have fled their homes.

Rakhine politicians were clearly alarmed by the developing situation and asked to hold an emergency security meeting.

Also present at the meeting was deputy commander-in-chief of defense services and army commander-in-chief Vice-Snr-Gen Soe Win as well as chief of general staff (army, navy and air) Gen Mya Tun Oo. The ANP delegation was headed by chairman Dr. Aye Maung.

ANP leaders initially approached the office of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for a meeting. It is unclear why the meeting did not take place.

Around the same time, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi also held a meeting to discuss security issues with the home and border affairs ministries.

The ANP then turned to the military and the seven-member delegation marched to the offices of Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing.

Following the meeting, ANP lawmaker U Pe Than, who represents Myebon Township in the Lower House, told The Irrawaddy: "We've officially asked for further deployment of Tatmadaw forces for the security of Rakhine State."

"We pointed out that existing security forces are too small to protect ethnic villages," he continued. "The army chief said the Tatmadaw has large forces and that he would increase the troops if necessary."

Less than 48 hours after the meeting with ANP politicians, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing gave the green light to dispatch fully-equipped troops belonging to 33rd Light Infantry Division by air to Sittwe, despite bad weather.

The military was clearly ready for such a speedy deployment.

"The army chief said he would fully protect ethnic groups in Rakhine State and that he would take care of the routes that [immigrants] use to come in illegally, and make sure the Mayu mountains are not used by militants," said ANP delegation member U Oo Hla Saw, who is a Lower House member of Parliament for Mrauk U Township.

The UN recently warned aid workers in western Myanmar of rising hostility and imminent protests from troubled Rakhine State's majority Buddhists, some of whom claim humanitarian agencies are giving support to Rohingya Muslim militants.

Reuters obtained the text of a "precautionary security notification" distributed to the 300 or so UN staff and to international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) in Rakhine on Wednesday.

It notes the "increased likelihood of civil unrest" and the possibility of demonstrations at aid agency offices in the state already racked by violence.

The Irrawaddy first reported a shift in security operations to focus on the Mayu Mountains in northwestern Rakhine in June. Three suspected militants were killed by security personnel in two days of raids that month.

Several weeks ago, an intelligence source in Asia told The Irrawaddy some 300 Muslim Rohingya were undergoing foreign-funded training using automatic rifles in the Mayu mountains.

The Irrawaddy was unable to verify these claims.

At Wednesday's meeting, the ANP also asked Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to segregate Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State's Maungdaw Township.

"Ethnic [Rakhine] villages are surrounded by Bengali villages, so, we called for designating No-Bengali zones in the area," U Khin Maung Latt of the ANP, who was at the meeting, told The Irrawaddy.

The stateless Rohingya Muslim population of 1.1 million in Rakhine is referred to as "Bengali" by many in the state and the government, to infer that they are interlopers from Bangladesh.

The two communities remain largely separated since inter-communal violence in 2012 and 2013 displaced around 140,000 people, the vast majority of them Muslim Rohingya.

Myanmar Army-led security operations in northern Rakhine—mired in allegations of extensive human rights abuses—in response to attacks on border guard posts that killed nine police in October 2016 continued until mid February this year.

It is unclear what the military has planned for security operations, possibly in the Mayu mountains, and how long they will last.

The post ANALYSIS:  Myanmar Army Deployed in Maungdaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Detained Journalist Urges Top Leaders to Understand Media’s Role

Posted: 11 Aug 2017 05:13 AM PDT

HSIPAW, Shan State — U Aye Naing, one of three detained journalists facing trial for an unlawful association charge, has urged the country's top leaders to try to grasp the nature of the job of a journalist.

"I would like to tell President U Htin Kyaw, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Army Chief [Snr-Gen] Min Aung Hlaing that they might know what Article 17(1) [of the Unlawful Associations Act] is. But they should try to understand what media is," U Aye Naing told the media and supporters outside of Hsipaw Court on Friday when asked a question by The Irrawaddy.

"If they appreciate that the media plays an important role in national reconciliation, they should put what they think into practice," he said.

The three journalists appeared at court on Friday for their third trial. They have been in prison for 46 days since their arrest.

"Not to mention armed groups like the TNLA [Ta'ang National Liberation Army, which the journalists were arrested for contacting]…even if international terrorist organizations like ISIS said they had information for us, we would have to go and risk our lives," said U Aye Naing.

U Aye Naing also criticized that an army major, one of the complainants against the journalists, did not appear to give testimony in court on Friday as planned, providing the excuse that he was on military duty.

"We have to stay in prison another week [since he didn't show up to testify]," he said. "This means, if five of them don't show due to military duties, that's five more weeks we'll wait in prison," he added.

"They are making an example of us to threaten the media. This arrest is a threat to the right to information and press freedom," another detained journalist Ko Pyae Phone Aung told supporters.

"The State Counselor has said that legislation that does not fit with the current times should be changed. Now is the time to do so. Article 17(1) must be scrapped if the country wants peace," said detained journalist Lawi Weng.

"The country will go nowhere with the oppression of the media," said U Aye Naing.

The Irrawaddy reporter Lawi Weng and Democratic Voice of Burma reporters U Aye Naing and Ko Pyae Phone Aung were arrested on June 26 in Namhsan on their way back from covering a drug-burning ceremony held by ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) to mark the United Nations' International Day Against Drug Abuse.

Six men – three journalists, two drivers and a local man – were traveling in two vehicles near Phayagyi village, and were arrested on the road between Namhsan and Lashio townships on suspicion of connection with the TNLA, which operates in the area.

The journalists and a local man were charged under Article 17(1) of the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act for contacting the TNLA, while the drivers received additional charges for the two unlicensed vehicles. They were placed in detention in Hsipaw Prison.

Myanmar National Human Rights Commission member U Yu Lwin Aung met with the three detained journalists Wednesday, and said that they did not break the law.

The post Detained Journalist Urges Top Leaders to Understand Media's Role appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Peace Process Team Calls to Review NCA Misunderstandings

Posted: 11 Aug 2017 05:09 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — The Peace Process Steering Team (PPST) of eight ethnic group signatories to the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) said a Joint Ceasefire Implementation Committee Meeting (JICM) needed to be called to review misunderstandings that emerged after the second session of the 21st Century Panglong peace conference in May.

The JICM, whose representatives are from the government, Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), have the authority to make decisions on the review of the NCA.

The PPST, led by the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), held a two-day meeting in Chiang Mai, Thailand on Aug. 9-10.

