Saturday, March 17, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

30 Years Since Myanmar’s Pro-democracy Uprising

Posted: 16 Mar 2018 08:33 PM PDT

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! For Myanmar, it is fair to say that March is the Month of Revolution. Taking a look back at history, Myanmar fought back fascist Japan on March 27, 1945. This revolution finally led to independence in 1948. Looking back to 1988, Ko Phone Maw, a student at RIT [Rangoon Institute of Technology], was shot and killed by riot police on March 13. On March 16 and 17, students staged protests on the campus of Rangoon University, which led to the 8888 [pro-democracy] popular uprising. That event will have its 30th anniversary this year. Ko Sanny and Ko Ye Naing Aung, also known as Ko Wa, who joined the student movement in March 1988, join me to discuss how far the student movements we initiated have come and the challenges we have encountered along the way. I'm Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

30 Years Since Myanmar's Pro-democracy Uprising

DATELINE IRRAWADDY30 Years Since Myanmar's Pro-democracy UprisingThe Irrawaddy discusses achievements and challenges in that time with two veterans of the student and pro-democracy movements.

Posted by The Irrawaddy – English Edition on Friday, March 16, 2018

It has been 30 years. The Tiananmen Square incident, to make a comparison with neighboring countries, happened in 1989. In terms of the political freedoms in our country at present, I find that we are ahead of China in that regard. Ko Phone Maw died in March, and Ko Sanny, you joined the student protests on March 16 and 17. What did you do, and why?

Ko Sanny: We were students at that time, and I participated as a student in the protests. We got acquainted with RIT students during the banknote crisis [the government's demonetizing of banknotes without warning] in September 1987. We went to RIT after we learned about [the police shooting of Ko Phone Maw] on March 13. We lived in Insein [Township], and RIT was not far from us. RIT students had formed a committee and posted a notice [on the wall] listing their demands. One of the demands was [for the government] to reveal the truth since [the government] claimed that [Ko Phone Maw] died while fighting other students. They asked us to distribute the papers at other schools such as Rangoon University, Hlaing University, Kyimyindaing University and RC [regional college] 1. We Rangoon University students could not stand [the killing], and we felt that we should also join them. On March 14, we posted demand notices at universities.

KZM: So, you joined the protest because you could not put up with it. What were your other aims?

Sanny: We came to realize that the congress [of the Burma Socialist Program Party] was a rubber-stamp body; that the education system was not a good one; and that it was the outcome of the political system. We still didn't know the exact causes and effects, but understood that it was the result of a lack of political liberty. We wanted to change the political system. We felt sad about their suppression of students and their hiding the truth, so we decided to fight back.

KZM: So, it could be said that protests broke out because of people's dislike of single-party dictatorship, the poor education system, and economic hardship. Ko Wa, you were an RIT student then. How did you come to join the student protests in March?

Ko Wa: On March 14, 1988, the RIT incident spread to the campus of Hlaing University, which was then called Regional College (2). We saw crowds of students gathering at the university canteen. While we were sitting at a teashop of the canteen, someone fixed a paper to the bamboo pole near us. From the words on the paper, we guessed that the student movement had become an anti-government movement. So, we realized that this had become the very first place, in the more than 260,000 square miles of Myanmar's territory, to enjoy the democratic right of freedom of expression. Political repression was quite harsh at that time; we were not even allowed to form community-based religious groups to offer alms to monks or make criticisms during the rule of the Burma Socialist Program Party. To us, it was the moment that marked the transition from student movement to political movement. Students launched the movement not because they had strong political awareness, but because they felt that the injustices created by the political system would destroy the future of the country. At first, students living nearby or studying in the same class would gather; for example, in my case, I and with my friends wrote statements and fixed them on buses and distributed them to passers-by. Later, students in each community gathered across the country; it had become a popular revolution.

KZM: It has been 30 years now. Ko Sanny and Ko Wa, you were both imprisoned for years. Ko Wa was arrested two, three times. Ko Sanny spent eight, nine years in prison. Thirty years later, the one-party dictatorship has ended. And we now have an elected government and a certain degree of democracy. Are you satisfied with the situation today, given the sacrifices of the students?

Sanny: Frankly speaking, I am not satisfied. Compared with other [democratic] countries, ours is not yet a democratic country—I don't mean development and prosperity, but in terms of political liberty. Our expectation was to abolish the one-party system influenced by military dictatorship.

