The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Rakhine Advisory Board Member Denies Richardson’s Departure Affects Panel’s Credibility
- Safe but Stuck — Life Inside a Rohingya Refugee Camp
- Myanmar Hit by Half the Total of Last Year’s Quakes in January
- Travel Restrictions in Karenni State to Ease Soon
- NLD Lawyer’s Loss Still Felt One Year Later
- YHT Founder Wins India’s Padma Award for Public Affairs
- Coral Reefs Get Sick from Plastic Waste: Study
- US Urges Russia and Myanmar to Reconsider Fighter Jet Deal
- Justice Must Guide the Government’s Handling of Rakhine State’s Problems
| Rakhine Advisory Board Member Denies Richardson’s Departure Affects Panel’s Credibility Posted: 26 Jan 2018 06:52 AM PST YANGON – The resignation of Bill Richardson from the Advisory Board for the Committee for the Implementation of the Recommendations on Rakhine State will not tarnish the panel's credibility, board member Roelof Petrus Meyer said on Thursday. Myanmar's de facto leader, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi established the board in December. Comprising five high-profile international figures and five local experts, it is chaired by former Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai and tasked with advising the implementation committee led by Social Welfare Minister Dr. Win Myat Aye. The board nominees conducted a meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on Jan. 22. Vice president U Myint Swe and Union Minister Dr. Win Myat Aye also attended. During the meeting, Richardson tried to raise the issue of two Reuters reporters who have been detained in connection with their coverage of events in Rakhine. However, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi refused to discuss the issue, saying it was outside the scope of the advisory board's mandate. The next day, Richardson, a former US ambassador to the United Nations and a long-time ally of the state counsellor, did not join the board as it left on a trip to Rakhine State. Richardson left Myanmar on Jan. 24 and issued a statement announcing his resignation from the board. In the statement he voiced his concern that the board would become a "cheerleading squad and whitewash for government policy." Surakiart and three other board members — Urban Ahlin, a Swedish parliamentarian; Armenian-British doctor and Labour politician Prof. Lord Derzi of Denham; and Meyer, a former South African defense minister — returned to Yangon from Rakhine on Thursday. Meyer took questions from journalists at the Chatrium Hotel in Yangon. He said, "I think Mr. Richardson was a little bit in a hurry to make that statement and it's unfair. And like our statement said, it is not a legitimate statement by him." The State Counsellor's Office released a statement on Thursday evening regarding Richardson. It described his intent as "not to provide advice based on recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State chaired by Dr. Kofi Annan, but to pursue his own agenda." Recently appointed Deputy Information Minister U Aung Hla Tun told reporters in Naypyidaw on Friday that Richardson had raised an issue that was beyond the commission's mandate, and pointed out that the trial of the two reporters could only be dealt with by the president. Attempts by others to intervene could be tantamount to contempt of court, the deputy minister said. "Nobody should use this case for their personal advantage, such as to seek popularity or publicity," said U Aung Hla Tun, who added that putting pressure on the government in connection with the two detainees could be "counterproductive". Some local observers have criticized Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for appointing international experts to advise on the Rakhine crisis, saying the cost is too high. They point to the case of Richardson, whose appointment has backfired by fuelling international criticism of the state counsellor. She has experienced sustained international condemnation in recent months regarding her perceived silence over the exodus of Rohingya refugees from northern Rakhine's Maungdaw District following military operations there. The UN described the military offensive as "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing." Richardson also accused Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of disparaging UN and human rights workers, INGOs as well as the international community. Addressing that serious accusation, Meyer said his board completely understands the essential role of the international community and the UN in addressing Rakhine State's complex problems and pointed out that Richardson's comments represented his personal views. "That's the observation of one individual and we don't need necessarily agree with it," he said. Meyer, when asked whether Richardson's resignation hurt the team's credibility, especially in the eyes of the international community, said, "Not at all." He added, "I think it's clear from the points that we are raising in the last paragraph of the recommendations [in the board's first statement] that we made to the implementation committee that we are quite serious, very serious [about] what needs to be done." The Advisory Board's statement urged the government to allow UN humanitarian work in conflict zones and access to media as soon as possible. He said the commission would provide free and frank advice to the implementation committee and was confident in its ability to address the Rakhine issue. The Myanmar and Bangladesh governments initially agreed to start repatriating Rohingya refugees on Jan. 23, but the process has been delayed. The Myanmar government has announced that temporary camps are ready to accept verified returnees, though none had arrived as of Jan. 26. The Advisory Board members visited several camps in Maungdaw and described their establishment as a positive step that would facilitate the refugees' safe