The misunderstandings from the peace conference were due to a "lack of common understanding of the NCA provisions, vagueness regarding decision-making power and inadequate time," said U Than Khe, the chairman of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), at a press briefing after Thursday's meeting.

"Thus, joint implementation and joint ceasefire monitoring have not been in place," he said, adding that they have focused their efforts on implementing them.

At the KNU headquarters in Lay Wah from July 20-27, the PPST held review meetings on the strengths and weaknesses of the NCA, including the 37 principles, which were agreed to as Part 1 of the Union Accord in Naypyitaw in May.

Its Peace Process Working Team (PPWT) also had a series of talks this week, as well as talks with the government peace commission on August 3. The results of the talks were then brought to PPST leaders.

Col Khun Okkar, a PPST spokesperson, said: "our reviews were based on an optimistic approach in order to achieve the NCA implementation and the overall attainment of the peace process."

He added that the reviews on NCA implementation were done to build strong principles for the peace process, and urged stakeholders—from the government, and national and international observers—not to worry, in light of questions regarding whether the peace process would come undone.

Khun Okkar said there would be changes made to have a more collaborative approach in the future among concerned NCA implementation mechanisms, working committees and secretariats, and that these changes would start after October 15, the two year anniversary of the signing of the NCA.

The PPST wants to change the implementation structure as well as the approach, but will continue under the current structure for the next two months to maintain understanding among the government, Myanmar Army, political parties and EAOs.

Maintaining understanding, which the PPST refers to, is in regard to a KNU shuffle in July in which the KNU moved to replace its own vice chairman Padoh Saw Kwe Htoo Win—also the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) vice chairman—with the KNU's current general secretary Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo in the role of the UPDJC delegate. The shift has concerned stakeholders, and the delegate position would need to be approved by the other NCA signatories.

The government has voiced concerns that this replacement would affect the peace process, and that the change in UPDJC representation would affect unity and understanding.

PPST leaders said they hoped that there would be more NCA signatories in the near future, and this is why they were taking the time to restructure the NCA implementation bodies and review the political dialogue framework.

In a statement, the PPST said it hoped that talks on Friday between the government and the United Nationalities Federal Council would yield positive results.

The post Peace Process Team Calls to Review NCA Misunderstandings appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Detained Journalists Reapply for Bail in Unlawful Association Trial

Posted: 11 Aug 2017 12:59 AM PDT

HSIPAW, Shan State — The lawyers of three detained journalists submitted a bail request for the second time, after the Hsipaw Township Court rejected the initial appeal last week.

At Friday's court hearing, lawyers appealed for bail for six men including three journalists from The Irrawaddy and DVB who were detained while reporting in the area by the military and later charged under Article 17(1) of the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act.

The court heard a witness [a local resident] from the prosecutor's side on Friday but a military official who was scheduled to appear at the court for testimony did not show, with the excuse given that he was on military duty.

The defendant's lawyers stated at the court that they requested bail again as the accusations against the journalists were not strong enough to build a case or charge them under the Unlawful Associations Act.

After the court hearing, the police sent the journalists directly back to Hsipaw Prison, where they have been detained for 46 days, despite a request made to leave them in police custody behind the court for a half hour to have lunch and meet with family members.

The three journalists—Irrawaddy senior reporter Lawi Weng (U Thein Zaw) and Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) reporters U Aye Naing and Ko Pyae Phone Aung—were arrested on June 26 while covering a drug-burning ceremony in Ta'ang National Liberation Army-controlled area.

"The case has been wrong from the start. We were denied bail… this is an intentional threat against us and the next generation to stop reporting on and contacting ethnic armed groups. But nothing will frighten our colleagues," U Aye Naing of the DVB told reporters outside of the court before being sent back to prison.

Supporters and family members of the journalists shouted at the court to stop oppressing the media.

The court will rule on the bail appeal on August 18.

The post Detained Journalists Reapply for Bail in Unlawful Association Trial appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pyin Oo Lwin Farmers Returned to Jail

Posted: 11 Aug 2017 12:04 AM PDT

MANDALAY – A Pyin Oo Lwin Township Court judge revoked bail on Thursday for Ko Toe Gyi and eight other farmers and activists from Pyinsar village in Pyin Oo Lwin Township who have been on trial since August 2016 on charges of trespassing and bodily harm.

"The district court terminated their bail as the plaintiff submitted an appeal to reject the bail," said U Lin Aung Thu, the judge of Pyin Oo Lwin Township Court.

"I have to act according with the law and have to sent them back to prison."

Activist Ko Myo Win and one of the farmers were not present at court. The judge gave the pair 15 days to present themselves to the court before charging the person who posted bail 5,000,000 kyats.

The remaining seven were sent to Mandalay's Obo Prison.

Meanwhile, the court released on bail another 13 farmers facing similar charges for ploughing the same piece of land in Pyinsar.

"We do not want any compensation or money. We just want our land back," said one of the farmers Ma Myint Myint Win.
In 1998, about 500 acres of lands in Pyinsar village were confiscated by the ministry of agriculture for a coffee plantation project.

The ministry promised to return the land if the project was not a success, according to the nine farmers.

The land, however, was sold on to private companies and military cronies when the government coffee project was called off.

Last year, farmers began farming the confiscated land, leading to altercations with the private owners who later filed a case against them.

"I have to question why the government keeps neglecting farmers whose lands were confiscated and are now facing lawsuits or kept behind bars," said Ko Toe Gyi, after the court session, before being sent to the prison.

The post Pyin Oo Lwin Farmers Returned to Jail appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Villager Asks State Counselor for Electricity, Gets Her Wish

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 07:41 PM PDT

WUNDWIN, Mandalay — Nearly one month before State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi visited Wundwin Township in Mandalay, Daw Mya San Yi was already excited for the chance to make a request to her.

The State Counselor was set to attend an event billed as peace talks with rural villagers on August 7.

Daw Mya San Yi's request was simple—to have electricity, which she had dreamed of for years. And she believed that electrifying her village in the coming years would be a possibility, if she could just talk to Myanmar's de facto leader.

However, it is not that her entire village lacks electricity. Villagers have formed a committee to supply electricity on a self-reliant basis – a system widely applied in rural areas in which the electricity ministry installs transformers, cables and meter boxes, and concerned villages assume the cost.

Of 250 households in Daw Mya San Yi's village, 85 already had electricity at the time of the State Counselor's visit, but she belonged to the group that went without.

Many households had already paid varying amounts for access to electricity. Daw Mya San Yi paid 150,000 kyats, but she could not afford to pay the balance – 550,000 kyats plus the price of cables.