KZM: There is no longer such a system.

Sanny: Though there is no such system, they [the military] have officially taken seats in the Parliament. Furthermore, there is a considerable amount of unseen control [by the military]. So, I feel that our expectations have not yet been fulfilled, as there is still no open political system.

KZM: Ko Wa, do you think Ko Sanny's expectations are too unrealistic? Are you satisfied with what your sacrifices have achieved?

Ko Wa: Generally speaking, the country has not yet reached the goal I anticipated, but I am somewhat satisfied. Because, as I've said, there was only a bamboo's space of liberty in the past. At that time, the press censorship board imposed draconian censorship on the media, and it was therefore even dubbed as a press "kempeitai" [referring to the military police of the Japanese Army during World War II, known for its brutal torture of detainees]. Now, we can publish newspapers and journals freely.

KZM: Perhaps to a certain extent [there is press freedom].

Ko Wa: Yes, to a certain extent. There is no censorship board now and we are free to form, support and run civil society organizations. Compared to the situation then, we are enjoying things that we didn't dream of at that time. But comparing the current situation against the yardstick of genuine democratic norms and the fundamental rights of society, we are lagging far behind. For example, the 2008 Constitution must be amended. We don't like it. But the Constitution at least confirms the rights and entitlements of citizens. So, I'd say there has been some progress, but it is not yet satisfactory, and we have not reached our goal. But I believe we have a good foundation from which to move forward.

KZM: Since the death of Ko Phone Maw in 1988, we have demanded democracy as our political cause. The democracy we have achieved has never been a complete one. I mean we now enjoy a certain degree of democracy. The fact that we have an elected government is a sign of democracy. But this democracy is subject to restrictions, like the 2008 Constitution and other political controls. So, the democracy we have now is limited. There are problems such as establishing a ceasefire, achieving internal peace and the Constitution. Our country could be compared to a patient with a chronic illness. My question is, how much has our country recovered after 30 years, and what has yet to be healed?

Sanny: There has been a certain amount of progress as Ko Wa has mentioned. But problems remain. There was no 2008 Constitution in the past. It imposes a barrier for us. In the past, there was greater potential for political reforms because there was no 2008 Constitution. But while the 2008 Constitution provides fundamental rights for citizens, it has also become a new hurdle to us. We have Parliament now, but it is not yet strong, which is understandable. However, there are more complex issues now. For example, the issues we face today didn't exist before. Twenty years ago, there were no ultra-nationalists. There are radical forces now. What's more, we political forces were united in the past. There was a degree of unity among student activists and political parties, but that unity has gradually disappeared now. These are great obstacles for us.

KZM: We have entered a democratic transition period since Myanmar opened the door in 2011 under President U Thein Sein's government. In other words, Myanmar has been trying to recover, but has not yet fully recovered. In terms of the political system, there are obstacles like the Constitution. At the same time, there are disagreements. We have not yet even reached a ceasefire agreement to achieve internal peace. And there is still no equality and self-determination. So, there are many problems. At times like this, political and religious tolerance is important. Ko Wa, what steps can the current government take to promote such tolerance?

Ko Wa: Personally, I think the 2008 Constitution needs to be amended. I'm not satisfied with it, but it does provide fundamental rights. To answer your question, suffice it to say that our country is faced with countless problems in the economic, social, health and education sectors. Individuals, political parties and groups may have different views about how to handle those issues. But I think the government or a political party should take the lead role to design a national strategy to address all those issues together. I mean if we try to solve problems separately, we will never solve them. If we solve this problem, that problem arises. So, we need a comprehensive strategy to address those issues together. If we can make that happen through dialogue and negotiation, there are good opportunities for us to move forward, I'd say.

KZM: There are provisions that restrict liberty and don't meet democratic norms in the 2008 Constitution. So, this hampers democratic transition. The Tatmadaw [Myanmar's military] has traditionally played a role in politics because of the part it played in the country's history as well as the position it secured by creating the 2008 Constitution. If we don't consider these — the Tatmadaw did play a role in the country's history because it was formed before independence — but if we remove it from a political role, what will happen? Because some argue that Myanmar is not yet ready to enjoy complete democracy and complete liberty.

