Monday, November 20, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


President Proposes New Ministries To Better Oversee Domestic and Foreign Affairs

Posted: 20 Nov 2017 04:12 AM PST

YANGON — A presidential proposal to establish two new government ministries was submitted to the Union Parliament on Monday, a move that would raise the number of ministries to 24.

The two additional ministries proposed by President U Htin Kyaw were a Government's Office and a Ministry of International Cooperation, which would be overseen by National Security Advisor U Thaung Tun and Deputy Foreign Minister U Kyaw Tin, respectively.

Lawmakers will discuss the proposal and seek parliamentary approval on Thursday. No additional government staff will be employed for the two additional ministries. Instead they will be staffed with existing officials currently assigned to the Union government and the Foreign Affairs Ministry's International Organizations and Economic Department.

The move aims to allow the government to better manage domestic administration and international affairs, Union Attorney General U Htun Htun Oo told Parliament on Monday.

While State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is also foreign affairs minister, has been overseeing diplomatic affairs, the newly proposed international cooperation minister would administer affairs related to international organizations from an economic viewpoint, in addition to the usual political perspective, U Htun Htun Oo said.

Meanwhile, another presidential proposal to replace the existing commissioners of Myanmar's anti-corruption body, which was formed under the previous U Thein Sein government was also submitted to Parliament on Monday. The anti-corruption commission mandated by the anti-graft law was formed in March 2014.

The proposal named former information minister U Aung Kyi, who is currently in charge of the government's peace commission, to replace existing chair U Mya Win. U Aung Kyi has served in the military and government administration for more than 50 years.

Former police chief Maj-Gen Zaw Win, who retired from the force in May this year, was also proposed as a commission member. Other proposed members include retired officials of the Attorney-General's Office and Special Investigation Bureau and legal experts.

According to unconfirmed sources, the government also plans to split the Ministry of Electricity and Energy into two ministries to be led by one minister each. Under the previous U Thein Sein government, Myanmar had 36 ministries.

Htet Naing Zaw contributed to this report from Naypyitaw.

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Minster Calls for Action to Save the Moken

Posted: 20 Nov 2017 02:18 AM PST

YANGON — Union Minister for Ethnic Affairs U Naing Thet Lwin has called for the creation of a special committee to save the Moken, who now number fewer than 1,000 people.

In response to a question by Upper House lawmaker Dr. Khin Maung Win on Friday, the minister suggested raising funds and establishing an official committee with anthropologists to prevent the Moken from going extinct.

"It is a long-term process and needs the cooperation of concerned authorities and experts like anthropologists as well as sufficient funds," the minister told Parliament.

The Moken, generically referred to as sea gypsies, are called 'Salone' in Burmese. They lead a nomadic life in the waters off the Tanintharyi coast of southern Myanmar, roaming the sea most of their lives in small handcrafted wooden boats that serve as their homes except for during the monsoon season.

The Tanintharyi regional government has opened basic education schools and a boarding school for Moken children, said U Naing Thet Lwin. Since 2016, the regional government has also funded Moken festivals and provided a certain amount of money for Moken families to buy rice, he added.

In the past, Moken people wandered from one island to another, leading a nomadic life, but these days, most of them are settled on the land, and some of them do not even know how to build canoes as their ancestors did, said Kawthaung local Ko Maw Kin, an expert on the Moken.

The Moken have no institutionalized religion, but believe in sea deities, he added.

U Naing Thet Lwin said the government allows Moken people to fish in the sea, and also has also sought combat drug trafficking at sea to help save them.

"Taking a look back at the history of the Salone people, Chinese and Malay people would buy sea products from them in exchange for clothes and drugs. In the last decade, drugs have nearly killed all the Moken male adults," said Ko Maw Kin.

The Ethnic Affairs Ministry has opened an ethnic literature and culture department, and an ethnic rights protection department in Dawei, the capital of Tanintharyi Region, and will cooperate with the regional government to conserve the customs and traditions of the Moken and protect their rights, said U Naing Thet Lwin.

According to the minister, there are only 635 full-blooded Moken people living in 145 households — 204 in Kawthoung and 431 in Myeik.

However, there still remain 1,819 mixed-blood Moken people — Bamar-Moken, Karen-Moken, Mon-Moken and Pa-O-Moken — living in 440 households in the Tanintharyi Region.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Minster Calls for Action to Save the Moken appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Fear, Hunger, Hopes for a New Life — the Many Reasons Driving the Rakhine Exodus

Posted: 20 Nov 2017 02:04 AM PST

Critics of the Myanmar government have assailed State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for raising the question of why, in the wake of the incidents on Aug. 24-25, did Muslims flee to Bangladesh in unprecedented numbers and why those who stayed behind, stayed. Many observers from the international community — and especially the Western media — jumped to the conclusion that Muslims were pushed out of their villages by the security forces' clearance operations.

It is true that a large number of Muslims ran away when security forces undertook sweeps through their villages. However, to ascribe the Muslim exodus to this sole cause is simplistic. For example, if military operations had been the only reason for the exodus, we would have seen a significant drop in the number of Muslims fleeing once the military campaign stopped on Sept. 5. In fact, a significant proportion of Muslims left after the security forces halted their clearance operations.

It is clear that there are many factors at play in northern Rakhine State. To be sure, many of the 600,000 Muslims who have reportedly fled to Bangladesh have done so out of fear of future military operations. However, it is worth noting that Muslims are not just afraid of state security forces but also of militants from their own community.

Before fleeing, a Muslim farmer confided to me that he, and many Muslim men he knew, joined one of the mobs that attacked security outposts in northern Rakhine on Aug. 24-25. They did so mainly because the militants threatened to kill them if they did not participate. "No one was protecting us," he said. "If we had believed that the government would protect us, we would not have joined the militants. We would not have been a part of the mob."

There were also some Muslim families who decided to flee to Bangladesh because it was becoming more and more difficult for them to make a living in their own villages. This was due in part to further restrictions on their already limited freedom of movement and in part because they were not receiving sufficient humanitarian assistance. A Muslim villager from Maungdaw noted, "We could not go to towns to find jobs. Rakhine businessmen would not give us any jobs. We were not receiving any assistance from anybody. Even if other friends from other villages or other parts of Rakhine state wanted to help us, they would not be able to send us anything. Our Rakhine friends were too afraid to help us. When we ran out of food, we did not have a choice but to become refugees." The same villager noted that although he knew the situation at refugee camps in Cox's Bazar would not be very comfortable, refugees would at least get food rations from UN agencies and other international organizations.

Some villagers remarked enigmatically that they left their villages because they were asked to do so by "people from above" or "superior people." However, even when asked directly, they refused to identify who these "people from above" were. While Rakhine observers surmised that those "people from above" were leading members of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), which led the August attacks, some Muslim observers concluded that many Muslims from northern Rakhine were manipulated by other political actors who took advantage of the unstable situation to promote their agendas. Some villagers also reported that they decided to go to Bangladesh mainly because friends and families who were already there convinced them that they would enjoy somewhat better conditions at refugee camps in Bangladesh than if they remained in their villages.

The fact is that Muslim villagers from Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships did not stop fleeing to refugee camps in Bangladesh even after the government began providing food and other assistance to Muslim internally displaced persons (IDPs) and villages. Some residents of Buthidaung reported that many Muslim families sold their property, including animals, cooking utensils and furniture at discounted rates, bought gold with the money they earned from the sales, and left for the nearest jetty or border.

Despite efforts from the Bangladeshi security forces to stop boats bringing Muslim refugees to Cox's Bazar, at least two boats from Bangladesh reportedly came to a jetty in Buthidaung township on a daily basis to pick up refugees. Due to the high demand, the boat fare recently surged from 30,000 kyats per head to 160,000 kyats per head.

In interviews, three young Muslim men from Buthidaung and Maungdaw said they decided to leave for Cox's Bazar owing to a rumor that Muslim refugees from Myanmar would be able to go to a third country and start a new and better life afterwards.

There is also another rumor circulating in Buthidaung that Muslim families can now leave for Cox's Bazar without paying any money as some diaspora groups have paid for their boat fares. Although the rumor could not be verified, it is true that Muslims have managed to leave for the refugee camps in Bangladesh on a daily basis. Some observers have also questioned why the Bangladeshi and Myanmar authorities failed to prevent the transportation of the refugees from the jetty in Buthidaung Township to Cox's Bazar.

The reasons mentioned above are by no means conclusive. The point is that the military's clearance operations were not the only reason for the exodus of Muslims from northern Rakhine to refugee camps in Bangladesh. In trying to prevent Muslims from fleeing to Bangladesh, both the government and international actors will have to take into account all reported causal factors by listening to a wide range of voices.

First of all, the government must ensure the rule of law and provide protection to all law-abiding residents in northern Rakhine State. Secondly, the government and other stakeholders must work together to prevent "people from above" from manipulating civilians. Finally, while making sure that all residents in northern Rakhine State can make an adequate living, the government, international actors and other stakeholders should work together to provide accurate information to all residents of the area to prevent innocent people from being misled by unfounded rumors.

Sai Lon is a pseudonym for a Yangon-based independent analyst and a longtime observer of communal problems in Rakhine State.

The post Fear, Hunger, Hopes for a New Life — the Many Reasons Driving the Rakhine Exodus appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Humanitarian Group Discards Logo After Criticism of Creating Conflict in Rakhine

Posted: 20 Nov 2017 01:54 AM PST

YANGON — The Humanitarian Coordination Youth Team (HCYT), a group of volunteers providing humanitarian assistance in troubled northern Rakhine State, has discarded its t-shirts after the group came under fire for the logo.