return. Meyer said, "It's quite clear that there is an effort being made and hopefully that will encourage people to come back." The post Rakhine Advisory Board Member Denies Richardson's Departure Affects Panel's Credibility appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Safe but Stuck — Life Inside a Rohingya Refugee Camp Posted: 26 Jan 2018 04:51 AM PST COX'S BAZAR, BANGLADESH — Standing on a hilltop, Mintu Chandra Dey a local volunteer at the Balukhali Rohingya refugee camp, was waving a bamboo pole topped with a red flag. He was trying to draw the attention of a train of people to show them the right path to makeshift shelters that had been built at the far end of the Balukhali refugee camp. The Irrawaddy has learned that more than 25,000 new refugees have arrived at the camp since a repatriation deal was signed on Nov. 23. The signal from the torn flag seems at odds with the official story that the two countries are almost ready to start repatriating hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who fled Myanmar following a military crackdown against Muslim insurgents in Rakhine State in August last year.  There are now more than 655,500 Rohingya Muslims who have taken refuge in the southern tip of Bangladesh, mostly in 12 makeshift campsites in Cox's Bazar's two sub-districts of Ukhiya and Teknaf. The land on which the Balukhali camp sits was forest a few months ago. While Google Maps still shows a green undulating landscape, the bare hilltops now sport a forest of colorful flags of the many different countries supporting a huge aid intervention. As far as the eyes can see are densely populated makeshift dwellings built on land that has been hurriedly cleared of vegetation, leaving the area vulnerable to mudslides on rainy days. On entering the camp, it is apparent that it is more organized than any of the slums in Dhaka in terms of keeping it free of garbage and with an apparently well-established drainage system, thanks to the management of the national and foreign aid groups. Along the web of pathways within the camps, people carry on with their daily lives, collecting and transporting aid supplies, hauling wood and other miscellaneous bundles, sitting by shops, and buying and selling goods.  Sahidul Amin, who along with his wife and seven children fled Myanmar after Aug. 25, was busy making a bamboo door for their makeshift room. Asked how he was faring, he said: "It feels good to be here." Further questioned on whether he wanted to go back to Rakhine State, he quickly replied: "No, no, no. People are still coming." "They [Myanmar people] will kill us if we go back again. We don't want to go even if our Muslim brothers [a reference to Bangladeshis] try to kill us right here. Right now there is a peace though." While talking with Amin, another refugee who gave his name as Abu Taiyab appeared. Formerly a fisherman in Rakhine State and the father of four, he appeared more open to returning. "If they provide us with citizenship rights we will go back home," he said. Alongside a pathway in the camps, a little notice advertised the broadcast of a Barcelona versus Real Madrid football match in three different languages — Burmese, English and Bengali — scheduled for 2 a.m. The flyer was attached to the wall of a flimsily built shop selling tea, coffee, biscuits, betel leaves and so on. On top was a huge solar panel with a large battery that powered a television set. Inside the shop, which was bigger than many of the others around, were rows of wooden chairs. Shop owner Mohammad Karimullah said he had been a merchant back in Myanmar so he continued to ply his trade here. "I started with 1,000 takas. Sales are slow though — only 400 to 500 takas a day," he added. In front of the shop, some workers were making a shanty for newcomers. Karimullah said the workers are typically paid TK150 to 200 per day. "The wage is low," he said.  There are a number of schools and Madrasas scattered throughout the camp, nearly all are full of children. The sound of chanting from the Quran can be heard often. Children in the schools were seen learning math by counting from one to 10. Mohammad Mia, 22, a local volunteer at the Daskinayan Child Learning Center-1, said a total of 111 children were being taught in three shifts a day at this one center. "Here we teach up to second grade," he said. A new road connecting the Balukhali and Kutupalong camps is under construction. Microbuses ferrying aid workers and administrators shuttled in and out. Excavators were engaged in leveling hills to smooth the ride. Large areas are fenced off inside the camps for UNHCR officials. "This area is for office space for the UNHCR," said Jafarullah, 25, a Rohingya refugee who has become a volunteer watchman for the UN refugee agency. Demanding punishment for the massive crackdown in Rakhaine state, Mohammad Anos, a Rohingya refugee who serves as a community volunteer, said "we had no other way but to flee here to save our lives." There are many such fenced-off areas that have been set up to support the aid workers. Two adjacent bridges made of bamboo and wood span a tiny river that runs through the camps, allowing passage for pedestrians and bicycles.  