So, she went to the village administrator's home to see if he could get her a seat at the State Counselor's event.

"He told me he could, but then later said our village only got 10 seats, and I wouldn't be given one. I was upset because I wanted to talk to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi," she told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

So, instead of going to the talk in Myay Taing Kan village, she went to a farm in her village. She brought tea to the farmers and then went home to watch the talks on TV. She heard the State Counselor talk of electricity and peace.

"Then, I heard Mother Suu tell the crowd to be quiet and that she would allow them to speak after the event," Daw Mya San Yi recounted.

Hearing this, she decided to go to Myay Taing Kan village, and found someone to take her on his motorbike.

The talk was not yet over when she got there, and a few people in the crowd told her to wait, as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had promised to allow villagers to speak after the event.

And she kept her word, saying she would allow about three people from the crowd to speak.

Daw Mya San Yi ran onto the stage. And luckily, she was the first to speak to the State Counselor.

"I'm Ma Mya San Yi from Nyaungbintha-Se village. I heard on TV that outsiders would be allowed to speak after the event so I came running at the risk of my life," said Daw Mya San Yi, which drew a round of loud applause.

"Mother Suu, there are 250 houses in our village, 85 of them have electricity, and the remaining houses are around 400 to 500 feet away [from the lampposts used to link overhead cables]. We have to buy 400 to 500 feet of cable, and pay 700,000 kyats. We can't afford it. I've paid 150,000 kyats," she told the State Counselor.

As she talked about people who have been able to start businesses thanks to the electricity in the village, she broke down in tears.

"We still don't have electricity. I am sad, mother. Please solve this. Not immediately. But please help us get electricity in a year or two. I would be satisfied if you could do that," she told Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi listened and then talked privately with Mandalay Region Chief Minister U Zaw Myint Maung for a few minutes.

"I know that electricity is needed across the entire country. We have to find solutions to solve these problems together with people," the State Counselor said.

She did not make immediate promises, but said that her government would work to find ways to help villages that had gone down the self-reliant path.

But Daw Mya San Yi's hopes were realized. After the talks were broadcast on state media, two donors contributed 10 million kyats each, making it possible for the remaining houses to get electricity.

"I didn't think it would happen immediately. I would have been happy if it took a couple years. I just asked for it because I cannot afford 700,000 kyats," she said.

Around 50 households who already paid 150,000 kyats were told they would get hooked up to electricity first with the donor contributions, said Daw Than Aye of Nyaungbintha-Se village.

Across Myanmar, there are many villages like Daw Mya San Yi's that still do not have electricity. According to the Ministry of Electricity and Energy, only some 30,000 of more than 63,000 villages had access to electricity as of May.

The day after the local peace talks, 17 officials from the Wundwin Township electricity department went to Nyaungbintha-Se Village.

"They said that they had received an order from upper-level authorities and that we would get electricity. I was so happy; I even treated them to fried noodles," Daw Mya San Yi said.

The post Villager Asks State Counselor for Electricity, Gets Her Wish appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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National News

National News

Officials inspect Mandalay bamboo-shoot producers

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 02:33 PM PDT

Authorities visited bamboo-shoot businesses in Mandalay city to try to educate them about the harmful effects of banned chemical dyes on human health.

Myanmar urged to probe death of maid

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 02:12 PM PDT

A Thailand-based migrant rights group called on the Myanmar government to conduct an investigation into the death of a 17-year-old Myanmar citizen maid in Thailand earlier in the week, which the police indicated could be a suicide case.

Over 200,000 people displaced by floods

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 02:07 PM PDT

Over 200,000 people were displaced in floods brought about by monsoon rains in various parts of the country, the rescue and resettlement department said Thursday.

MOE abolishes rules curtailing student participation in political activities

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 02:04 PM PDT

The Ministry of Education has cancelled all rules that curtailed the participation of students in political activities beginning coming school year, a senior official told The Myanmar Times on Thursday.

Arakanese young monks to hold protests across Rakhine on Sunday

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 02:01 PM PDT

Arakanese Young Monk Association (for maintaining discipline and welfare to the people) on Thursday sought permission from the Rakhine State government to hold protests throughout the state on the weekend, said the association's patron Sayadaw U Dhammika.

66(d) necessary to prevent more crime: Pyithu Hluttaw MP

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 01:59 PM PDT

The controversial Telecommunications section 66(d) is necessary to prevent people from committing more crimes and cannot be fully abolished, U Tun Tun Hein, chair of Bill Committee and Pyithu Hluttaw MP from Naung Cho township, said on Thursday.

Two suspected KIAs killed in landmine explosion: Tatmadaw

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 01:57 PM PDT

Two suspected members of the ethnic armed group Kachin Independence Army (KIA) were killed in a landmine explosion in Mogaung township on August 9, the Tatmadaw said in a statement.
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Thursday, August 10, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

H1N1 Death Toll Rises to 19

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 07:13 AM PDT

YANGON — Two more children died of the H1N1 virus on Wednesday, bringing the death toll to 19 since the flu outbreak was confirmed on July 21, according to Ministry of Health and Sports.

The two children were from Irrawaddy and Magwe regions, according to the Public Health Department in Naypyitaw.

According to the health ministry, a total of 183 people contracted the H1N1 virus—also known as swine flu—between July 21 and August 9. A total of 63 patients—11 at Waibagi Hospital in Yangon and 52 at hospitals in other regions and states—are still receiving medical treatment, but most of them are recovering, according to the ministry.

However, according to the daily statements released by the ministry about the virus and deaths, the number of people who contracted and died of virus has continued to rise.

Local businessmen, companies, as well as UN agencies and international organizations, are providing cash, medicine, medical equipment and masks, according to the ministry. Turkey will provide flu vaccines, and China will also supply the antiviral medication Oseltamivir, flu vaccines, and medical equipment including respirators.

Meanwhile, the medical superintendent of Irrawaddy Region's Pyapon Township Hospital has been discharged from Waibagi Hospital after recovering from the H1N1 virus, the medical superintendent of Waibagi Hospital Dr. Aye Aye Aung told The Irrawaddy.

The medical superintendent was admitted to Waibagi Hospital on August 3 after she became sick during the last week of July and was discharged on Tuesday, she said.

The deputy director-general of the public health department Dr. Than Tun Aung said at a meeting on the H1N1 flu on Sunday that the ministry would treat the outbreak as a pandemic, and still had not been able to bring it under control.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

The post H1N1 Death Toll Rises to 19 appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Tatmadaw Troops Arrive in Sittwe, Bound for Maungdaw: Source

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 07:01 AM PDT

Naypyitaw — A fully equipped Tatmadaw battalion believed to be dispatched to Maungdaw arrived at Sittwe Airport on Thursday morning, sources close to the Rakhine State government confirmed to The Irrawaddy.