The group, formed to support the Union Enterprise for Humanitarian Assistance, Resettlement and Development (UEHRD)—an initiative by the Union government to provide assistance in Rakhine State—distributed uniform t-shirts and jackets for volunteers who would assist locals in Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships.

The garments featured a map of Rakhine on the back with Maungdaw and Buthidaug townships colored in red, and other areas in yellow, while Thandwe and Gwa townships were not included on the map.

Many netizens criticized the logo, interpreting it as the two troubled townships being split from Rakhine State.

HCYT released a statement on Nov. 13, saying that it had no intention other than to highlight the project area; and that Gwa and Thandwe were only left out because of limited space.

Two days later, the group announced that it had stopped using the clothing with the logo.

"We will not use it anymore because we are concerned that some people with bad intentions may take advantage of this," said Ko Htet Paing Soe, a senior member of HCYT.

"I would like to tell all, including locals in Rakhine State, that we had no intention of creating conflict with this logo. We welcome suggestions and are ready to cooperate to render assistance more effectively," he added.

HCYT sent its first group of volunteers to Rakhine State in the first week of November. Under the program, youth across the country will distribute relief supplies and collect data in Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships for 20 days. Forty volunteers joined the first batch, and the second and third batches will leave for Rakhine State after receiving training in Yangon on Nov. 20 and Dec.7 respectively.

HCYT was founded in October by a group of youth, which includes Rakhine, Muslims, Hindus and other ethnic minorities such as Daignet, Mro, and Maramargyi from Rakhine State.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Govt Plans to Relocate Hotels From Bagan Archeological Zone

Posted: 20 Nov 2017 12:25 AM PST

YANGON — Myanmar attempts to relocate controversial hotels in the archaeological site Bagan as it prepares the ancient city's final nomination dossier to become a Unesco World Heritage Site.

The temples of Bagan, dating from between the 9th and 13th centuries—when the Kingdom of Bagan ruled over much of lowland Burma—are considered Myanmar's biggest tourist draw and on par with Cambodia's Angkor Wat. Despite the historical, archaeological and cultural value, the ancient capital has yet to be granted Unesco World Heritage Site status, allegedly on account of being unable to present management plans to deal with sub-standard, inauthentic restorations and controversial hotel developments in the archaeological site completed under previous governments.

Showing a commitment to fixing mismanagement, the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) government's Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture said it would negotiate with developers whose hotels were built within the ancient city's archaeological vicinity to hotel zones or otherwise outside of the area.

"Relevant ministries and hoteliers will be discussing [the relocation] but we have not negotiated with or informed hotel owners officially yet," said U Aung Aung Kyaw, director of the ministry's Department of Archaeology, National Museum and Library in Bagan.

In early September, the Association of Myanmar Architects (AMA) logged 3,822 ancient monuments in Bagan. Myanmar submitted its first bid in 1996 and failed to receive the status. As the ministry decided in June 2014 to restart the process, the draft nomination dossier to the World Heritage Site Committee of Unesco was submitted in September this year and the final version has to be delivered by February 1, 2018.

Significant hotels and landmarks that would be need to be relocated include Nan Myint Viewing Tower, the Bagan Thande Hotel, the Hotel at Tharabar Gate, the Bagan Hotel, the Bagan Thiripyitsaya Sanctuary Resort, one owned by the Eden Group Company Ltd that is still under construction, and multiple others, according to U Aung Aung Kyaw.

The government is considering allowing hotel owners at least 15 years to relocate from the archaeological site but the time frame will have to be mutually agreed on by the government and hotel owners, he added.

"Regulations will be set up for the relocation after negotiations between concerned parties are finished," he said.

U Chit Khaing, chair of the Eden Group Company Ltd, told The Irrawaddy that he has yet to be informed by the government regarding the issue. Authorities and officials from the ministry have been inspecting his hotel project that is still under construction in Bagan, and no decision or conclusion has been made by government officials, he said.

"If [the decision] is in line with the law and is for the benefit of the country, we have to give it considerable thought," U Chit Khaing said, claiming that the location where the hotel is being constructed was permitted for hotel developments.

"If our [hotel project] is a disruption in nominating Bagan to be listed as a World Heritage Site, we have to follow [the decision]," he said, adding that his hotel project will not be considered a disruption within a world heritage site as per his observation internationally.

Built in 2005, Nan Myint Viewing Tower gives tourists a bird’s-eye view of temple-filled Bagan, but the site faced criticism from archaeologists and preservationists for being built in the midst of such an important archaeological zone. (Photo: Zaw Zaw/ The Irrawaddy)

Unesco's national project officer for Myanmar Ma Ohnmar Myo said the government urgently needed to implement a systematic management plan to preserve ancient cultural heritage while upholding the interest of the local community.

"Unesco has suggested that the government start relocation of the hotels only after providing infrastructural needs including electricity and water supplies at new locations," Ma Ohnmar Myo told The Irrawaddy.

She added that if the government could not provide a relocation management plan in the upcoming final version of the nomination dossier, it would impact Unesco's decision on whether Bagan should be listed as a World Heritage Site.

"Mistakes have been made. So the government must show that it understands these mistakes and is willing to and is trying to remedy these mistakes," she said.

"The government's management plan has to be firm and resolute this time," she stressed.

U Khin Maung Nu, chair of the Bagan Regional Development Association, said hotel developments are extremely close to heritage vicinity sites and not appropriate among the cultural and religious ancient monuments.

"Rather than protecting the interest of elites, the government should prioritize the country's valuable heritage," U Khin Maung Nu said.

In the 1990s, about 6,000 people from the local community who used to live in the old Bagan area were forced to relocate from the ancient city. After the relocation, several hotel projects were built in old Bagan vicinity and hundreds of ancient temples were rebuilt inaccurately under the management of one of the then junta's most powerful leaders Gen Khin Nyunt, who wanted the ancient temples to have a "golden" look.

"Locals find it insufferable that people who had lived there for generations were forced to move out but hotels are being allowed to operate in the same area," he said.

During the 2000s, the military government faced severe criticism from local and international preservationists and archaeologists for permitting the construction of a nearly 200-foot viewing tower—part of the country's business tycoon Tay Za-owned Aureum Palace Hotel in Bagan, in the midst of the ancient temples. French architect and Bagan expert Pierre Pichard labeled the move a "cultural crime."

"If Bagan is listed as a Unesco World Heritage Site, we have to follow its standards and frameworks as a heritage site, U Aung Aung Kyaw said.

"At the same time, it has to be in line with our country's regulations and laws. If not, it will be like we don't respect the law."

August 24 marked one year since a powerful 6.8-magnitude earthquake struck central Myanmar, centered about 15 miles west of Chauk town in Magwe Region. According to the religion and culture ministry's archaeology department, out of more than 3,000 temples and pagodas across Bagan—located north of the epicenter—389 were affected by tremors and needed renovation.

The post Govt Plans to Relocate Hotels From Bagan Archeological Zone appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Khin Aung Aye is the Ultimate Ambassador for Burmese Poetry

Posted: 19 Nov 2017 11:19 PM PST

Khin Aung Aye (b. 1956) is the reason this book and film exists. He became our advisor, helping us navigate through the maze of thousands of poets in Burma – many of whose work is not translated. He is the ultimate ambassador for Burmese poetry: one of the most respected poets of his generation, with a discerning eye that suffers no fools or mediocrity, and a seriousness about his art that borders on the monastic – and which in the end is not surprising, since he lived as a monk for a year.

Tell me about your life.

I was born in Yangon. My family moved to Mawlamyine when I was old enough to register things in my memory: we were all together – father, mother and sister and I. When I was about seven, my parents separated. My sister and I were sent to Myaungmya to live with my aunt. We lived there for two years. After all the paperwork for the divorce was done, and their divorce became official, my mother came to pick us up. She had a small chicken farm in Rakhine State. My mother remarried. I went back to my father because I didn't want to live with my stepfather. I am saying all these details because my childhood memories are important like an opening scene in a movie in my life as a poet.

So I was in Yangon again. When I became a teenager, I started to have problems at home; I ran away twice. I also developed an interest in girls. I fell for this girl and that girl. They inspired me to write poetry. I also read classic Myanmar poems in textbooks. I liked the way these poems sounded. I wrote some myself imitating their styles.

I met my sister's friend during the Water Festival. We had feelings for each other, and then we had some issues. I was left with a broken heart. This inspired me to write more poems. Her name was Khin Ni Aye. I adopted the penname – one that I use to this day – Khin Aung Aye by inserting the word 'Aung' in the middle of her name. She was my first love and the love of my entire life.

I graduated from high school and enrolled at Yangon University. My friends and I published hand-written chapbooks of poetry. I became more engaged in writing poetry after my cousin showed me his modernist poems, which were very difficult to read. Writing love poems was no longer enough. My cousin also had a lot of poetry books which he shared with me. Under the Shade of Pine Tree, a collection of Western poems translated by Maung Tha Noe opened my eyes to a bigger world of poetry. After that, I developed a strong desire to become a poet.

During my third year at university, my mother divorced for the second time and my father disowned me. I joined art classes on the campus and became a member of the university's art society. I met many young student artists. We were like brothers and sisters. We painted and wrote poetry together. These were important watershed moments that sent me on the way to becoming a poet.

I got married in 1979, which happened rather unexpectedly. I didn't do much apart from writing poetry until my wife had our first child. Then came the second. I realized that it was time to look for a job. I had four or five different jobs during the first five years of the marriage. I used to keep a notebook and wrote poetry in it. Those poems were mostly unfinished short scribbles. Sometimes, I went through them and threaded some lines and stanzas together to produce more complete poems.