Although the camps look settled and supplied with sufficient aid, it remains a stressful environment. The agony of the Rohingya people here has been deepened by internal clashes, killings, and outbreaks of disease, which are considered everyday happenings. Repartition Efforts and Contradictions Amid the ongoing crisis, a much more detailed plan for the repatriation of the Rohingya refugees was announced by the Bangladesh-Myanmar joint working group on Jan. 16, as part of the deal signed on Nov. 23 last year. According to the agreement, Bangladesh would create five transit camps on its side of the border, while Myanmar would build two similar camps in its side. The treaty allows for the return of refugees who fled to Bangladesh since October 2016. Myanmar has initially agreed to take back 1,500 refugees a week with both governments committing to complete the return of all the Rohingya refugees within two years if possible. The initial steps have won some praise. But questions were raised as well. Local people at Cox's Bazar noted that if Myanmar took back 1,500 refugees per week it implies only 78,000 refugees would be repatriated in 52 weeks. What then would happen to the rest of the refugees? Dainik Cox's Bazar, a local newspaper, published a report on Jan. 23 claiming that there had been no safe and sustainable repatriations following similar crises in 1978, 1992, and 2005. It recalled that more than 4,000 Rohingya refugees verified by Myanmar in 1992 hadn't been taken back despite pledges from Myanmar to do so. It also noted that Myanmar had begun building around 625 houses over an area of 125 acres in Foyekhong to house returning Rohingya refugees. Meanwhile, the beginning of the gradual repatriation of the more than 650,000 Rohingya refugees, which was supposed to have started on Jan. 23, has been delayed due to complications. Human Rights Watch 23 issued a press release earlier in January urging the suspension of the repatriation. "Rohingya refugees shouldn't be returned to camps guarded by the very same Burmese forces who forced them to flee massacres and gang rapes, and torched villages," said the organization's Asia director, Brad Adams. Shirin Akhter, a communications officer at the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Dhaka told this correspondent that the Rohingya are still coming. "We received 150 more Rohingya people yesterday [Thursday]," he said. The camps sit on around 3,000 acres of land divided into 20 blocks. The aid efforts and security have been coordinated by the local district administration. At least 93 local and foreign NGOs operate in the Ukhiya and Teknaf refugee camps. The NGO Bureau subsequently banned some 12 NGOs from the camps for what it said were improper activities. Outside of the camps, there have also been demonstrations by local groups in favor of repatriation of the Rohingya. Though locals have welcomed the repatriation deal and have praised the humanitarian efforts by Bangladesh, they seem to be unhappy with the agreement at the government level. Cox's Bazar Civil Society President Abu Morshed Chowdhury Khoka told journalists that the Myanmar people, Buddhist monks and the army in Rakhine State should be bound by commitments to their Muslim neighbors. He urged both countries to agree to a United Nation's peacekeeping mission to support a sustainable repatriation. He said that before starting on the main task of repatriating the refugees a list would need to be compiled on the basis of family ties and then it would be coordinated at the village and regional levels. "We have been doing our best," he said. A document called a Verification Form for Residents of Myanmar obtained by this correspondent reads, "I apply to return and live in Myanmar voluntarily without any threat and encouragement. If permission is granted to me to enter Myanmar, I will abide by the existing laws of Myanmar." Potential returnees are also required to provide some other essential documents such as card numbers, photos and lists of everything believed to have been destroyed in their torched Rakhine homes. However, the local volunteer Mintu Chandra Dey, reached by phone while filing this story on Friday, said he continues to guide new arrivals along the pathways to the Balukhali shanties on a daily basis. Nure Alam Durjoy is a Dhaka-based journalist contributing to The Irrawaddy. The post Safe but Stuck — Life Inside a Rohingya Refugee Camp appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Myanmar Hit by Half the Total of Last Year’s Quakes in January Posted: 26 Jan 2018 04:24 AM PST Myanmar was hit by almost half the number of earthquakes it saw last year in January 2018 alone, according to the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology (DMH). "There have been 34 earthquakes so far. They struck western and northwestern Myanmar and Phyu, and some of them were aftershocks. The one with the highest magnitude registered 6.0 on the Richter scale," assistant director Dr. Yin Myo Min Htway of the Seismology Division of the DMH told the Irrawaddy. Myanmar experienced 32 inland quakes and 2 offshore quakes in Myanmar waters in the Andaman Sea in January while it was rocked by about 70 earthquakes in 2017 including 69 inland quakes and one offshore one, according to the official. Frequent tremors at the beginning of the year were aftershocks of the earthquake that hit Phyu, it was learned. As the DMH has installed better seismometers, almost every earthquake was recorded precisely, according to Dr. Myo Thant, vice chairman of the Myanmar Earthquake Committee. An earthquake with a magnitude of 6.0 hit the northwestern area of Phyu Township in Bago Region on the morning of January 12, triggering aftershocks. With a higher potential for earthquakes of magnitude 7.0 and above along the Sagaing Fault, it is important to be prepared for earthquakes instead of just worrying about them, Dr. Myo Thant said. "People are killed or injured not because of earthquakes but because of buildings. It is vital for people to check whether their buildings can withstand earthquakes. Preparedness can reduce damage and causalities during an earthquake," he added. It is essential to understand how to respond in an earthquake and to know where the safe places to go are, said U Saw Htway Zaw, vice chairman of the earthquake committee. "It is necessary to know whether one's house is safe or which part of the house is safe and which part is unsafe. People should consult with seismic experts for their safety," he said. Myanmar was rocked by a number of earthquakes on January 25, including two striking Myanmar waters