"At around 9 a.m. today, two military planes landed at Sittwe Airport. All of [the passengers] are soldiers. There may be around 100 in each plane. I heard they can't proceed to Maungdaw because of bad weather and are staying in Sittwe," a Sittwe local who was present at the airport told The Irrawaddy on the condition of anonymity.

Sources close to the Rakhine State government told The Irrawaddy that they do not know the exact number of troops, but that they are meant to assist the security police force rather than directly engage in area clearance operations.

Myanmar Army troops arrive in Sittwe on Thursday. (Photo: Myanmar Pressphoto Agency)

The dispatch follows the Arakan National Party (ANP)'s request to the Tatmadaw commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to boost security in the area on Wednesday.

"We've officially asked for further deployment of Tatmadaw forces for the security of Rakhine State. We pointed out that existing security forces are too small to protect ethnic villages. The army chief said the Tatmadaw has large forces and that he would increase the troops if necessary. And he did as he said today," ANP lawmaker U Pe Than, representing Myebon Township in the Lower House, told The Irrawaddy.

A senior military officer who asked for anonymity confirmed that the deployment was made at the request of ANP. However, he declined to give further details, citing security reasons.

A spokesperson from the Rakhine State government said that the civil administration is not informed of military matters, and that he knew nothing more about what was reported regarding troop movements.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Govt, UNFC Still at Odds on Signing NCA

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 05:53 AM PDT

Government representatives expressed high hopes of reaching an agreement in peace discussions with the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) in Yangon on Thursday, despite UNFC representative Khu Oo Reh saying the trust-level between the parties was zero.

The comments were made in opening remarks at the sixth round of formal talks between the government Peace Commission and ethnic bloc the UNFC's Delegation for Political Negotiation (DPN) at the National Reconciliation and Peace Center in Yangon.

An agreement to have UNFC members sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) would be reached at this round of talks after 14 months of negotiations, said Peace Commission chairman U Tin Myo Win in his opening remarks.

The Peace Commission and the UNFC discussed the DPN's nine-point proposal of conditions leading to the bloc's groups signing the NCA—one of which being that all five members of the UNFC are invited to sign.

U Tin Myo Win added that chairperson of the National Reconciliation and Peace Center State Counselor Daw Aung San Su Kyi had sent a message to say she strongly believed the talks could finalize the ethnic bloc signing the NCA and she hoped they could "walk forward towards peace" at the next stage of the 21st Century Panglong Union peace conference.

DPN leader and UNFC general secretary Khu Oo Reh, however, said in his opening remarks: "I feel like the essential trust level is still at zero after after 14 months of talks."

The position of peace policy markers bore no reality to the situation on the ground, he added.

Active members of UNFC which will decide whether to sign after talks are: the New Mon State Party (NMSP); the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP); the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU); the Arakan National Council (ANC); and the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP).

Government spokesperson U Zaw Htay, who attended Thursday's meeting, said that after heated discussions, the two parties were in a positon to reach an agreement.

Under discussion were the location of Myanmar Army outposts and the inclusion of international observers in the ceasefire monitoring.

Discussions will continue, and end, on Friday.

 In July, The Irrawaddy reported that four non-NCA signatory ethnic armed groups had resigned from the UNFC: the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Wa National Organization (WNO).

Under the U Thein Sein administration, eight ethnic armed groups signed the NCA in October 2015.

The current National League for Democracy-led government held two rounds of peace conferences in August 2016 and May 2017. The next round is scheduled to take place within the next six months.

The post Govt, UNFC Still at Odds on Signing NCA appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ministry Pledges Legal Protection For Domestic Workers

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 05:29 AM PDT

YANGON — The Ministry of Labor, Immigration and Population has pledged to provide legal protections for Myanmar housemaids working abroad without proper documentation, the minister said on Thursday.

Responding to a parliamentary question on such protections raised by Lower House lawmaker U Min Thein of Magwe Division's Taungdwingyi Township, Minister U Thein Swe acknowledged that traffickers and agents have been sending female domestic workers to foreign countries illegally, since his ministry has ceased to provide such work documentation since 2014.

"Due to language barriers and very few chances to communicate with other organizations outside [of their employers' houses], they are unable to get the legal rights of the host countries," Minister U Thein Swe said.

"By collecting data from migrant workers in foreign countries, we will arrange to legalize the status of domestic workers," the minister told lawmakers.

Lawmaker U Min Thein questioned if the ministry planned to put forward a clear policy granting legal protections for domestic workers who are employed by local families in foreign countries and within Myanmar. He cited a recent suicide in which a domestic worker, who was a Myanmar national, jumped from a high-rise apartment in Singapore, allegedly as a consequence of ill treatment by her employer, as well as the high profile case of the two enslaved teenaged housemaids in the Ava tailor shop in downtown Yangon.

Minister U Thein Swe also acknowledged the need for a separate law dedicated to preventing and tackling abuse, exploitation, and debt bondage carried out by employers against housemaids. He also pointed out that there are limitations in trying to collect information about such workers and to investigate allegations of violations by employers due to the nature of domestic work.

"They are usually employed through relatives and friends or through brokers and agents, and they stay inside the houses of their employers," he explained. "[For these reasons,] we have difficulty in inspecting if the employers follow the regulated [maximum] working hours or respect the rules."

The ministry has so far only officially approved sending some 130 domestic workers to Singapore through a bilateral agreement between the two governments, but it is estimated that as many as 40,000 Myanmar nationals are currently engaged in domestic work in Singapore, according to the ministry.

International Domestic Workers' Day was celebrated last week for the first time in Myanmar with the assistance of the International Labor Organization (ILO) and the Livelihoods and Food Security Trust Fund (LIFT).

On June 16, 2011, the ILO adopted a landmark treaty, the Convention on Decent Work for Domestic Workers, which laid out the rights of domestic workers. The convention requires countries to guarantee domestic workers the same rights as other workers regarding daily and weekly rest periods, working hours, overtime compensation and paid annual leave; as well as adequate protection against violence.

The post Ministry Pledges Legal Protection For Domestic Workers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Bill Committee Calls for Reduced Sentencing in Telecom Law

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 05:23 AM PDT

YANGON — The Lower House Bill Committee called to reduce the maximum prison term under Article 66 of the Telecommunications Law including online defamation charges to less than three years on Thursday.