In 1990, I went broke and decided to go back to Yangon. But things didn't work out in Yangon, so I left for Mandalay. It was in Mandalay that my poetry took an aesthetic shift. There was a lot of oppression from the military junta then, and there were a lot of restrictions on printing and publication. Even Xeroxing could become a big issue. I secretly published a chapbook called "Poems, 1990" even though I knew this was very dangerous.

In 2000, the poet Maung Pyiyt Min invited me to collaborate on a book. I gave him the poems from this old chapbook. These poems were submitted to the censors who asked me to leave out some lines from one of my long poems. I didn't want to do that, so I left out the whole poem instead. Only five short poems went into publication. The long poem I left out would later be translated into English and published in Bones Will Crow – the first English language anthology of Burmese poetry. A poem that was written in 1990 got published in a faraway country twenty years later. That's something, isn't it?

Between 1990 and 2000, more things happened. I was an employee at a seafood export company owned by a Thai businessman, then a manager, then a director. In 1994, I went to Singapore to work. Once I was also appointed as a corporate representative at a company. In 1996, I became a monk. First I thought it would just be for a short period. But then I wanted to remain in the monkhood for life. However, after one year, I disrobed. My daughters were teenagers, and they needed me at home.

All these ups and downs of life were fuel for my poetry writing.

In 2005, I went to Singapore with an intention to settle there. But it didn't work out. An old employer from Thailand offered that I start a small business with him in Bangkok. I moved to Bangkok and joined him. Then in 2009 he died from a heart attack. Everything stopped with that, and I became depressed. I turned to poetry as a refuge. At the same time, the Myanmar poetry scene was going through a major change from modern to contemporary. I read translations and writings on contemporary poetry by my friend Zeyar Lynn. I started to experiment with new techniques. In 2010, my writing gained momentum again. I started a blog and connected with new and old readers. Between 2009 and 2013, I had some opportunities to attend poetry festivals in Europe and other countries. That gave me more inspiration and strength to continue writing. With financial support from my daughter based in London, today I can dedicate my life to writing poetry without much worry.

Authors’ Note: These interviews are excerpted from Burma Storybook, a poetry and photography book inspired by the documentary film of the same name, produced by Corinne van Egeraat and directed by Petr Lom. 

The English language hardcover edition of the book is for sale at Hla Day, Innwa Bookstore, Myanmar Book Center and the Strand Hotel.

 A Burmese language-only paperback edition of the book is for sale through Yangon Book Plaza.

There will be a Free Open Air Screening of the Burma Storybook documentary film (82 min.) in Mahabandoola Park in Yangon on November 25 at 6 p.m. From Nov. 25 to Dec. 4, you can visit the interactive Burma Storybook Photo Exhibit at the Tourism Burma Building.

For more information: www.burmastorybook.com

The post Khin Aung Aye is the Ultimate Ambassador for Burmese Poetry appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Chinese Foreign Minister Promises Continued Support for Myanmar

Posted: 19 Nov 2017 11:09 PM PST

NAYPYITAW — Visiting Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi promised continued support for Myanmar amid mounting international pressure on the country over the Rohingya crisis.

The Chinese minister at a joint press conference with his Myanmar counterpart Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyitaw on Sunday urged the UN Security Council to create a favorable environment for Myanmar and Bangladesh to hold discussions on the repatriation of refugees to Myanmar.

More than 600,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since late August, following a military counter-insurgency clearance operation in Myanmar's Rakhine State. But the Myanmar government has denied those figures.

"The bilateral talks between Myanmar and Bangladesh were critical to solve the Rakhine issue," said Wang Yi.

He suggested ensuring a ceasefire and restoring stability in troubled Rakhine State, signing a repatriation agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh as soon as possible, and Chinese assistance to fight poverty in Rakhine State, which was believed to be one of the main causes of conflict in the area.

Wang Yi said he also gave the same suggestions to Bangladesh.

Saudi Arabia's delegate on behalf of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) submitted a draft resolution entitled "Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar" at the third committee of the 72nd session of the UN General Assembly on Nov. 17.

The committee approved the draft with a recorded vote of 135 in favor, 10 opposed (Belarus, Cambodia, China, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Myanmar, Philippines, Russian Federation, Syria, Vietnam, and Zimbabwe) and 26 abstentions.

Wang Yi talked about strengthening economic cooperation between China and Myanmar through the One Belt/One Road economic corridor, which will pass through Mandalay, Yangon and Rakhine State's Kyaukphyu Township.

Myanmar favors not only the Belt and Road initiative, but any project that serves mutual interests and forges bilateral relationships between the people of the two countries, said Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

"The main progress between our two countries is that we have now deeper mutual understanding. This is the most important progress because we will be able to solve any problem with mutual understanding," said Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

"China respects the sovereignty, independence and peace of Myanmar. We hope that the government will be able to hold good talks with armed ethnic groups with Panglong Spirit [referring to the 1947 Panglong Agreement, a formula for federalism agreed to by Gen Aung San and Chin, Kachin and Shan leaders]," said Wang Yi.

He also said that defense ministries of the two countries are cooperating more closely to handle conflicts in the northern area of Myanmar where several non-signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) including the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) are based.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi called China's cooperation as a neighbor "crucial" for peace, stability and prosperity in Myanmar.

"I hope that China and Myanmar will be good neighbors forever with fraternal spirit," said Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

The post Chinese Foreign Minister Promises Continued Support for Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Poetry Gives the Reader Moral Strength’

Posted: 19 Nov 2017 11:03 PM PST

Zeyar Lynn (b. 1959) has very long hair. And an interesting story to go with it. While teaching at Yangon University his boss called him into his office one day and ordered him to cut his hair. He refused and quit instead. Since then, he has run a successful English language school in downtown Yangon. He is famous in Myanmar for introducing postmodern poetry and language poetry in the country.

When did you start writing poetry?

I started writing poems in Grade Nine. Love poems, naturally.

And when did you think of becoming a professional poet?

When I was in my early thirties and some of my poems had already appeared in literary magazines, I felt I had built up enough confidence to call myself a poet, and what more, a professional poet.

How do you write?

I try to write everyday. Not always complete poems but drafts, notes, snippets of overheard conversation, striking images, thoughts, and so on, which I go through on Friday, and if, fortunately, I sense a spark, I follow it through to the end.

I also read other people’s poems too, both Burmese and international, to catch that source of energy that will build up in me leading me to a quick jotting down of the poem/draft line by line.

I hardly ever start with a theme or a subject, but rather I let the theme or subject(s) form itself/themselves through the process of writing the poem. I have to keep my rationalizing part of the mind in check and let another (the ‘other’) part take over. When that energy runs out, it is also the end of the poem. Creativity to me is open, free, play, jouissance.

What is the role of the poet in society?

Unlike prose, poetry gives the reader moral strength and makes her believe in a better future. That's how poets have helped strengthen the people's resolve against the military regime.

But now, I have shed the ambiguous/ambivalent role of the poet as ‘an unacknowledged legislator’ of society.

I am beginning to feel that my subjectivity is equally as important and real as society and social critique.

How did the sixty years of dictatorship affect poetry in Myanmar?

Our years of isolation under the dictatorship led to a certain degree of impoverishment in poetry. And certainly in terms of the art and craft of poetry-making, Burmese poets are not as sophisticated as say, the former East European poets, to cite a comparison, because of similarities in the social-political systems. However, in terms of wielding influence, some poets have become icons in the Burmese poetry world for their poetic voice that rings with strong political sentiments. Think of Hla Than, for instance. The lack of creative writing programs in the education system is partly to blame for the majority of readers wanting ‘clear’, ‘straightforward’, ‘message-carrying’, and other mediocrity in poems.

How is poetry now changing in Myanmar?

With the quasi-victory (the military still wields a lot of power) of the NLD party [the National League for Democracy] there has been a fresh sense of freedom of expression. For example, I notice the younger generation women poets taking on the themes of gender, feminism, and sexuality, breaking down social-sexual taboos along the way. I personally know two women poets in their early twenties who openly admit to being bisexual in their poems. This is quite extraordinary in our society that is very traditional and conservative.

And so, the ethical/moral responsibility you ask about has not faded because of our new political freedom. Instead, it has widened to include issues of land use and abuse, minority rights, gay rights, race and religion, environmentalism, global terrorism, and so on.

And when it comes to how these changes are affecting contemporary poetry in Myanmar, I think we have greater opportunity to learn more and experiment more, so that contemporary poetry is becoming more complex. And more poetic and less rhetorical and polemical.

Our generation wants more art and less politics. We often talk about the two Ps: politics and poetry. Which one will you write as a capital, which one as a small letter? For us, the capital letter is poetry. It doesn't mean we are against politics – that's impossible of course – even the air we breathe is political. But what we want to focus on is the poetic nature of a given work of art.

 You introduced contemporary "language" poetry in Myanmar.

Yes. Language poetry was an avant-garde group or tendency that emerged in the late 1960's in the US that saw a poem as a construction in and of language itself. It is an example of poetic postmodernism.

I still encounter resistance to it. Many poets still see language as merely a vehicle to carry their thoughts and feelings, which are ‘the stuff of poetry’. Language is usually relegated to second place after thoughts, feelings, theme or message. I have been told off several times that the reason I emphasize language is that I have no lofty thoughts or feelings like them so I just play with language games. They don’t know Gertrude Stein, Wittgenstein, and Charles Bernstein, the three Steins in my poetry life.

Tell me about your poem "The Chicken/Duck Market".