Sanny: Yes, the Tatmadaw played a role in the country's history. Tatmadaw leaders seized power in 1962, and they ruled the country for many years. So, they might feel that they are well versed in managing the country. At the same time, they might look down on civilians and politicians. And their low opinion of them didn't change even after the 2015 election. It has not changed much. After the NLD won the 1990 election, there was a call for dialogue. Dialogue means an open discussion between two sides—democratic forces and the military. There are third-party stakeholders, like ethnic groups. But, at first, there must be bilateral discussions. I think there is still no genuine dialogue between the two sides so far. The meetings and agreements so far are the result of personal ties between the two sides rather than the result of an open dialogue. This won't work, I believe. Our country didn't undergo a normative democratic transition. Both the Tatmadaw and the political forces, especially their leaders, are responsible for this. It is important that the democratic transition is transparent and meets norms. It is highly important that [agreements] are transparent and accurately documented in a transition. We still can't make that happen. And people are not informed by the authorities about their agreements. So, agreements which come as the outcome of personal ties are not good for the country as a whole. As Ko Wa has said, we need dialogue based on documented and true agreements between all political forces. We need to persuade the military and mobilize political forces to make that happen.

KZM: Given the current situation, can we say it is unlikely?

Ko Wa: It is unlikely that the Tatmadaw will easily give up the political power they have held. It is said that civil society organizations and political parties are weak in political transition. But that is the result of the restrictions on political rights from 1962 to 2010. That is the reason behind our problems today. Our country lags behind on the economy, education, technology and so on, and only when civil society and political parties are strong will we be able to catch up. If the Tatmadaw really wants to establish modern armed forces that are on a par with those of other countries, it needs to change its attitude and let civil society and political parties grow. They Tatmadaw needs to seriously consider this. Even if the Tatmadaw alone is capable, it can't promote the interests of itself and the country given the current economic and technological inferiority and lack of unity among people in the country. More importantly, there will be tough competition in the region when the One Belt One Road Initiative and the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) are implemented. If there is no unity among the forces including the Tatmadaw, we won't be able to overcome those challenges.

The Tatmadaw should start taking steps now. It has accepted federal Union in principle, and though it has not officially said when it will give up political power, the Constitution implies that it must give up some time in the future. So, the Tatmadaw should be thinking about how to build capable armed forces, how to strengthen civil society and political parties that support building strong armed forces, and how to facilitate the national economy.

Without doing this, it won't be able to build a modern, capable and professional army that can be on a par with those of other countries. Tatmadaw leaders need to make changes now for the future of the country in cooperation with political parties, civil society and organizations that represent the people. On behalf of people who want democracy, I would like to say that we don't view the Tatmadaw as the enemy. Our country needs the Tatmadaw. I personally want to see a highly modern and capable Tatmadaw. For that to happen, I would like to urge the Tatmadaw to boldly join hands with the people in trust.

KZM: Ko Sanny, Ko Wa thanks a lot!

The post 30 Years Since Myanmar's Pro-democracy Uprising appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

This Week in Parliament (March 12-16)

Posted: 16 Mar 2018 08:23 PM PDT

Monday (March 12)

U T Khun Myat, deputy speaker of the Lower House, submitted a report on the Myanmar parliamentary delegation to the 137th Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) Assembly in October 2017. The IPU Assembly "urges the global parliamentary community to take concrete steps to put an end to the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya from Rakhine state, and to end further human rights violations." U T Khun Myat said that the Myanmar delegation raised objection to the resolution and responded to accusations of 'ethnic cleansing.'

Tuesday (March 13)

In the Lower House, the defense ministry refused to hand over to farmers more than 100 acres of land it confiscated in Shan State's Kyethi Township in the 1990s, citing security reasons and farmers' lack of ownership documents.

In the Upper House, six lawmakers discussed the bill amending the Anti-Corruption Law. Khun Win Thaung of Kachin State Constituency (11) called for rewriting the law, saying that corruption is still rampant in the country despite the fact that the law came into effect in 2013. More lawmakers are set to debate the bill on March 20.

Wednesday (March 14)

In the Lower House, Dr. Maung Thin of Meiktila Township urged the government to explain in detail the repatriation of Muslim refugees from Bangladesh. Deputy Minister for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement U Soe Aung replied that Myanmar and Bangladesh signed the 'Arrangement on Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State' on Nov. 23, 2017, and that the repatriation process would be carried out according to the 1982 Myanmar Citizenship Law and 1993 agreement between the two countries.