with magnitudes 5.9 and 5.8 respectively, one registering 3.7 near Tachilek in Shan State and another one with magnitude 4.5 near Kalay in Chin State, according to the DMH. The earthquake registering 5.8 on the Richter scale, which struck 5 miles northwest of Taikkyi on March 13, 2017, caused damage and injuries and was the highest magnitude in Myanmar that year. The post Myanmar Hit by Half the Total of Last Year's Quakes in January appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Travel Restrictions in Karenni State to Ease Soon Posted: 26 Jan 2018 04:19 AM PST YANGON — The national government has tentatively lifted tourist travel restrictions on parts of Karenni State once entirely off limits to visitors for security reasons, according to the Karenni State Directorate of Hotels and Tourism. The government agreed to lift the restrictions earlier this month, though an official order has yet to be issued. “Tourists were allowed to visit only Loikaw in the past. Prior permission had to be sought for visiting Demoso. Now restrictions have been lifted on some areas where tourists were completely prohibited,” directorate chief U Lin Zaw Htut told The Irrawaddy. Tourists can now visit the villages of Panpet and Tanilale in Demoso Township and the towns of Bawlakhe, Hpasawng and Mese along a local trade route connecting Myanmar to Thailand. Most of Karenni State was once controlled or contested by ethnic armed groups. Foreigners were finally allowed to travel to Loikaw by the previous administration of U Thein Sein. Later on, tourists were allowed to travel to Panpet and Tanilale with prior permissions from authorities as part of efforts to boost community-based tourism. "Tourists had to seek prior permissions from the state government to visit these places three to five days in advance. Some foreigners who wanted to visit them as soon as they arrived could not do so. So we asked authorities to lift the travel restrictions. Travel restrictions were in place in the past because the state was not peaceful" U Lin Zaw Htut said. While domestic tourism to Karenni State has been on the rise lately, foreign visitor numbers remain low. The Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), one of Myanmar's many ethnic armed groups, has signed ceasefire agreements with the state and union governments, but it has yet to join the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). "Security conditions in the state have improved. Although disputes arise between them [the KNPP and authorities], there has been no fighting. The KNPP has also told local residents that they would not disturb local or foreign tourists and that they could travel freely. The group said it wanted to see tourist development," said U Thein Lwin of the Union of Myanmar Travel Associations (Karenni). U Soe Htwe, chairman of the Hoteliers Association (Karenni Zone), said the request to lift the travel restrictions was submitted to the vice president's office. "The travel ban that restricted foreigners for many years was lifted after State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi visited the state. The application for official permission was submitted on Jan. 22. The vice president will hold a meeting on the permission on Jan. 26. Official permission will be granted soon," he said. The association says tourists were annoyed by delays in getting the travel permits and a ban on overnight stays. "Now tourists can visit the areas any time. They can spend the night there. Local people can entertain them with traditional dances and songs while selling their local products. Their livelihoods will improve as their income increases," the chairman said. Tourist arrivals in Karenni State in 2016-17, with a new NLD-led government in power, rose 65 percent year-on-year. U Htay Aung, a veteran tour guide, expects those numbers to rise further once the KNPP signs the NCA and more parts of the state are opened up to visitors. "Many places in the state are still restricted for foreigners. Take Htekho in Hpruso Township and Dawtamagyi in Demoso Township. Tourists like these destinations very much. The situation will improve once the KNPP has signed the NCA," he told the Irrawaddy. U Lin Zaw Htut said negotiations are also underway to open a border gate between the state's Mese Township and Thailand's Mae Hong Son Province. Authorities have already made field trips to the site. "About 3 million tourists visit Mae Hong Son every year. They will visit here when the border gate opens. It was supposed to open in Karenni State in January but only 50 tourists visited on the day of a friendship tour between the foreign ministries of the two countries. The border gate will open soon," he said. Karenni State hosted 16,000 local tourists in 2016 and 34,000 last year. It also hosted 6,300 foreign tourists in 2016 and 9,000 in 2017. Translated from Burmese by Myint Win Thein. The post Travel Restrictions in Karenni State to Ease Soon appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| NLD Lawyer’s Loss Still Felt One Year Later Posted: 26 Jan 2018 03:24 AM PST YANGON — U Ko Ni, the prominent Muslim lawyer who represented countless families and individuals for more than four decades, would have never imagined that he would become the center of a high-profile criminal case. He was shot at close range in broad daylight by a gunman on Jan. 29 last year and his death became one of the most talked about incidents in news. He was 63. The reason behind his assassination is still unclear, while Monday marks one year since the tragic event. The Katha native came to Yangon in 1971 to study law at Yangon University. Born to a poor family that couldn't afford to pay for his studies, he had to work for his tuition fees. He became a lawyer in 1976. The author of several law-related books under the pseudonym Maung Ko Ni, he was praised by veteran Myanmar journalist and prominent author Maung Wuntha for constantly fighting injustice. He once wrote that U Ko Ni reminded him of Perry Mason, a fictional defense lawyer in the detective stories of best-selling American author Erle Stanley Gardner of the 20th century. The main difference between the two men would be their specializations—Perry Mason handled criminal trials and U Ko Ni mainly worked on civil suits, Maung Wuntha said.  