The law, which was enacted in 2013 under former President Thein Sein, is undergoing amendment.

Article 66(d), a controversial law that limits freedom of expression online, currently provides for a maximum prison sentence of up to three years for anyone convicted of "extorting, coercing, restraining wrongfully, defaming, disturbing, causing undue influence or threatening to any person by using any Telecommunications Network."

The law has been, and still is, used to stifle political dissent, through punishment that is severe in relation to the crime. It has been used to charge more than 80 people with "online defamation," including more than a dozen members of the media who have been detained and jailed.

A member of the Lower House Bill Committee, U Tun Tun Hein, told parliamentarians on Thursday that the term of imprisonment must be reduced in order for those accused under the statute to be guaranteed bail in line with criminal procedure.

The Upper House approved amendments of the law on Aug. 2 without reducing the imprisonment term. The amended bill states that those charged under Articles 65, 66(a), (b) and (d) "may" be granted bail, leaving it to the judge's discretion.

According to Myanmar's criminal procedure, charges that can be accompanied by three or more years in prison do not permit bail to be granted.

"This point makes it clear that bail is not allowable under Article 66," U Tun Tun Hein told parliamentarians on Thursday.

"If we amend the imprisonment to less than three years, these will become bailable charges in line with existing law [criminal procedure]," he added.

The Lower House Bill Committee presented their observations on the draft amendment of the law that has been approved in the Upper House. The committee praised the changes, saying they give the accused greater chances to defend themselves, stop third parties from filing cases and expedite legal action.

The Lower House will discuss the amendments in the upcoming session.

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ANP Asks Army Chief to Segregate Ethnic Communities in Maungdaw

Posted: 10 Aug 2017 02:45 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Arakan National Party (ANP) urged Myanmar Army Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to segregate Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State's Maungdaw Township in the aftermath of killings of ethnic Mro people in the south of the township.

A seven-member ANP delegation visited the military chief in administrative capital Naypyitaw on Wednesday to discuss local concerns and called for heightened security measures in Rakhine State.

"Ethnic [Rakhine] villages are surrounded by Bengali villages, so, we called for designating No-Bengali zones in the area," U Khin Maung Latt of the ANP, who was at the meeting, told The Irrawaddy.

The stateless Rohingya Muslim population of 1.1 million in Rakhine is referred to as "Bengali" by many in the state and the government, to infer that they are interlopers from Bangladesh.

Tension has been running high recently between the two communities, who remain largely separated since inter-communal violence in 2012 and 2013 displaced around 140,000 people, the vast majority of them Muslim Rohingya.

Myanmar Army-led security operations, in response to attacks on border guard posts that killed nine police, drove 75,000 Rohingya across the border to Bangladesh and "very likely" amounted to crimes against humanity, according to the UN.

The commander-in-chief did not give a clear response to the request, according to attendees.

ANP secretary U Oo Hla Saw, who was also present at the meeting, said the party requested to meet the army chief as the military is responsible for national security.

The ANP elaborated on the concerns of ethnic Rakhine people and recent militant acts in the area, and the army chief seemed to be keen to provide the best security he could for ethnic Rakhine people, he said.

"The army chief said he would fully protect ethnic groups in Rakhine State and that he would take care of the routes that [immigrants] use to come in illegally, and make sure the Mayu mountains are not used by militants," said U Oo Hla Saw, who is a Lower House member of parliament for Mrauk U Township.

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's Facebook page said the two sides discussed further cooperation for stability and development in Rakhine State.

The ANP delegation said the ruling party National League for Democracy (NLD) and the army have different views on the Rakhine issue.

Also on Wednesday, the Upper House agreed to consider U Khin Maung Latt's proposal which urged the government to take action against suspected militants in northern Rakhine State under the 2014 Counter-Terrorism Law and help locals who have fled their homes because of recent killings in the area.

Last week, six ethnic Mro—a sub-ethnic group of Rakhine—of Kay Gyee village near the Mayu mountain range in southern Maungdaw Township were found dead with gun and machete wounds. It remains unclear who was responsible for the killings.

The State Counselor's Office reported hundreds of ethnic Rakhine from several villages had left their homes and moved to other villages following the unrest.

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing remarked that ethnic youth should "cooperate" with security forces, according to ANP delegates, when asked about providing arms for local people.

Also present at the meeting was deputy commander-in-chief of defense services and army commander-in-chief Vice-Snr-Gen Soe Win and chief of general staff (army, navy and air) Gen Mya Tun Oo. The ANP delegation was headed by chairman Dr. Aye Maung.

The Myanmar government on Sunday, in its investigation report into the Rakhine security operation, repeated rejections of accusations of human rights abuses, calling reports of possible genocide "fabricated."

The government continues to block a UN fact-finding mission tasked with investigating alleged atrocities—including extra judicial killings, arson, and rape—committed by Myanmar Army and police during the Rakhine security campaign that began last year.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Raising the Bar

Posted: 09 Aug 2017 11:43 PM PDT

Yangon's myriad Japanese eateries have a new restaurant to compete with—its secret weapons are exceptionally well-sourced sashimi and fine-grade Wagyu beef.

Singaporean Eugene Heng opened Sushi Bar in Sule Square in May, his third restaurant, after opening two of the same name in Singapore over the last four and a half years.

The concept, in Singapore at least, is quality modern Japanese food with a focus on sushi and sashimi that won't break the bank.

After Myanmar friends visited his Singapore branches, they convinced him to set up a joint venture in Yangon.

The restaurant's sashimi is flown in from Japan and Norway. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

As the name suggests, the restaurant's sushi and sashimi are its strength. Fatty tuna, snapper, and mackerel are flown over fresh from Japan.

Crucially, the fish isn't frozen—so the texture and taste of the glistening sashimi is (almost) as fresh and refreshing as you'd find in Tokyo's famous Tsukiji fish market.

The otoro (fatty tuna) is supple and full of flavor as is the salmon, flown in from Norway, especially with the restaurant's freshly grated wasabi root.

The rest of the menu by chef Boo Kae Lun—previously of Nadaman Japanese restaurant at the Singapore Shangri La—should not be overlooked, particularly the more modern, fusion dishes.

The pan-fried foie gras in teriyaki sauce with slow cooked daikon and pumpkin purée is pure indulgence.

The pan-fried foie gras is an example of one of Sushi Bar's fine fusion dishes. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

The dish is a master class in fusion cooking—the luxury of French fine dining with the foie gras and puree marries with the succulent Japanese white radish. Worth the indulgence at 16,900 kyats.