That poem started with the smell of stench, chicken shit and duck shit, and stale blood as I was going past the main Chicken and Duck Slaughterhouse in Yangon. The walls, I noticed, were whitewashed as if the whiteness (innocence, purity) could hide the slaughter going on behind the walls. What an irony. When I wrote that poem, the censor board had already been abolished. I believe I wrote that poem just as a poem rather than a statement against injustice.

Authors’ Note: These interviews are excerpted from Burma Storybook, a poetry and photography book inspired by the documentary film of the same name, produced by Corinne van Egeraat and directed by Petr Lom. 

The English language hardcover edition of the book is for sale at Hla Day, Innwa Bookstore, Myanmar Book Center and the Strand Hotel.

 A Burmese language-only paperback edition of the book is for sale through Yangon Book Plaza.

There will be a Free Open Air Screening of the Burma Storybook documentary film (82 min.) in Mahabandoola Park in Yangon on November 25 at 6 p.m. From Nov. 25 to Dec. 4, you can visit the interactive Burma Storybook Photo Exhibit at the Tourism Burma Building.

For more information: www.burmastorybook.com

The post 'Poetry Gives the Reader Moral Strength' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sunday, November 19, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


‘Realizing a Dream is Never too Late’

Posted: 18 Nov 2017 11:18 PM PST

Pandora (b. 1974) is perhaps Myanmar's most respected woman poet. She became a professional poet only after completing her higher education, pursuing a career and having a family. She is now editing the first anthology of Burmese women’s poetry.

When did you start writing poetry?

My parents ran a book rental shop. As a child, I was allowed to read any book in the shop. My parents also encouraged me to read, recite and write poetry. I started writing some traditional rhyming verses in sixth grade (I was 11 years old). I took part in school poetry competitions and won prizes too.

Later, in university, my father did not ask me for anything, just that I write poetry and send poems to magazines. But I sent my poems only to student magazines and I did not try to become a professional poet. I didn't have the confidence, and was too pragmatic – giving priority to other important matters in life: education, career, having a family. Only in my early thirties did I start to realize my childhood dream, to become a real poet, to be called a poet. Realizing a dream is never too late. I am happy with my life path.

How was your writing affected by living in an unfree society where freedom of speech was not permitted?

During the military dictatorship, I used several metaphors and images just like many other Myanmar poets. I was always wondering how to penetrate the restrictions. From 2007 to 2010, I didn't send my poems to local print media, as these might not be published under censorship.

Unfree society can restrict the people but not the creative spirit in their mind. Some artists and poets were sent to jail for their work.

Unfree society can be paradoxically good for some forms of art as the artists try to find creative ways to express what they want to say. However by saying so, I don't mean to go back under censorship. Indeed, a much bigger and better room for creativity is available in a free society.

And how has politics affected your writing now?

After the recent political changes in Myanmar, my poems appear to be less political and I try to look at my inner self. It is also because of changes in my personal life.

The current status of freedom of speech in Myanmar is significantly much more open now. Not only about politics, we find some poems on controversial and sensitive issues like sex and religion. Of course, they are highly criticized. Along with the openness of internet, we also see the spread of hate speech and cyber bullies. The Burmese are on their way to learn how to make use of "responsible freedom" – for there can be a negative side effect of freedom if one's freedom has negative impact on the others' freedom. In terms of restrictions, I am not sure if government policies are stable now. I would like to refer to blogger Nay Phone Latt's words – "We are free now but we are not sure whether we are safe."

Tell me about women and poetry in Myanmar.

Traditionally, women in Myanmar are the subjects, rather than the creators of poetry. Female experience and women's poetic reflections on nature, romance, nostalgia and domestic life – let alone politics – have had only a marginal position in the country's literary tradition.

Most poetry anthologies contain little, if any work by women. The same goes for magazines and journals.

Social norms in Myanmar also pose a challenge to women's ability to write poetry that is innovative and bold. The cultural notion of women as a "second sex" can create an environment where women are reluctant to write about sexual or erotic subjects, use explicit language, or participate in the traditional male domains of politics and socio-economics.

And of course, historically women were discouraged from achieving more than just functional literacy in our country: education was reserved for men, who would be the breadwinners in their families. So the study of poetry, seen as "the property of the wise" was out of question for girls.

Our society still has fixed ideas concerning what women should be and how they should behave. And of course, the military ruling system contributed to women's submission by excluding them from having a voice in how their country was governed.

But this is now quickly changing, and there are some young women poets who are writing very daring and very bold things.

And finally, tell me about your poetic biography you attach here.

I wrote "Probably some attributes to my poetry" for a meta poetry exercise. A meta-poem is a poem about poetry. This poem is not only about my poetry but also reflecting my life experiences. Poets usually do not explain about their poems, right? But I believe that these lines say something true about me.

Authors’ Note: These interviews are excerpted from Burma Storybook, a poetry and photography book inspired by the documentary film of the same name, produced by Corinne van Egeraat and directed by Petr Lom. 

The English language hardcover edition of the book is for sale at Hla Day, Innwa Bookstore, Myanmar Book Center and the Strand Hotel.

A Burmese language-only paperback edition of the book is for sale through Yangon Book Plaza.

There will be a Free Open Air Screening of the Burma Storybook documentary film (82 min.) in Mahabandoola Park in Yangon on November 25 at 6 p.m. From Nov. 25 to Dec. 4, you can visit the interactive Burma Storybook Photo Exhibit at the Tourism Burma Building.

For more information: www.burmastorybook.com

The post 'Realizing a Dream is Never too Late' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thu Khamein Hlaing Helped Revolutionize Modern Burmese Poetry

Posted: 18 Nov 2017 07:48 PM PST

Thu Khamein Hlaing (b. 1948) is a giant of contemporary Burmese poetry. Along with Aung Cheimt, and several others, he revolutionized modern Burmese poetry by freeing it from the restrictions of traditional rhyme. A modest gentleman, you would never know he is also famous in Myanmar as a songwriter, specializing in writing Burmese lyrics for international pop songs.

When did you start writing poetry?

I started writing poems in 1965. Someone once asked me why I write poetry. I answered: "because I want to." I think it's a good enough answer. I became convinced – certain inside my heart – that I want to devote myself to writing poetry in 1966. I could no longer resist the pull of poetry and so I quit high school in 1966. It's more like a conviction than a realization, mixed with a pride, when I say I am complete only with poetry. Since then, I just wanted to write poems all the time. I didn't even want to give time to eat, sleep, or take a bath. I wanted to write all the time, so that even 'the time to write' is missing.

I was eighteen years old in 1966. My surroundings and this world were more influential for me, more than love. The Vietnam War, political affairs of my country, money, and power, other world affairs, matters of life and death.

When I was starting out as a poet, I found I could not capture all these influences and feelings well with the traditional four-syllable format of classical Burmese poetry. As for my thoughts, my worries, my feelings about writing poetry, the best answer to these questions is found in my poetry itself.

What are your thoughts on the poet's role in society?

I don't want to use the word "thought". Rather, I prefer to call it my "belief". "If everyone knew poetry, nobody would get into any trouble in this world." That is my belief about poetry's place in our society. My remarks are of course colored by Myanmar's history. Even before our country's independence in 1948, even before General Aung San [the founder of modern Myanmar] was assassinated, the prominent politicians of the day had already adopted a political culture of destroying one another – of constant infighting, intrigue and betrayal. In 1975, in my tenth year of being a poet, I chose not to take part in that kind of annihilation politics. Instead, I chose a politics that takes responsibility through poetry.

Again, the answer to this question is best answered by my poetry. For example this two-line poem of mine – that does not even have a title:

I've come to a world I can't help much

I've strived as much as I can

Today, the world can see my country's politics.

Here in this country, we can publish no more than 500 copies of any one book of poetry – no one buys them. How are we even strong enough to survive? This question is also a necessary answer.

In the end, I prefer to answer through poetry. So here is another poem I wrote on the twenty-third of September 2016 – and I must emphasize that I wrote it before Bob Dylan got the Nobel Prize for literature.

The Prize

Hey, you poet,

What prize did you get?

Me? I got the world.

I've got the world that you've got.

Authors’ Note: These interviews are excerpted from Burma Storybook, a poetry and photography book inspired by the documentary film of the same name, produced by Corinne van Egeraat and directed by Petr Lom. 

The English language hardcover edition of the book is for sale at Hla Day, Innwa Bookstore, Myanmar Book Center and the Strand Hotel.

A Burmese language-only paperback edition of the book is for sale through Yangon Book Plaza.

There will be a Free Open Air Screening of the Burma Storybook documentary film (82 min.) in Mahabandoola Park in Yangon on November 25 at 6 p.m. From Nov. 25 to Dec. 4, you can visit the interactive Burma Storybook Photo Exhibit at the Tourism Burma Building.

For more information: www.burmastorybook.com

The post Thu Khamein Hlaing Helped Revolutionize Modern Burmese Poetry appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Saturday, November 18, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Tillerson Shows a Deft Touch in First Visit to Myanmar

Posted: 17 Nov 2017 07:40 PM PST

US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson deserves credit for a job well done during his first visit to Myanmar.

On Wednesday evening, Tillerson flew out of the country having earned praise from observers for recognizing the complexity of Myanmar's political situation and for his balanced and constructive handling of the Rakhine conflict.

Right after Tillerson's briefing at a Nov. 15 joint press conference with Myanmar's de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyitaw, the nation's capital, the State Counselor said, "Well, just let me briefly thank Secretary Tillerson for his understanding of the situation."

"We have discussed the matter in some detail, and we agree that it is most important that we should bring peace and stability to this country, and that can only be done on the basis of the rule of law," she said.

Tillerson underscored that point in his briefing, saying, "The United States has stood with the people of Myanmar for many years in their struggle against oppression and their pursuit of a freer, more peaceful, more prosperous, and more democratic society. I'm here today in Naypyitaw to reaffirm our commitment to a successful democratic transition in Myanmar, and that commitment remains strong.