U Ko Ni is survived by his wife and three children. Ma Yin Nwe Khaing, 34, is the eldest one. Her last conversation with her late father U Ko Ni was about cherries. Ma Yin Nwe Khaing was at the Yangon International Airport to pick him up as he returned from Indonesia. Her uncle drove her to the airport and she brought her nephew with her. After her father exited the gate, he told her that he bought some cherries from Indonesia for his great-nephew that he would love, as they were not sour. "He has never eaten cherries before, has he?" her father asked her. Everything happened in an instant. Outside the terminal, she was talking to her uncle over the phone, saying that they were ready to get into the car. She heard a pop and saw her father fall onto the pavement, holding her nephew. As a doctor, her first instinct was that her father had an acute stroke. She didn't think that the loud noise she heard was the gunfire that killed her father, even when she saw blood coming from his head. "I have never seen a gun or a shooting in my life, so I couldn't relate these two things," Ma Yin Nwe Khaing recounted why she didn't recognize the sound of gunfire. The slender woman recalled her father's murder a year ago as a "great shock" to her. Yet, she dealt with the incident calmly. "I quickly accepted that it was finished. Whoever did it, it was a reality that he was gone," she said. "But someone just died and what next? How am I going to handle this case?" she shared how she was calming herself down right after her father was murdered. The death of her father was, she said, the loss of "everything" to her. "No words can describe such a loss. [A father] is irreplaceable. Everybody can understand this feeling, I believe," she said.  A Man of Principles Like other Muslim children, Ma Yin Nwe Khaing addresses her father as "Papa." She remembers that her father U Ko Ni always wore a serious face and never showed intimacy to his family. He never scolded or shouted at her or her siblings either, but they were afraid of him because of his seriousness. Working as an assistant lecturer at the Yangon University of Nursing, she feels thankful to U Ko Ni for being a supportive father throughout her career pursuit and never forcing any of his children's decisions. "He said there were two professions in which other people's pressures become our own; doctor and lawyer. He told me he had no objection if I could deal with this for my entire life, but that I would be responsible for my choice," she recalled. "He talked very little but trained us imperceptibly on how he wanted us to be," Ma Yin Nwe Khaing said. "For me, he was a man of principles," she added.  Father Figure Ko San Naing, U Ko Ni's confidant for more than 20 years, shares Ma Yin Nwe Khaing's loss. Ko San Naing first met U Ko Ni on Nov. 27, 1995, when he came to U Ko Ni to work at his law firm because he couldn't focus on his studies after his mother passed away. Since that day, Ko San Naing never quit that job. To him, he said, U Ko Ni was a father figure. "He gave me parental love and treated me like his own son when I was hungry for that after my parents died," Ko San Naing said. He devoted his time to U Ko Ni and the two became so close that he even consulted U Ko Ni for advice regarding his relationship. He once brought his girlfriend to U Ko Ni to introduce her. He still remembers how U Ko Ni's face turned red when he failed his final year exam in university. "He said pointing at a stick, 'if you fail again next year, I don't even say this to my children—look at that! I will really hit you with that. I am serious,'" Ko San Naing said with a laugh. When he finally passed the exam, U Ko Ni held a celebration for him. "Since I lost both of my parents, he was my only attachment," Ko San Naing said with tearful eyes. "Now that he is no longer with us, I don't even know what to do here at the law firm. I feel so empty." Even though the two had known each other for 22 years, he said, they had never taken a picture together. Continuing His Fight For Justice and Equality The tall figure who was always seen wearing a pair of glasses on a chain was also the legal advisor to the country's ruling National League for Democracy (NLD). Though U Ko Ni was a constant advocate for law enforcement and justice, justice has not been served for him even a year after his death. The trial has been ongoing for 10 months for Kyi Lin and three other suspects accused of involvement in the assassination. However, former lieutenant colonel Aung Win Khaing, who is also on the police's wanted list as a main conspirator behind the assassination, is still at large. Police told a Yangon court in June that they had no new leads in locating the fugitive. The court has finished examining nearly all of the 80 suspects to date. U Ko Ni's colleague U Khin Maung Htay and his close friend U Nay La are the two lawyers who are trying to get justice for his assassination.  