Equally sumptuous is the foie gras ikura chawanmushi—traditional Japanese steamed egg with foie gras.

The Miyazaki Wagyu was another highlight of Sushi Bar's menu. Like the sashimi, the quality of the Japanese grade A5 sirloin speaks for itself. Eugene told us he brings it over personally, seven kilograms at a time, from Singapore. Served medium rare, it's a melt-in-your-mouth treat.

The Myiazaki Wagyu beef. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Eugene admits, however, that Sushi Bar is unlikely to find itself as the restaurant of choice for Yangon's discerning Japanese residents. Its lack of a Japanese chef and shopping mall location mean all those its ingredients cannot be faulted, but it lacks a little authenticity.

The Irrawaddy's hot tip? Be sure to reserve one of the booths on the window side of the restaurant for a more secluded, intimate dining experience overlooking Sule Pagoda Road rather than Sule Square shoppers.

Sushi Bar is located in Sule Square (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

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The Myth Myanmar Can Afford to Ditch

Posted: 09 Aug 2017 07:44 PM PDT

Myanmar is a country that needs a long-winded introduction as well as careful introspection. Introduction is required because despite all the raves about its potential, whether economic—as Asia's last frontier—or political—thanks to the headline-grabbing Nobel Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi—it was and still is unknown to many people outside the country.

In the late 18th century—a period ushering in a new era of globalization—Myanmar, which was then called the Kingdom of Ava, was little-known because pre-colonial Burmese rulers (with the exception of a few) generally chose to develop an agrarian society, mostly detached from global trade. The English ambassador Michael Symes wrote in his famous "An Account of an Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava, sent by the Governor-General of India, in the Year 1795": "Of the kingdom of Ava, …so little is known to the European world, that many persons … were at a loss on what part of the globe to seek for its position; and … even unacquainted with the existence of such a nation."

The long history of Myanmar as an isolated patch on the world's map is significant in that it never presented an opportunity for many an outsider to learn its culture or understand the psyche of its people. This is particularly evident in the case of advocacy around human rights issues in Myanmar. Before the outbreak of the Rohingya conflict, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was relentlessly praised as an icon of human rights. The fact that most activists never fully understood her became undeniable as a deluge of criticism over her supposed silence on the issue arose in full force. Although some did acknowledge her limited power or role in the conflict, disappointment continued to well up from her long time-supporters who could no longer hold her up to the world as a human rights icon. This growing gulf was actually less-than-shocking when one realizes that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was adored by two types of supporters for two very different reasons: locals love her for the sacrifices she made, whereas foreigners showered adulation on her for human rights, something locals never gave much thought to.

Given decades of seclusion, an insular culture—resulting from isolationist policies and Myanmar people's love for their own set of unique norms—and the lack of systematic (and impartial) study of various aspects of the country, this kind of miss is explicable. However, with the availability of much information about Myanmar now and with the emergence of platforms for discussion (including here on Tea Circle), recent trends in one particular social issue should be scrutinized because if it is not reined in, it will allow a myth to become entrenched in Myanmar society. The issue in question is women's rights and the myth is the assertion that Myanmar fares poorly in gender equality—a myth perpetuated by both locals and foreigners who have not thoroughly inspected the whole spectrum of Burmese women to appropriately frame issues of women's empowerment in the Burmese context. Women's rights in Myanmar is an issue that is misunderstood by some foreigners (particularly international NGOs) and misinterpreted by some locals who inadvertently downplays Burmese-style women's empowerment.

Before continuing, it would be good to preface by acknowledging that I am perhaps not the best qualified person, for I am neither a social scientist nor a female. I don't believe in absurd gender-based superstitions, such as women being assumed to have less "hpone" (let's call it "aura" for lack of a better translation) than men do. Nor do I deny that there indeed exists a disparity between how men and women are generally treated in the country. Besides, what I am going to say may not be true across all cultural groups of Myanmar. However, as far as Burmese Buddhist culture is concerned, my personal experience of growing up in an extended family headed by strong independent women whom I respect very much leads me to conclude that the myth I describe is worth debunking, in as much as I am capable—, the myth that women's rights are scarce in Myanmar or that women do not enjoy the same privilege as men do. It would have probably been easier to argue in favor of feminism by incorporating grievances some Burmese women have against sexist practices. But, I couldn't do so because while some of those concerns are legitimate, it only shows one side of the coin. To ignore the other side is to do a disservice to thousands and thousands of Burmese women who contributed (and are contributing) so much to the country in whatever way they could (and can). This is not an argument against feminism; rather this is meant to be a piece that highlights the inadequacies of the current form of feminism that is prevalent in the country.

Many of the arguments that call attention to the need for improved gender equality in Myanmar draw their strength from numbers. Indeed, one will not find it difficult to identify a field in Myanmar where men outnumber women. But, can we truly deduce that sexist attitudes are the cause of this disparity?

I suspect this obsession with numbers is due to the encroachment of a supposedly utopian, egalitarian and extreme-left-leaning ideology of gender equality into Myanmar's territory of women's rights. While the degree of fervor among supporters varies from somewhat mild or tolerable to extreme bordering on insanity, the essence of this type of feminism can still be encapsulated in a few short sentences: gender and physical differences between men and women should never be a deterrent to women's freedom to choose whichever occupations they like; and, not until the number of women in just about every field is equal to (or more than) that of men could a just society be established.

In transplanting this ideology to Myanmar, many fields were cited as examples of gender imbalance: Burmese women are under-represented in media, politics and so on. But, reaching hasty conclusions based on numbers alone is less-than-wise.

Aaron Neil, a contributing editor at the National Discourse, brilliantly portrayed the futility of what he calls 'gender sameness theory' in his article "Why It's Time To Stop Worrying About First World 'Gender Gaps.'" He disagreed with the view that 'any country with unequal representation of women in politics, STEM graduates, or the general workforce, is a country that must shed its ancient notion of gender roles and opt for a progressive utopia of gender sameness.'

Similarly, in Myanmar's context, we should first determine what prompted these imbalances to emerge before quickly attributing them to sexism. We should be asking whether or not underrepresentation truly translates to gender inequality. There should be no justification for failing to do so unless, of course, we are infected with what I call the 'gender sameness virus.' This virus renders us, once infected, fixated on fighting for women's rights based on a narrowly-defined notion of gender inequality and attacks our systematic thinking, causing us to overlook evidence that suggests contrary claims.