"We continue to support the elected government as it strives to make progress on urgently needed reforms, to solidify the democratic gains of recent years, and to bring peace and reconciliation, prosperity, and greater respect for human rights," Tillerson said, emphasizing those most important points before turning to address the Rakhine issue.

Many people here – from the de facto leader to politicians to ordinary people – are quite worried that the Rakhine conflict will kill the country's democratic transition, which remains fragile due to the highly unusual political situation in the country, in which power is constitutionally shared by the incumbent government and the military.

Lower House International Relations Committee member Daw Pyone Kaythi Naing described Tillerson's message as "constructive and acceptable." The NLD lawmaker added that Tillerson's statement reflected the real situation in the country.

But the Secretary of State didn't miss the opportunity to condemn those who deserve condemnation, or to offer condolences where warranted.

"We're deeply concerned by credible reports of widespread atrocities committed by Myanmar's security forces and by vigilantes who are unrestrained by the security forces during the recent violence in Rakhine State. We're also distressed by the fact that hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children have been forced to flee to Bangladesh," he said.

"We do condemn the August 25 attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army on Myanmar's security forces that initiated this violence and reiterate that there is zero tolerance for such attacks. We express our condolences at the loss of life among the Myanmar security forces resulting from this unprovoked attack."

Prominent politician U Ko Ko Gyi, whose political career dates back to the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, observed that Tillerson's statement recognized the complexity of the country's politics.

"His briefing shows that the US has carefully crafted its diplomacy so that it is on an appropriate track," he said. "I would say it's the positive outcome of a thorough analysis by the US and its diplomats on the ground. They talked extensively to important non-state actors to hear their perspectives. Effective diplomacy depends not only on relations between governments, but also with other non-state actors."

U Ko Ko Gyi urged foreign countries like the US and the UK not to let their diplomatic efforts be overly affected by internal politics in their respective countries. He said foreign policies should take into account the political realities in the countries with which they have relations. "Otherwise, their diplomacy will be inappropriate for that country."

With more than 600,000 Rohingya refugees having fled the country, Myanmar's military leadership is likely to be targeted by US and EU sanctions for its internationally alleged "disproportionate military operation" against the Rohingya.

On that subject, Tillerson rejected the idea of broad economic sanctions against the entire country, expressing his preference for sanctions targeting individuals who were responsible for atrocities in Rakhine. However he said, "In terms of targeted individuals, I think, again, all of that has to be evidence based."

U Thwin Lin Aung, the director of the civil society group Genuine People's Servants, sees the Rakhine conflict as a crisis in which human rights violations took place. Regarding sanctions, he said it would be inconsistent to impose them for isolated violations in northern Rakhine alone, because there have been human rights violations in the east, north and south of the country as well. If sanctions are to be imposed in one case, they should be imposed in all cases, he said.

"However," he concluded, "any solutions imposed to solve that crisis should not be allowed to obstruct the country's unfinished democratic transition, which is most important for the entire nation."

The military leadership may not be so appreciative of the stand Daw Aung San Suu Kyi took at the press conference, however. She didn't defend them at all. Moreover, she seemed okay with Tillerson's condemnation of the military and with his holding them accountable.

To most foreign observers and media, this will likely mean very little. But in the context of the political reality in Myanmar, where the military's role in politics is a fact of life, such a gesture has grave implications for the relationship between her government and the powerful military.

Tillerson is aware of how important the civilian-military relationship is in Myanmar. In his briefing, he raised his meeting with military chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, acknowledging that military support for Myanmar's ongoing transition to a federal, democratic state is crucial.

"As part of that process, the military and government must work together to address the grievances of civilians throughout Myanmar and build strong, credible institutions. It cannot do so without acknowledging, addressing, and bringing to an end the tactics and practices that led to abuse and suffering," Tillerson said.

At this stage, US diplomacy toward Myanmar is taking the right approach with respect to its handling of the two key, and distinct, stakeholders — the government and the military. At the same time, the US has demonstrated that it cannot afford to lose Myanmar as a potential ally in the Southeast Asia region, one that is poised to take off economically and democratically if the country can navigate this fragile political transition.

The post Tillerson Shows a Deft Touch in First Visit to Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Analysis: Government Commits to Global Climate Effort but Pushes Coal at Home

Posted: 17 Nov 2017 07:31 PM PST

BONN, Germany – Even as its representatives participate in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) conference in Bonn, Germany from Nov. 6 to 17, the government is pushing ahead with plans to expand the number of coal-fired power plants to address a serious power shortage in the country.

The 23rd Conference of Parties (COP23) is a global conference involving nearly 200 nations and some 30,000 participants, including government officials, scientists, technocrats, environmentalists, civil society organizations and non-governmental organizations. Its ultimate goal is to keep global warming below 2 degrees Celsius. One of the aims of the Bonn conference is to secure $100 billion in funding for adaptation and mitigation projects starting from 2020.

Although Myanmar is not listed among the top-10 CO2 emitters in German Watch's 2017 index, the government's energy policy can hardly be said to prioritize emissions reductions.

Last week, the speaker of Karen State Parliament Saw Chit Khin reiterated the regional government's coal-fired power plant policy. The speaker said electricity would be provided to villagers by setting up clean-coal power plants in the state. Villagers would no longer have to enter the forests and cut down trees for firewood. The state government has given a green light to Toyo Thai Company to build a 1,800 MW coal-fired power plant in Hpa-An Township.

"No more rice cooking with firewood and no more cutting down trees," said Saw Chit Khin.

Myanmar's Energy Requirements

In fact, the electrification master plan was originated by ex-president Thein Sein's administration, which commissioned 10 coal-fired plants across the country. These would join the Tigyit coal-fired plant, which is located in Shan State and already generates electricity. In April 2015, the government signed an MOU to commission a $2.8 billion coal-fired plant in eastern Myanmar's Mon State. Several thousand Mon residents have staged a series of protests against the coal-fired power plant project in recent years.

However, Electricity and Energy Ministry Deputy Director General Hein Htet — one of the delegates attending COP23 in Bonn — has said that only one coal-fired plant, in Karen State, had been approved, with all other MOUs on hold.

Under the National Electricity Master Plan (2015-16), the government intends to adopt a mixed-energy system to fuel the country's power grid. It calls for the nation's electricity supply to be fueled 63 percent by hydropower, 32 percent by natural gas, 3 percent by coal and 2 percent by diesel.

To meet energy requirements beyond that, the government aims to increase the coal portion to 22 percent, with hydro falling to 54 percent and gas falling to 22 percent, with a mere 2 percent of power supplies fueled by renewables in fiscal years 2020-21. By 2030, the government targets 33 percent of the power supply being fueled by coal-fired plants (up by more than 10 percentage points from 2020-21), 38 percent by hydropower, 20 percent by gas and 9 percent by renewable energy sources.

Hein Htet said the National Electrification Master Plan (NEMP) was drafted by the previous government and revised by the National League for Democracy-led government after it took office in 2016 to adjust the ratio between the various power sources.

The director-general said in a statement that the government planned to increase the contributions of hydropower, gas and coal-fired plants even further in the future, but declined to provide details. The finalized master plan is expected to launch in early 2018.

Flood waters in Hlegu, Yangon Region, Myanmar, August 2014. (Photo/ The Irrawaddy)

Powering Growth

U Hla Maung Thein, the director general of the Ministry of Forestry and Environmental Conservation and head of Myanmar's delegation to COP23, said Myanmar ­ranked at the top of the Global Climate Risk Index 2018 report. He added that the country's vulnerability to natural disasters was demonstrated by Cyclone Nargis in 2007, which took 140,000 lives and displaced nearly 2 million people after sweeping through the Irrawaddy Delta.

As the military government transitioned toward democratic rule after Nargis, the country's economic growth began to improve, with the World Bank estimating in 2015 that Myanmar's GDP would reach 8.5 in 2015, but severe flooding the same year cost the country.

According to World Bank statistics, Myanmar's GDP growth declined from 7.3 percent in 2015 to 5.9 percent in 2016. The country's economic performance should improve this year and next, however, with growth forecast at 7.7 percent in 2017 and 8.0 percent in 2018, according the Asian Development Bank.

U Hla Maung Thein said, "Our country is poor and we have to develop economically. In terms of the energy sector, as you know, only 37 percent of the total population has access to electricity. Without addressing that problem, socioeconomic growth is impossible."

He said the government has to consider an integrated approach to achieving energy sufficiency by producing electricity from fossil fuels, oil and gas, hydropower, solar power and wind turbines. Along with these sources, the government will apply the latest technology to build coal-fired plants during a transitional period of economic growth, he said.

"We want everyone to have electricity by 2030," U Hla Maung Thein said.

Indonesia's Deadly Example

Regarding the latest-technology coal-fired power plants, environmentalist Nur Hidyati, executive director of WAHLI Friends of Earth International (Indonesia), pointed out that her country has at least 100 coal-fired power plants, which provide 35,000 MW of power across the nation. Construction of the plants was mostly funded by Chinese and Japanese investment.

"There is no such thing as clean coal technology. You cannot burn coal without producing emissions. This process creates serious pollution. Coal is dirty and coal kills; a lot of children have already died in my country," Nur Hidyati said.

She urged the Myanmar government to learn from Indonesia's experience, explaining that burning coal emits invisible coal dust particles into the air, which are inhaled by people living near power plants. This causes damage to the respiratory systems of local residents over time. Moreover, the particles can also cause acid rain, which is devastating to the livelihoods of farmers. Globally, the huge scale of emissions leads to climate change.