U Nay La had known U Ko Ni since 1973 when they were both law students at Yangon University. U Ko Ni graduated from the university two years earlier than him but both did their internships at the office of acclaimed lawyer U Ko Yu. After their internships, they taught private law classes together for about three years while struggling to start their careers. While U Ko Ni continued teaching for many more years, U Nay La quit in 1982 and focused on handling lawsuits. They sometimes coincidently had to work on the same case representing different sides in court, but they remained good friends outside of the courtroom. "Though we keenly confronted each other inside the courtroom for our respective clients, we never discussed our suits outside," U Nay La said. They stayed connected throughout their careers. As per NLD leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's instruction, the two helped establish the Independent Lawyers' Association of Myanmar, aiming for judicial reform in the country. "I never thought I'd be working on my friend's murder case," U Nay La said. "I accepted the case without hesitation when all of his law firm colleagues asked me to coordinate the case because it was not merely the case of U Ko Ni but of the whole legal community." "If he were still alive, I believe, he would not be satisfied with what I have done in his case," U Nay La said. If U Ko Ni's death impacted many people, there is no exception to his colleague U Khin Maung Htay. He attended U Ko Ni's law class after he was released from prison in 1977. Since becoming a lawyer in 1980, he said, U Ko Ni helped shape his career as a mentor. In 1995, the two cofounded Laurel Law Firm with another senior lawyer and collaborated on many suits since.  "He treated people equally. We were teacher and student, colleagues, and friends," U Khin Maung Htay said. "But he didn't like our teacher-student relationship. He said we were both lawyers and should be regarded as colleagues." "Losing him was like losing a big brother who always had my back. I will never get his help again," he said, adding that he misses U Ko Ni terribly whenever he faces difficulty working on suits. U Ko Ni managed to succeed in his law career despite the discrimination he faced just for being a Muslim, U Nay La said. "Our struggles were nothing compared to his even though we both were poor when we were in university," he explained. Even though Buddhist nationalists always singled out his faith to attack him, U Ko Ni was a very liberal-minded Muslim who regarded himself as a Myanmar citizen. "He always encouraged people to keep a 'Myanmar citizen' attitude regardless of their different ethnic backgrounds," U Khin Maung Htay recalled. Growing up, Ma Yin Nwe Khaing never heard her father blame a different faith or religion. He taught his children to respect every religion and that the fundamentals of every religion are the same, she said. "If someone is not a good person, it is not about his or her faith but merely about the person," she said was what her father used to teach his children. When asked what kind of result she expects from her father's murder trial, she responded immediately that she wants "law enforcement," which her father constantly talked about until his death. "Law must be enforced. It is important not only for me but also for our country," she said. Tin Htet Paing is a freelance journalist and photographer based in Yangon. She previously worked at The Irrawaddy as a reporter for three years. The post NLD Lawyer's Loss Still Felt One Year Later appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| YHT Founder Wins India’s Padma Award for Public Affairs Posted: 26 Jan 2018 02:59 AM PST YANGON — Myanmar's well-known historian and founder of the Yangon Heritage Trust (YHT) Dr. Thant Myint-U has been named on Thursday as a recipient of India's Padma Shri award in the field of public affairs. The Padma awards, one of the highest civilian honors given by India's government, are announced annually on the eve of Republic Day. The awards are conferred in three categories: Padma Vibhushan, Padma Bhushan and Padama Shri. This year, there are total 85 Padma awardees: 3 Padma Vibhushan, 9 Padma Bhushan and 73 Padma Shri. Padma Shri, the fourth highest civilian honor, is given for distinguished contribution in various fields including arts, education, medicine, public affairs and industry. Ten individuals from ASEAN countries have been chosen in this year's Padma Shri, aimed to promote India's ties with the bloc. As founder of the YHT, Dr. Thant Myint-U has sought to preserve Yangon's architectural legacy. A grandson of the third United Nations secretary-general U Thant, he has also held numerous United Nations (UN) positions. He is also the author of four books including Where China Meets India: Burma and the New Crossroads of Asia. He said he is deeply honored by the very unexpected award. "India has always had a special place in my heart since I was very young. As a student of history I've long appreciated the deep ties this country has had with the civilisation across the Bay. At Cambridge I focused on the study of British India and for my books India has been a big part. One of the best things I ever did was travel around India for two months in the mid-1990s, a trip I'll never forget," he told The Irrawaddy via e-mail. "I hope in at least a small way this award will help further strengthen what are already very good relations between India and Myanmar." The post YHT Founder Wins India's Padma Award for Public Affairs appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Coral Reefs Get Sick from Plastic Waste: Study Posted: 25 Jan 2018 10:32 PM PST OSLO — Billions of bits of plastic waste are entangled in corals and sickening reefs from Thailand to Australia’s Great Barrier Reef, scientists said on Thursday. The trash is another pressure on corals, already suffering from overfishing, rising temperatures caused by climate change and other pollution. In the Asia-Pacific region a total of 11.1 billion plastic items — including shopping bags, fishing nets, even diapers and tea bags — are ensnared on reefs, the scientists wrote in the journal Science. They projected the numbers would rise by 40 percent by 2025 as marine pollution gets steadily worse. The plastic increases the likelihood of disease about 20 times, to 89 percent for corals in contact with plastics from four percent in comparable areas with none. Trash may damage the tiny coral