When cured of the virus, it becomes clearer that Myanmar was and still is quite progressive when it comes to women's rights and equality. Repeatedly demanding that Myanmar needs to do better in promoting women's rights is not only perplexing but also condescending to Myanmar people when one considers ample historical and contemporary evidence that shows that Myanmar women have always enjoyed freedom and have always known liberation—albeit not in a way that could fit into the narratives favored by a majority of activists and feminists.

While Burmese queens were able to sit on a throne alongside kings as they gave an audience to officials and ambassadors, queens in East Asian Kingdoms were not allowed to sit on thrones. In some cases, such as the Qing dynasty, queens had to rule and give commands from behind curtains. Burmese women do not have to change their names upon marriage. Nor are they prohibited from or chastised for assuming the head role of a family (although that may not be widespread in poorer regions). Long before women in the western world had to fight for suffrage or equal inheritance rights, Burmese pre-colonial laws under its monarchs granted women equal rights in inheritance, marriage and divorce. Women could divorce men fairly easily, sometimes even on a whim. In "An English Girl's First Impression of Burmah" by Beth Ellis, she told the story of a Burmese maid who disappeared for several days, then got married and reappeared after just two weeks because the maid had gotten tired of being married!

I am fully aware that the status enjoyed by women of the past has not remained intact into the present day. Changes did come. Squeezed by economic hardships during years of isolation, lower middle-class and poor families preferred boys to girls as sending children to cities or overseas for further education was a safety concern when it came to daughters. Men and women came to take up different roles for the survival of their family. Amidst a shortage of job opportunities, wives stayed at home and husbands went out to bring what money they could find to the family. As a result, even today, men dominate in various job sectors.

However, much of what seems to be discrimination against women is simply a result of economic and social conditions of those difficult times. Parents were concerned about their daughters' safety in a faraway land and kept them close. Wives did work outside when their education could lend them a job. More importantly, let's not forget that the role of women has not diminished much, as contemporary evidence shows.

If sexism is as widespread as we are led to believe, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not have survived the military junta's tactics to discredit her based on her gender, however much weight she has as a daughter of independence hero General Aung San. It was mostly her popularity that propelled the NLD to a landslide victory in the last general election. To the question of what it is like to be a businesswoman in a 'male-dominated society', these interviews and research reports show that the much-hyped gender gap is not even an issue for most Burmese businesswomen. Even preference towards a baby boy is not so deeply ingrained in Burmese parents. Some even prefer girls because sons are thought to be unreliable, and will not look after the family once they get married. Parents often utter how sons will become "mane-ma-naut-lite" ("follow the wife") after their marriage. Moreover, this country does not have skewed gender ratio among the general population, which, according to the 2014 census, stood at approximately 1.07 or 107 females for every 100 males.

My personal experience also convinces me to claim that although a somewhat patriarchal system where men are expected to work and women expected to stay at home and be a good housewife is prevalent in Myanmar, its society at least accords equal amount of respect to both men and women, regardless of the different roles they perform for their families. My mother has always been a housewife. Yet, she commands the same respect as my father does in my family as well as among her friends. No one has ever told her she deserves less credit or respect. I dare say I speak the truth for many other Burmese families like mine.

The fact that Myanmar managed to retain much freedom and respect for women in the face of conditions—economic, social and religious—that could damage women's liberty should be a source of inspiration for anyone intent upon elevating the status of Burmese women. What better way to promote women's rights than to begin from where we already are? This is the other side of the coin that has been largely ignored.

Only by examining both sides of the coin shall we begin to ask relevant questions. Is Myanmar really near the bottom when it comes to women's rights? Emancipation of women in the West came many years after the age of industrialization. Increased economic activities and wealth brought enlightenment values and subsequently the fight for gender equality. Similarly, we should ask whether or not the country has the necessary, basic cultural framework that will enable it to slowly eradicate some existing discriminatory practices applied towards women as it continues to modernize its economy and lift people out of poverty. Personally, I am optimistic because, for a large chunk of Myanmar's long history, there never was the type of systematic state-sanctioned or religion-sponsored discrimination towards women that could result in serious hindrances to the progress of society.

Late entry to the game of modernization is both a blessing and a curse for Myanmar. The country is blessed that it has opportunities to emulate what worked for the other countries. However, the risk of turning a blessing into a curse is real if Myanmar is not wary of importing ideas that pose dangers to the society. Liberals' version of feminism is simply one option. People shouldn't be fooled into believing that the current status of women in Myanmar is a liability. The relative freedom and current status of Burmese women should be celebrated as an asset to this country. It would be a travesty if that asset is consistently ignored and gets replaced with a myth that paints Burmese women as anything but free, independent, empowered and respected people.

Brandon Aung Moe was born and raised in Myanmar. He is an engineering degree graduate from the National University of Singapore (N.U.S.). The views expressed in the article are entirely his own and do not reflect those of anybody else he knows. He is currently working at Thura Swiss, a Myanmar-based firm specialized in market research, consulting and services supporting investments. He can be reached at brandon.lee.sam@gmail.com.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post The Myth Myanmar Can Afford to Ditch appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Families Unplanned in Kachin IDP Camps

Posted: 09 Aug 2017 06:43 PM PDT

WAINGMAW & MYITKYINA, Kachin State — Holding her eight-month-old baby close to her chest, young mother Roi San chased after her other child, a toddler running in front of her. The toddler ran barefoot across the ground.

Married at 16, the 20-year-old had two miscarriages before giving birth to her two children. Roi San is one of the 708 people living in Zilun Baptist camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Kachin State capital Myitkyina.

The Irrawaddy visited three camps in Kachin State's Waingmaw and Myitkyina townships last month —St. Joseph Mai Na, Zilun and Madaing—and met with displaced families fleeing conflict between the Myanmar Army and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) since 2011. The ongoing conflict has displaced more than 100,000 persons in Kachin State to date.

Women and children are a common sight in IDP camps as men leave to work while wives and daughters tend to take care of their children, younger siblings and household chores during the day. At St. Joseph Mai Na Camp, sheltering 1,472 people, nearly 200 are under five years old.

Many mothers who talked to The Irrawaddy said they were terrified of becoming pregnant again. Reproductive issues are seldom addressed as a priority in IDP camps, but poor family planning adds hardship to the desperate situation of the families living there, as they struggle to arrange childcare and feed extra mouths.

According to Htoi Gender and Development Foundation, which has been working with women in the region—both in IDP camps and local villages—advocating for reproductive rights and awareness of gender issues since 2011, women living in displaced persons camps in particular need birth pacing and family planning. In these contexts, parents are often unable to provide enough nutrition to their children while struggling to earn money for everyday expenses and rely on donors to live.