"If the Myanmar government continues to build coal-fired power plants it will only repeat what is currently happening in Indonesia, where people are suffering, right now. A lot of farmers in Indonesia apply traditional farming methods and are at the mercy of the weather. The have already experienced changes in the weather patterns, while traditional fishermen are losing fishing grounds due to water pollution from coal use."

What About Other Countries?

Myanmar is not the only country turning to coal-fired power plants to address energy shortfalls; even the wealthiest countries in the world, including European Union members, currently operate coal-fired plants and are reluctant to subordinate their economic agendas entirely to the need to reduce carbon emissions.

Under the Paris Climate Agreement signed last year, the wealthiest countries agreed to help finance mitigation and adaptation projects in least developed countries. Other countries are encouraged to provide support on a voluntary basis. However, no developed country has yet to match the amount pledged in the final agreement. In fact, the world's most powerful country, the US, has vowed to withdraw from the agreement under President Donald Trump.

Ministry of Electricity and Energy official Hein Htet pointed out that China — the largest carbon emitter in the world – is also focused on its national interest, especially its One Belt One Road strategic plan and its energy sector development plan. Although China is trying to promote renewable sources of electricity, it does not plan to completely abolish its coal-fired plants. Rather, it intends to switch to newer coal-fired power plant technologies.

"As we are Myanmar citizens, we have to emphasize the national interest. Other countries are promoting their interests and we should focus on our national interest too," he said.

Climate Finance

Myanmar is one of the 48 poorest nations that signed the UNFCCC and ratified the Paris Agreement. It has also submitted its Intended Nationally Determined Contribution under the latter. It is therefore in compliance with its commitments in terms of climate adaptation and mitigation activities. Myanmar's carbon emissions amount to less than 0.10 percent of the global total.

Ministry of Forestry and Environmental Conservation DG Hla Maung Thein said, "As you know, Myanmar experiences heavy rain, cyclones, landslides and droughts every year. Making ourselves more resilient through adaptation programs is the most appropriate approach for us. But whatever we carry out — mitigation or adaptation projects — both need money."

On Oct. 30, Global Environmental Facilities (GEF) approved $5 million for three projects in fishery adaptation, biodiversity (rich reef coral) and renewable energy for Myanmar. The government intends to implement the projects in the coastal and delta region's rural areas. They are part of a $30 million, eight-project plan involving GEF.

Last week, US$300,000 was approved for Myanmar for capacity building as a Nationally Designated Authority (NDA) under the Green Climate Fund. It is drafting projects to be submitted for approval. According to Hla Maung Thein, neighboring countries including Cambodia, Vietnam, Bangladesh, and Bhutan have already received project preparation phase funds under the GCF.

Myanmar will also draft a proposal with the technical assistance of Korea's Green Technology Center (GTC) for full project proposal phase funding shortly and expects to roll it out within six months. At COP23, the government and GTC have both signed MOUs securing technical support for Myanmar.

"We will draft the GCF proposal when we return to Myanmar," he said.

The post Analysis: Government Commits to Global Climate Effort but Pushes Coal at Home appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Friday, November 17, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Aung Cheimt Brokers No Compromise in His Art

Posted: 17 Nov 2017 08:07 AM PST

Aung Cheimt (b. 1948) is acknowledged as the greatest living poet in Myanmar today. Along with Thukhamein Hlaing, and several others, he was at the vanguard of modern poetry in Myanmar, moving it from its traditional fixed rhyme to something much more free. This freedom is palpable in Aung Cheimt. He is the ultimate artistic free spirit, who brokers no compromise in his art, to which everything else must be subservient. He is the Marlon Brando and James Dean of Burmese poetry – though the comparisons are inaccurate because his aesthetic rebellion is always a moral one too: his fierce poetry brokers no compromise with either dishonesty or cowardice. He is the poet that all poets in Myanmar would like to emulate. And if you'd met him, you'd immediately understand why.

How did you begin to write poetry?

I was arrested and held for fifteen months, three of which were in solitary confinement. It was during this solitary confinement that I started to compose poems just in my mind. This is what helped me survive. Writing poetry was a way of distracting the mind; a way to keep sane.

We wrote with whatever we could get our hands on, and then memorized the poem. We'd get a nail and scratch on the sleeping mat. Sometimes the etchings were so faint that you could only see when the light hit it. Or pick small pieces of lime mortar stuck between the bricks and use that to write a poem on the floor. That's how I began to write.

When I was released, I would lock myself up in a room full of books and writing materials.

Now it's a habit. I have never stopped writing since, though these days are long passed.

Your activism landed you in jail for a year and a half when you were only sixteen.

When your roof is leaking in the rain, the rain comes in from everywhere. There are so many things that I endured. There are things that you don't like to write about.

Did you continue to study after your release?

I have never been interested in formal education. To this day, I don't even have a graduation certificate. I started reading outside literature and found poetry. I also got interested in politics. Before the military government in 1962, students could form unions easily. I spent most of my times in these activities. I transferred to various schools, too. I would be absent from class twenty days out of a month. So were my friends. I wanted to taste the world even when I was young. I didn't have much money. But with the little money I had, I would take trains to the outskirts of town and see life around me. I wanted to be happy, but with the military regime everything got turned upside-down. My friends were also not happy. We found happiness in teashops, and in pubs talking poetry and politics late into the night. We had no work. Only government employees had jobs.

And writing under censorship?

Living through the dictatorship, through such a bad era itself was a poem. We illegally published our poetry back then.

You became a better poet by thinking about how to get around the censor. Many of us were good enough, clever enough, witty enough to outsmart the censor.

It was not possible to just follow the government and write what they wanted you to say. That is not a way to create anything of value.

My definition of political activism is standing by the side of the oppressed and disadvantaged, not with the government, whoever they are.

What is it like to write now that censorship has been abolished?

It is so free now. Protest is nothing. Nothing is new anymore. You can now create anything you want. It is so open that you don't know when and how to control your art. Everyone thinks he can be a poet just by scribbling three or four lines. Nowadays, in the so-called time of transition, writing has become much more free, but you also bear a greater responsibility as a result. You now have a duty to improve your poetry.

How do you write?

In my advanced age, I write everyday. You can't set a specific time to write poetry. Once something comes into my mind, I write it down immediately. I'm always in an auto-on mode: always ready to write a poem.

I re-read my poems before I send them to a publisher. You may find your technique during this process. You can't devise a poetry writing technique. You can only find it through writing.

You have made a living solely as a poet.

I can't live without poetry. Poetry is a part of me, just like breathing, drinking water, eating. I don't deliberately try hard to write. Poetic expressions just naturally come into my head for no reason at any time. I don't know if it's a gift or bad luck. I think it is my fate. I was a poet in my previous life. And I want to be a poet in my next life as well.

What do you want to tell the new generation of poets today?

Your poems must improve every day. Don't be pleased or satisfied with what you already have. You must know there is something better, something unachieved, behind what you have just created. Try to improve yourself after each and every poem.

Authors’ Note: These interviews are excerpted from Burma Storybook, a poetry and photography book inspired by the documentary film of the same name, produced by Corinne van Egeraat and directed by Petr Lom. 

The English language hardcover edition of the book is for sale at Hla Day, Innwa Bookstore, Myanmar Book Center and the Strand Hotel.

 A Burmese language-only paperback edition of the book is for sale through Yangon Book Plaza.

There will be a Free Open Air Screening of the Burma Storybook documentary film (82 min.) in Mahabandoola Park in Yangon on November 25 at 6 p.m. From Nov. 25 to Dec. 4, you can visit the interactive Burma Storybook Photo Exhibit at the Tourism Burma Building.

For more information: www.burmastorybook.com

The post Aung Cheimt Brokers No Compromise in His Art appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Maung Aung Pwint Places Empathy at the Heart of his Work

Posted: 17 Nov 2017 06:50 AM PST

Maung Aung Pwint (b. 1945) is from the city of Pathein in the Irrawaddy River Delta.  He lives on a bend in the river, where it sweeps by towards the sea, in a two-story brick house at the edge of town. He and his wife live together with their daughter's family, who run a stationary store and lending library from the ground floor. The street he lives on was paved last year, one of the visible signs of Myanmar's new economic boom.  This year, together with a business partner, his wife has been able to save up enough money to buy a taxi.

The many visitors who stop by his house address Maung Aung Pwint as Saya, or teacher. They come to pay respect, read their poetry, and ask advice, sitting at his feet. For he is widely recognized as the most distinguished living dissident poet in the country.

Maung Aung Pwint discovered poetry as a solace to family misfortune:

My mother died in the civil war when I was a child.  I always remember this. In my childhood, there was no more playing and happiness. Fortunately there was a small library in my village. I went there and read books. There were a few magazines where you could read poems. They became my closest and dearest friends. They taught me how to face all the troubles in my life. Poetry taught me how to find strength, peace of mind, how to live.  

As a young man, he gravitated into political activism, as an editor and distributor of an anti-government newspaper, and as a documentary filmmaker documenting minority injustice and forced labor.

I traveled all over the country, including to the ethnic regions. It was so beautiful. The region was not deforested yet.  I even mailed stones from there home. It felt like they were living creatures. But the government army was already on the assault.  Ethnic people were badly tortured. The army used rape as a weapon. I saw these things with my own eyes. I decided to become involved.  Writing poetry was not enough. 