animals that build reefs, making them more vulnerable to illness. And bits of plastic may act as rafts for harmful microbes in the oceans. Scientists were shocked to find plastic even in remote reefs. “You could be diving and you think someone’s tapping your shoulder but it’s just a bottle knocking against you, or a plastic trash bag stuck on your tank,” lead author Joleah Lamb of Cornell University told Reuters. “It’s really sad,” she said. “Corals are animals like us and have really thin tissues that can be cut and wounded, especially if they are cut by an item covered in all sorts of micro-organisms,” she said. The scientists, from the United States, Australia, Thailand, Myanmar, Canada and Indonesia, surveyed 159 reefs from 2011 to 2014 in the Asia-Pacific region. They found most plastic in Indonesia, with about 26 bits per 100 square meters (1,076 square feet) of reef, and the least off Australia, which has the strictest waste controls. The link between disease and plastic may well apply to other reefs such as in the Caribbean and off Africa, and may be harming other life on the ocean floor such as sponges or kelp, Lamb said. At least 275 million people worldwide live near reefs, which provide food, coastal protection and income from tourism. The presence of plastics seemed especially to aggravate some common coral afflictions, such as skeletal eroding band disease. The scientists urged tougher restrictions on plastic waste. In December, almost 200 nations agreed to limit plastic pollution of the oceans, warning that it could outweigh all fish by 2030. Co-author Douglas Rader of the US Environmental Defense Fund said better management of fisheries was the best way to strengthen coral reefs to enable them to fend off man-made threats such as more plastics. "This is not a story about 'let's give up on corals,'" he told Reuters. "Overfishing today is the biggest threat," Rader added. He said nations from Belize to the Philippines were acting to regulate fisheries on corals. The post Coral Reefs Get Sick from Plastic Waste: Study appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| US Urges Russia and Myanmar to Reconsider Fighter Jet Deal Posted: 25 Jan 2018 10:27 PM PST WASHINGTON — The United States called on Russia and Myanmar on Thursday to reconsider a reported agreement for the supply of Russian fighter planes to the Southeast Asian country. Russian media quoted the Defense Ministry in Moscow as saying this week that Russia would sell six SU-30 planes to Myanmar. The RIA news agency said Myanmar, which is also known as Burma, was interested in buying other Russian military hardware for its land and naval forces. "We've seen some new troubling media reports that Russia intends to sell SU-30 fighter jets to the Burmese armed forces," US State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert told a news briefing. "The reports, if confirmed, serve as another reminder of Russia's continued efforts to arm militaries that flagrantly violate human rights," she said. Nauert referred to the Myanmar military's treatment of minority Rohingya Muslims in the country’s Rakhine State, which had prompted the flight of 680,000 to Bangladesh. "While the Russian Federation says it favors constructive dialogue to resolve the crisis in Burma, the reports of plans to sell advanced military technology, if true, show otherwise." "We urge the governments of both Russia and Burma to reconsider a further buildup in arms and fully commit their efforts to finding a peaceful and stable solution to that crisis," she said. The Myanmar military cracked down last year in the northern part of Rakhine State in response to militant attacks on security forces. The United States previously urged countries to suspend arms sales to Myanmar in response to the crackdown. The post US Urges Russia and Myanmar to Reconsider Fighter Jet Deal appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Justice Must Guide the Government’s Handling of Rakhine State’s Problems Posted: 25 Jan 2018 06:00 PM PST Close observers of Myanmar's internal issues, particularly conflict situations, will recognize a pattern in the responses to controversial events. There are two opposing narratives; one from the government, which straightforwardly asserts there has been "no wrongdoing," and another from the affected community, which bitterly rejects the actions of authorities. The official line is systematically constructed using legal technicalities to defend the government's position. Local communities largely resort to free social media platforms to spread their first-hand accounts, sometimes backed up with hard evidence. The recent crisis in Mrauk-U, in which seven people lost their lives and more than a dozen were injured, was not a unique one. It fits into a pattern that includes the murders of teachers from Kachin, and the popular protest against the Letpadaung copper mine, in which Daw Khin Win lost her life to a police bullet. Presumably, the Mrauk-U case will lead to the same outcome: impunity and no one being held accountable. The arrest of the rabidly nationalist politician Dr. Aye Maung and the violence in Mrauk-U have added complexity to an already complicated situation in Rakhine State. The Myanmar government is currently working to repatriate Rohingya who fled to Bangladesh in recent months. This is a very unpopular decision internally and the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government needs to mobilize public support, particularly from Rakhine residents. This is needed to bring some stability to the region, but the different sides are not speaking the same language. Politically, mainstream parties have not been able to make inroads in central Rakhine State, where the nationalist Arakan National Party (ANP) holds a strong position. It has never been easy for newly elected governments to impose their will. The ANP and NLD have been involved