"Population increase is not a problem. The problem is that an increasing number of children do not get access to the food, nutrition, and education that they deserve," Nang Pu, founder of the Kachin State Women's Network and the director of Htoi, told The Irrawaddy.

In an email to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) said it had already reached out to 10,800 women and girls living both in camps and in host communities by conducting awareness sessions on family planning, as well as other sexual and reproductive health and rights, including different types of contraceptives, pregnancy-related complications and gender-based violence.

Besides the UNFPA's provision of contraceptive choices and family planning options, women and girls living in IDP camps where there are government health workers can request contraceptive pills and injections from midwives and nurses. A health worker from Madaing camp in Waingmaw Township confirmed this to The Irrawaddy during the visit to the camp.

According to the UNFPA, 17.9 percent of women in Kachin State have an unmet need for contraceptives. Although they would like to access them, they cannot due to barriers such as cost, supply, logistics and cultural norms. Countrywide, this figure is slightly lower: 16 percent of women in Myanmar want contraceptives, but have been unable to obtain them.

A woman and her child in Mai Na IDP camp in Waingmaw Township, Kachin State. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing/ The Irrawaddy)

"Women and girls need to know the choices that are available to them. But they also need to be empowered to make the choices they want for their health and their future," Janet Jackson, UNFPA's representative for Myanmar, told The Irrawaddy in an email.

A key component of the gender equality work is, UNFPA said, to engage men and boys in family and gender-related issues that range from family planning and contraceptives to gender equality and domestic violence. It said that conducting such sessions on Sundays could increase male participation in discussion as families often go to the session together after visiting church.

However, including men is still a difficulty as they are often absent or think family planning does not concern them, and they tend to leave the discussions, Htoi's Nang Pu said.

"Even when women know what they should do for birth control, they can't always convince their husbands," Nang Pu said, referring to experiences that mothers had shared with her.

Cultural and religious concerns in the community are also hindering her efforts to raise awareness, Nang Pu said, explaining that community leaders often misunderstand her intentions and think she is discouraging population growth among the ethnic community.

Vulnerable populations are most affected by war—women, girls, and the elderly—she said. "Women are the ones who always suffer most but are also the most resilient."

Acknowledging the strength of women—often forgotten and overlooked at the tables of peace talks—The Irrawaddy highlights the struggles of six displaced mothers.

Pawk Seng Pang, a 22-year-old mother of three. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Living at the Zai Awng camp on the China-Myanmar border since 2011, 22-year-old mother of three Pawk Seng Pang had to flee from the camp in January this year after Myanmar Army troops attacked the KIA's Lai Hpawng outpost. The young mother gave birth to the girl she is holding in the picture on the road during her flight from Zai Awng to Mai Na camp in Waingmaw Township.

The young mother discovered in 2015 that her husband had infected her with HIV. Even though she took contraceptives to prevent pregnancy and, thereby, the risk of mother-to-child transmission of HIV, she stopped taking them due to the heavy bleeding that was a side effect of contraceptives. She became pregnant with her youngest daughter. She is now hoping that her six-month-old is not HIV positive. The couple has been taking antiretroviral therapy (ART) to treat the HIV infection.

When asked what makes her resilient to so many hardships, she looked at her daughter and responded, "My children are the reason I'm still alive."

Htusan, 27-year-old mother of two, in Mai Na camp. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Originally from Nam San Yang village close to the KIA stronghold of Laiza, 27-year-old mother of two Htusan has been displaced to Mai Na camp for six years now. She gave birth to her first child when she was 18 years old. Holding her 15-month-old boy, she said: "Life is hard. And we can't provide our children with a good education." Living hand-to-mouth and fending for the family, her husband works as a driver outside of the camp.

"I also want to work outside the camp like my husband, but there is no one who would take care of my two children while I am not around," Htusan told The Irrawaddy.

Due to the difficulties she and her husband have been facing in the camp, she is considering not having another child. 

Marip Nu Ja, a 27-year-old mother of three. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

The 27-year-old mother of three Marip Nu Ja has been displaced since 2011. She got married when she was 18 in 2008, and her first child is now nine. Holding her nine-month-old daughter, Marip Nu Ja said long-term displacement fills their lives with uncertainties and insecurities.

"I'm afraid that life will get more and more difficult when the children grow up," she said.

Htu Ling, aged 33 and a mother of four, in Mai Na camp. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Htu Ling, a 33-year-old mother of four, gave birth to her youngest daughter just five months ago in Mai Na camp where she has been living for six years. She gave birth to three of her older children in her native Nam San Yang village—a 2-hour drive from Laiza—before fleeing the war. Since her second pregnancy with twins ten years ago, she has decided to use birth control, saying that she wanted to be a dedicated mother to her older children. Having heard that long-term birth control medication could increase her risk for ovarian cancer, Htu Ling and her husband decided to have another child.

She said she felt guilty for using contraception, since the church taught her that it is sinful and immoral to prevent "a new life" from being created. "I know that I have sinned and I will take it with me. But my children will suffer less this way," she said.

Dai Tse, a 34-year-old mother of three in Madaing camp. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Thirty-four-year-old mother of three Dai Tse moved to Madaing camp in Waingmaw Township from Zai Awng camp in 2015. She gave birth to her last child last year in Madaing camp. She wants to have a contraceptive implant in her arm as a preferred method of long-term birth control but the cost is preventing her from doing it.

"One of the women here told me that it cost her 55,000 kyats (US$40). It is equal to the cost of one month's food for my family," Dai Tse said.

"I don't want to give birth to more children if we have to continue living like this. It's like letting them feel they are living in hell after they are born."

Seeing less and less hope of returning to her native land, Dai Tse has learned skills in sewing and has been thinking of starting a new life, integrating into the host community in Waingmaw Township. However, relationships with the locals in the area have been strained.

"People discriminate me for living at the camp. I don't want to hear the word 'IDP' anymore. If that word is a stain, I want to wash every part of my body. I wish that the storm would take it from my body," she said.

Je Muk, mother of two, aged 32. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Je Muk is a 32-year-old mother of two girls; she is currently taking hormonal birth control since both she and her husband could not go work outside of the Madaing camp and have to rely on donors to take care of their children. She is worried that hormonal birth control pills will have unpleasant side effects and hopes for a safer, alternative family planning option.

Je Muk said that her two-year-old daughter has a partial hearing impairment. She wants to go outside of the camp to be able to find a job so that she can save some money to treat her younger daughter's hearing loss.

The post Families Unplanned in Kachin IDP Camps appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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