Hi activism led to his arrest and imprisonment on four occasions: 1967-68; 1978-1980; 1997; and 1999-2006, sometimes for charges as absurd as "possession of a fax machine." With a smile that seems to radiate from his entire being, he quips, "I seem to go to jail every ten years", and explains:

When we were locked up together, I was the oldest of the lot. All the youth were helpful to me. We'd recite poetry every night and deliver poems to those in other wards who could not hear us. We never stopped learning, collecting poetry and sharing our experiences.  So in a strange way, my time in jail has been worthwhile.

In prison, Maung Aung Pwint wrote one of the most famous poems in the country – "Night of a hot bosom" – after one of his wife's visits, scribbling it on the whitewashed wall of his cell to calm his desperation.  The poem is about unrequited love for his wife and for the moon he was unable to see from his cell.  He turns over his drinking pot and sees at least the moon's reflection in the spilled water on his concrete cell floor.

I'd like to gather the moonlight, and pour it into ants' nests where darkness reigns.

Maung Aung Pwint's health is fragile, his years of imprisonment have left deep marks.

In 1999, I was interrogated for twenty-five days. They didn't allow me to sleep. The warden clanged the keys in my cell door-lock every half hour at night. I still can't stand the sound of keys.

He now suffers from Parkinson's, and many days he is no longer able to write, instead dictating his poetry to his ever-present wife, Daw Nan Nyunt Shwe.  She says that during his imprisonment:

We felt like invisible ghosts.  People were repulsed or scared by us because of his involvement in politics.  But I have to understand, everyone was afraid.  The key to my survival was never to show I was afraid.  When the police came to search our house, I told them to take their shoes off before they entered. And they did.                                 

To make a living, she sold soup in the market early in the morning before going to work as a schoolteacher.

Imprisonment was not easy on the family. Maung Aung Pwint says:

When I was sent to jail in 1978, it was International Children's Day. I only learnt about that day when I was already in jail. It was August 6th. We were even playing football that morning.  It was raining, and my son was only three years old.  He was so happy when I dived for the ball. They arrested me in the evening.  August 6th was also the day the Atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima. It was like a bomb was dropped on our house too.  The day I was sentenced, I was at the gate of the jail, and my son came running up towards me. But he was not looking and ended up hugging a guard by mistake.

Maung Aung Pwint named both of his son and daughter "peace" – Nyein Chan.  But this has been elusive for his family.  His son became a rebel soldier in the jungle, ultimately fleeing to Thailand and then resettling as a refugee in Finland.  He only returned to see his family again for the first time in almost twenty years just this past year.

Maung Aung Pwint reflects on his country's history:

During the military dictatorship and our 66 year-old civil war – the world's longest – there was so much cruelty and suffering. We empathized with this suffering, and our feelings are reflected in our poems. Now, even religion doesn't have much place in my mind. Only poetry, empathy, and yearning for peace. That's enough to lead a life of value.  

 Empathy, above all, is at the heart of his work:

To respect feeling. Feelings are important. The nature of poetry itself is that of empathy. That is why only feelings are important in poetry, not the form or style.

There may be some who care about form first. But without feeling, what else do you have?

 Authors’ Note: These interviews are excerpted from Burma Storybook, a poetry and photography book inspired by the documentary film of the same name, produced by Corinne van Egeraat and directed by Petr Lom. 

The English language hardcover edition of the book is for sale at Hla Day, Innwa Bookstore, Myanmar Book Center and the Strand Hotel.

 A Burmese language-only paperback edition of the book is for sale through Yangon Book Plaza.

There will be a Free Open Air Screening of the Burma Storybook documentary film (82 min.) in Mahabandoola Park in Yangon on November 25 at 6 p.m.From Nov. 25 to Dec. 4, you can visit the interactive Burma Storybook Photo Exhibit at the Tourism Burma Building.

 For more information: www.burmastorybook.com

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Gen Aung San to Return to Banknotes Despite Military Disapproval

Posted: 17 Nov 2017 04:47 AM PST

YANGON — The entire bloc of military appointees in the Lower House stood up against a motion to reinstate the image of the country's late independence hero Gen Aung San on the country's currency on Friday.

Surprisingly, all 107 of the unelected military representatives and one lawmaker from the former ruling military proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) boycotted a proposal urging the Union Government to issue future notes showing the face of the late hero.

The military's disagreement immediately encountered angry reactions on a live stream of the parliamentary session on the Lower House Facebook page.

The bloc was defeated by votes from 286 lawmakers from the ruling National League for Democracy party and other lawmakers from the USDP and also a dozen ethnic parties, who supported reinstating the former general's image of the currency, which was phased out by the former military junta.

Parliament's approval of the proposal could be considered a breakthrough for the NLD and its supporters.

Pictures of Gen Aung San, the father of Myanmar's State Counselor and de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, were first printed on currency notes in 1958, 10 years after he was assassinated along with eight of his colleagues.

But those bills were gradually removed from circulation after the rise of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as a leader of the Burmese pro-democracy movement following the 1988 student uprising.

The banknotes were later redesigned with a lion or elephant on the front and the country's famous buildings and landscapes on the other side.

Military representatives stand against a motion to reinstate Gen Aung San to the currency in the Lower House. / MRTV/ Lower House Facebook Page

Military appointee Lt-Col Kyaw Min Hlaing told lawmakers that the animals – peacocks, lions and elephants – were featured on the notes as all Myanmar ethnic groups valued and acknowledged them as national symbols, during the discussion on the proposal submitted by NLD lawmaker U Aung Khin Win.

He said the proposal shouldn't be considered while the country's economic growth is slow, citing the redesign and printing cost for new banknotes.

NLD Lower House lawmaker Daw Wint Wah Tun replied that she seconded U Aung Khin Win's proposal as it meant not to replace the current banknotes of various denominations from circulation with new banknotes, which could be between 100 billion to 300 billion kyats.

Instead it suggested using banknotes with the image of Gen Aung San rather than pictures of animals whenever the Central Bank needed to replace damaged notes or to release new sizes or new denominations in the future, she said.

NLD lawmaker U Aung Khin Win who submitted the proposal said, "It goes without saying that people would love to use banknotes with the image of Bogyoke rather than with pictures of lions or elephants," at the previous parliamentary session.

Seven other lawmakers participated in the discussion during Friday's parliamentary session, agreeing to the proposal.

U Soe Min, a deputy governor of the Central Bank, also supported the proposal.

NLD lawmaker U Aung Khin Win who submitted the proposal said, "It goes without saying that people would love to use banknotes with the image of Bogyoke rather than with pictures of a lion or elephant," at the previous parliamentary session.

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Cambodia Faces International Action After Banning Opposition

Posted: 16 Nov 2017 09:36 PM PST

PHNOM PENH — The United States promised "concrete steps" against Cambodia and the European Union raised a threat to vital trade preferences after the main opposition party was banned ahead of elections.

The Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) was dissolved by the Supreme Court on Thursday at the request of the government of Prime Minister Hun Sen, whose rule of more than three decades faces a major challenge at next year's general election.

The ban on the CNRP followed the arrest of its leader, Kem Sokha, for treason. He is accused of plotting to take power with American help.

Hun Sen's critics called the CNRP dissolution an attempt to steal the election and the death knell for democracy after Western donors have spent billions of dollars since 1993 trying to build a multiparty system following decades of war.

"On current course next year's election will not be legitimate, free, or fair," a White House statement said, promising to take "concrete steps."

The first of those was to end support for the Cambodian National Election Committee ahead of the 2018 election, it said.

In Brussels, an EU spokesman said the election could not be legitimate without the opposition and noted that respect for human rights was a prerequisite for Cambodia's access to EU trade preferences under its "Everything But Arms scheme."

That scheme giving tariff free access – and similar trade preferences in the United States – have helped Cambodia build a garment industry on low cost labor. Between them, EU and U.S. markets take some 60 percent of Cambodia's exports.

There was no immediate government response to the reaction from the United States and European Union.

In a symbolic step, the US Senate passed a resolution calling on the Treasury and State Departments to consider placing Cambodian officials implicated in abuses on a watch list for asset freezes and travel bans.

War of Words

Hun Sen has been in a deepening war of words with the US embassy and State Department over a crackdown on his critics, but at the weekend posed with US President Donald Trump at a regional summit and praised his policies of non-interference.

The fact that the threat of action came from the White House gave it greater weight than previous statements from the State Department calling for the release of Kem Sokha.

So far Western countries have shown little appetite for sanctions and the opposition itself has shied away from calling for steps to restrict garment exports because of the hundreds of thousands of workers who depend on them.

But leaders of the CNRP now say they support some sanctions.

"Sanctions are the best leverage for negotiation for free, fair and inclusive elections," said Mu Sochua, a deputy to CNRP leader Kem Sokha who fled Cambodia fearing arrest.

There have been no protests over the ruling and many people in the capital, Phnom Penh, said they were afraid to speak out.

There were no party members at the CNRP headquarters, only security guards. "They are worried about their safety," said security guard Chin Savy.

The central market was full of its usual bustle and one man told Reuters he was glad to see the back of the opposition.

"Hun Sen has a lot of help from China. If he just depended on the U.S. we wouldn't be anywhere," said Khen Kong, 69, a businessman.

China is by far the biggest single donor to Cambodia and its biggest investor. It voiced support for the government after the arrest of Kem Sokha.

In a televised address on Thursday, Hun Sen told Cambodians the election would go ahead "as normal" and appealed to politicians from the CNRP who had not been banned to join his Cambodian People’s Party (CPP).

US-based campaign group Human Rights Watch said the court ruling should lead Cambodia's donors and trade partners to impose targeted sanctions, including asset freezes and travel bans on Hun Sen's inner circle.