in a number of high-profile disputes, from the selection of the chief minister to, most recently, the impeachment of the NLD-appointed municipal minister. In addition to these specific conflicts, the NLD government has failed to effectively engage with the local community. Now, by arresting a popular lawmaker, it has again triggered public outrage, with two serious effects: The arrest has created a legal and political controversy, and also seen the culture of political violence spread, deeply undermining the government's mandate to uphold the rule of law. The Rakhine public was already on edge over the arrest on similar charges a couple of months ago of social activist Ann Thar Gyi and a prominent monk. But this time, arresting another writer and lawmaker has far more significance and potential pitfalls. Charging Dr. Aye Maung with crimes against the state and treason is undoubtedly serious and requires careful consideration. Charging him with unlawful association is ironic. If you look carefully at Dr. Aye Maung's comments, they were as controversial as ever but hardly new. He is well known for his nationalist sentiment and for speaking out. The only question here is why the authorities chose to arrest him at that particular time, coinciding with a major event in Mrauk-U. Government newspapers fanned the flames with strongly opinionated pieces interpreting what constitutes treason and crimes against the state, and how those who commit them should be punished. These were reminiscent of articles published under the old military regime. During this time of peace building and developing a democratic society, in which freedom of expression and a strong media are very important, the government's ability to ensure that freedom of expression is not arbitrarily restricted is very much in question. What would be the repercussions for the media environment if pro-establishment outlets gain the upper hand? On the other hand, reining in hate speech and ethnic nationalist sentiment by various groups is an increasingly important task. Not having full authority over security is another factor. But, to be sure, it is not enough to point the finger at individuals. We need to challenge the underlying legal and political imperatives. Apart from the arrest of Dr. Aye Maung, the way the government handled the situation on the celebration of the 233rd anniversary of the fall of the Rakhine Dynasty, blocking permission to hold a lecture and responding violently to the mob in Mrauk-U, deserves denunciation and an independent investigation. As stated above, right after the shootings, authorities had an answer ready. Meanwhile, the people of Rakhine are upset and these emotions are ripe for manipulation. This was clearly seen in the death of the young protesters, who were vulnerable to that sort of mobilization. This should serve as a lesson, which we should not soon forget, for regional politicians who are quick to mobilize their communities with inflammatory rhetoric. This local culture of violence should not be allowed to take root. If you look at the overall picture, it is not difficult to understand the reasons behind the latent anger which finally exploded into violence. There was already serious discontent and a feeling of marginalization and exclusion from the political process. Some nationalists are going to great lengths to exploit this. Practically, it is challenging the mandate of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government to uphold the rule of law. The two events may be linked but this does not necessarily mean the relationship is cause-and-effect. The earlier event was responsible for the ferocity of the later one. But, that should not conceal underlying grievances. Violence on the streets was transformed in the following days into a war of hate speech on social media. The division was clear between the Burman majority, who see an act of betrayal to the Union, and the Rakhine population, who believe they were simply exercising their right to observe a historical event. On that front, the government has been somewhat successful in convincing the majority – who already had an underlying dislike of Dr. Aye Maung – that it is protecting the state. Strangely, this account omits to mention the failure to control the crowd, armed only with its anger, a failure that ultimately led to the loss of seven young lives. If the two cases are not considered separately as both legal-political and violent challenges to the rule of law – not only by an angry crowd but also by security forces – then accountability will be made more difficult to achieve. There is no space here to consider many other critical questions, including: What are the implications for other conflicts in Rakhine State, let alone for the wider peace process? How will other ethnic groups interpret this incident? Will it lead to increased recruitment for the Arakan Army, which is actively trying to increase its numbers? What are the structural factors that led to the violence? Finding answers to these questions could yield some solutions, in both the short and long terms. But whatever the questions and answers, the central theme, which is fundamental to our society, must be "justice." The ultimate question – and the one that interests me most – is how the government will find a just resolution to the legal debate over the lawmaker, whatever his background, and see that justice is done for the lives lost. Only justice can make a community feel safe and secure, and drive out irrational fears. Justice must be the key message for the people of Rakhine State. Ye Min Zaw is a scholar of international development studies focusing on peace processes, transitional issues and Rakhine affairs. The post Justice Must Guide the Government's Handling of Rakhine State's Problems appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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