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Angelina Jolie Condemns Sexual Violence Against Rohingya Women Refugees

Posted: 16 Nov 2017 09:23 PM PST

DHAKA — Filmstar Angelina Jolie has condemned sexual violence inflicted on Rohingya women in Myanmar's Rakhine State, where a military counter-insurgency operation has sent hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslim refugees across the border to Bangladesh.

More than 600,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled Buddhist-majority Myanmar since late August, driven out by the military's actions that a top United Nations official has described as a classic case of "ethnic cleansing."

Jolie, a special envoy of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), told a Bangladesh delegation in the Canadian city of Vancouver that she planned to visit the Rohingya victims of sexual violence.

"Later she mentioned accordingly in her keynote speech about the sexual violence faced by almost each female Rohingya who fled to Bangladesh and condemned the armed conflict in Myanmar," Bangladesh's foreign ministry said in a statement on Thursday.

It gave no details of Jolie's proposed trip.

On Thursday, New York-based Human Rights Watch accused Myanmar security forces of committing widespread rape against women and girls as part of a campaign of ethnic cleansing.

The allegation echoes an accusation this week by Pramila Patten, the UN special envoy on sexual violence in conflict, who said sexual violence was "being commanded, orchestrated and perpetrated by the Armed Forces of Myanmar."

Myanmar's army released a report on Monday denying all allegations of rape and killings by security forces, days after replacing the general in charge of the operation.

In parliament on Wednesday, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said Bangladesh would overcome obstacles to resolve the Rohingya crisis, with the help of the international community.

"I strongly believe we will find a peaceful solution to the unprecedented crisis with the help of the international community, despite various obstacles," she said.

There were already about 300,000 Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh before the most recent exodus.

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UN States Call for End to Myanmar Military Operations

Posted: 16 Nov 2017 09:05 PM PST

UNITED NATIONS — A United Nations General Assembly committee on Thursday called on Myanmar to end military operations that have "led to the systematic violation and abuse of human rights" of Rohingya Muslims in the country's Rakhine state.

The move revived a UN resolution that was dropped last year due to the country's progress on human rights.

The General Assembly's Third Committee, which focuses on human rights, voted 135 in favor, 10 against with 26 abstentions on the draft text that also asks UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to appoint a special envoy on Myanmar.

For 15 years the Third Committee annually adopted a resolution condemning Myanmar's human rights record, but last year the European Union did not put forward a draft text, citing progress under the leadership of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

However, in the past three months more than 600,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled to Bangladesh after the Myanmar military began an operation against Rohingya militants, who attacked 30 security posts and an army base in Rakhine state on Aug. 25.

This prompted the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to put forward a new draft UN resolution, which will now be formally adopted by the 193-member General Assembly next month. The resolution deepens international pressure, but has no legal consequences.

Myanmar's army released a report on Monday denying all allegations of rapes and killings by security forces, days after replacing the general in charge of the military operation in Rakhine State.

Top UN officials have denounced the violence as a classic example of ethnic cleansing. The Myanmar government has denied allegations of ethnic cleansing.

Myanmar is refusing entry to a UN panel that was tasked with investigating allegations of abuses after a smaller military counteroffensive launched in October 2016.

The draft resolution approved by the Third Committee on Thursday urges Myanmar to grant access. It also calls for full and unhindered humanitarian aid access and for Myanmar to grant full citizenship rights to Rohingya.

They have been denied citizenship in Myanmar, where many Buddhists regard them as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

The 15-member UN Security Council last week urged the Myanmar government to "ensure no further excessive use of military force in Rakhine State." It asked Guterres to report back in 30 days.

Human Rights Watch accused Myanmar security forces on Thursday of committing widespread rape against women and girls, echoing an allegation by Pramila Patten, the UN special envoy on sexual violence in conflict, earlier this week. Patten said sexual violence was "being commanded, orchestrated and perpetrated by the Armed Forces of Myanmar."

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China Foreign Minister to Visit Myanmar Amid Rohingya Crisis

Posted: 16 Nov 2017 08:49 PM PST

BEIJING — Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi will visit Myanmar and Bangladesh from this weekend, his ministry said on Thursday, amid a crisis over Myanmar's treatment of Rohingya Muslims.

More than 600,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since late August, driven out by a military counter-insurgency clearance operation in Buddhist-majority Myanmar's Rakhine State.

A top UN official has described the military's actions as a textbook case of "ethnic cleansing." Myanmar rejects accusations of rights abuses.

China has expressed support for what it calls the Myanmar government's efforts to protect stability.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Geng Shuang told reporters that Wang would go to Bangladesh and Myanmar this weekend where he would meet his counterparts and exchange views on bilateral ties and issues of mutual regional concern.

On Monday and Tuesday, Wang would attend a meeting of Asian and European foreign ministers in the Myanmar capital of Naypyitaw, Geng added.

He did not say whether Wang would discuss the Rohingya issue.

China and Myanmar have for years maintained close economic and diplomatic relations.

The United States and other Western countries have become more engaged with Myanmar in recent years, since it began a transition to civilian government after nearly 50 years of military rule.

International concern over the Rohingya situation has grown.

US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson called during a visit to Myanmar on Wednesday for a credible investigation into reports of human rights abuses against the Rohingya committed by Myanmar's security forces.

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Official Peace Talks with UNFC Cancelled Amid Stalemate Fears

Posted: 16 Nov 2017 07:38 PM PST

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — The official peace talks scheduled for Thursday between the government and the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) were cancelled. In their place, the negotiators met informally to keep the process alive.

All of the members of the UNFC's Delegation for Political Negotiations (DPN) had travelled to Yangon on Wednesday. But on Thursday, only a few of them met the government's Peace Commission (PC) members for an informal discussion.

The DPN referred to the cancelled talks as the 9th round of formal talks, following a custom of designating each official meeting as a new round (thus they referred to their talks on Nov 8-9 as the 8th round of talks).

The government insists on numbering the latest talks as an extension of the 7th round held in October and seems in a hurry to bring the talks to a conclusion so that the five armed ethnic groups who make up the UNFC – the New Mon State Party (NMSP), Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), Arakan National Council (ANC) and the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP) – will officially join the national peace process as signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).

No public explanation was given for the cancellation of Thursday's formal talks. However, according to inside sources, it was to avoid a possible 'deadlock' over one of the eight demands that the UNFC has made as a pre-condition to signing the NCA, regarding the future name of the country. The UNFC wants the country to be officially described as the "Federal Democratic Union" but the government wants it to be the "Democracy and Federal Union."

The UNFC has repeatedly raised this point since the first session of the 21st Panglong peace conference, which was held in Aug-Sept 2016, under the National League for Democracy government, when all of the ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) attended the conference and presented their political objectives.

Alliance chairman Nai Hong Sar said at that time that a future federal union should have a name that "demonstrates ownership by all ethnicities or regions," instead of representing one ethnicity. Myanmar – the current name – is deemed to represent the majority Burmans. 

For about 17 months, talks between the DPN and government's PC have focused on the eight-point proposal that the UNFC put forward as its terms for signing the NCA. And despite the alliance saying this week that it was close to signing the agreement, it appears there is still a long road ahead until an accord can be reached.

The government had initially expected the UNFC would sign the NCA before the third session of the 21st Panglong Union Peace Conference, which State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi plans to hold before the end of 2017. However, that looks unlikely to happen now as both the UNFC and the Northern Alliance stick to their existing positions. The UNFC is demanding that specific conditions be agreed before they will sign, while the Northern Alliance wants an alternative approach to the NCA.

According to the sources close to the negotiations, further talks with the non-signatories to the NCA may be postponed if the government does not agree to all of the UNFC's terms. The UNFC has said that unless the government relaxes its rigid approach to the talks, the hurdles would remain.

In addition to the differences over specific proposals a lack of mutual trust dogs the talks. Disputes over terms as such “federal” and “revolution” are not new in the Myanmar peace process, which began in late 2011. In 2014, negotiations reached a stalemate due to differences over terminology as well as the Tatmadaw's inclusion of its Myanmar Army's six-principles on the process.

This major hurdle led to a disagreement between the EAOs and a split between those that signed the NCA in October 2015 and those that did not. Whenever it has seemed that progress was being made during the six years of peace talks in Myanmar, an issue has arisen to derail the process.

The current NLD government’s National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC), led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is dealing with three separate stakeholder groups in the peace process; the UNFC, the Northern Alliance and the eight-signatories of the NCA.

The government's talks with the active armed ethnic groups that are based in the northeast are currently on hold. The Northern Alliance's representatives, known as the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), have demanded to hold talks as a bloc, a position the government has rejected, insisting it meet the groups separately.

The Tatmadaw has clashed militarily in northern Shan State with some of the FPNCC members – namely the Taang Nationalities Liberation Army (TNLA), Arakan Army (AA) and Kokang’s Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) – and has been reluctant to accept these groups as peace talk partners. This month the AA has also become more active in western Myanmar, in Paletwa of Chin State, which is close to the border with northern Rakhine State.

Meanwhile, the government continues its political negotiations with the signatories of the NCA, as it pushes forward with the broader peace process. Ongoing meetings regarding the political dialogue framework and reviews of the implementation of the NCA are being held.

The eight ethnic armed organizations’ Peace Process Steering Team (PPST) has expressed a shared optimism about the peace process. Its leaders said the peace talks were a channel for both sides to collaborate to reach a solution to the country’s political problems.

General Yawd Serk, a PPST leader and chairman of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), urged all sides to have “patience to reach a common agreement, which would benefit both of the peace negotiation partners,” during his speech after the PPST’s 16th meeting in Chiang Mai on Wednesday.

“Our aim is to establish a federal union, self-determination, and peace and development in the country,” he said. “Therefore, we must aim to benefit our union, rather than winning over the negotiation partner [Tatmadaw and government].”

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