In the Upper House, lawmaker U Kyaw Htwe of Yangon Constituency (8) asked about private banks and Vice Governor of the Central Bank of Myanmar U Soe Thane replied that there are currently 24 private banks in the country. The Central Bank of Myanmar is considering the applications of five new private banks and has suspended accepting new applications.

Thursday (March 15)

In Union Parliament, lawmakers discussed the report on the Myanmar parliamentary delegation to the 137th Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) Assembly in October 2017. Dr. Than Win of Mandalay Constituency (1) said that an IPU resolution to urge governments to put diplomatic pressure on Myanmar exaggerates the issue and does not solve the problem.

The Ministry of Transport and Communications sought approval from Parliament for a 56.622 billion yen ($536 million) loan from Japan to upgrade the country's rail system.

Friday (March 16)

Four lawmakers discussed the report of the Government’s Guarantees, Pledges and Undertakings Vetting Committee in the Lower House, which agreed that there is a need for greater checks and balances to make sure government-funded projects meet standards and deliver value to the public

The post This Week in Parliament (March 12-16) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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Friday, March 16, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

From ‘Beauty Queen’ to Beach Bum? Ngapali Loses its Sparkle

Posted: 16 Mar 2018 09:01 AM PDT

NGAPALI, Rakhine State — Daw Khin Myo Nwe, 48, can recall as a child spying the white sand of Ngapali beach, in southern Rakhine State’s Thandwe Township, rolling gently into the turquoise waters of the Bay of Bengal through the row of coconut trees separating the scene from the Mazin-Geiktaw road.

But that scene started to change quickly in late 2010, when developers began building upscale resorts along the beach, erecting brick walls blocking the view from the road and raising retaining walls along the shore to block the rainy-season waves that threatened to damage their properties.

On a recent visit to the beach, The Irrawaddy saw foot-high banks in the sand along the beach in several locations, which some blame on the retaining walls.

"Once, the landscape of the beach was almost like a horizontal floor and even if you went about 30 feet into the water it was about as deeps as your waist. Now, If you walk just four or five steps into the water it almost reaches your chest. I can't believe my eyes," said Daw Khin Myo Nwe.

She is not the only one who has noticed the change.

Loi Kham Pang, an ethnic Shan who recently visited Ngapali, said he noticed that the seafloor close to the beach was often uneven with large sandy bumps but smooth much further out.

U Chan Thar, the state’s social welfare minister and a native of Thandwe, was highly critical of the walls the hotels were building along the shore during a sustainable tourism meeting on Sunday in Ngapali joined by union Hotels and Tourism Minister U Ohn Maung and state Chief Minister U Nyi Pu.

He said Ngapali beach was not a rocky place when he was a child but now had many rocks below the surface of the water in several places.

"The retaining walls make the Ngapali shoreline ugly," U Chan Thar said.

While locals and officials blame the retaining walls for making the incline of the beach increasingly steep, some of the hotel owners blame it on villagers who dig up the beach sand.

"We clearly understand that the impact is huge. This issue must be resolved effectively," said May Myat Thu, managing director of the Jade Marina Resort.

Beachgoers pose for a selfie by a bank of sand on Ngapali beach. / Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy

A “Queen” Dethroned

In 2016, holidaymakers voted Ngapali the top destination in Asia in TripAdvisor’s Traveler's Choice Awards. It was named one of the top 10 beaches in the world and even dubbed a “beauty queen” by some fans.

Since then, however, it has fallen to third among 25 Asian beaches, drawing a variety of complaints. India's Agonda beach came out on time, followed by the Brocay seashore in Malaysia. Ngapali no longer even makes TripAdvisor’s list of the top 25 beaches in the world.

"Ngapali’s global ranking has declined, which is very upsetting to me. That's reality; we cannot deny it," said U Nyi Pu.

It's not clear how many travelers decided not to vote for Ngapali because of the Rohingya refugee crisis, which saw the military sweep through the state’s northern Maungdaw Township in late 2017 in what the UN has called a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing,” driving nearly 700,000 Rohingya to Bangladesh. Rights activists have called on the UN Security Council to refer Myanmar’s army chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, to the International Criminal Court.

During the weekend meeting in Ngapali, U Nyi Pu said the crisis had greatly impacted the entire nation and that he learned that some diplomats and visitors believed it was affecting the whole state. He said even Japan, Myanmar’s second largest loan provider, has labeled the country a dangerous place to visit.

"In fact it’s happening in a part of northern Rakhine State, not in the entire state. We have repeatedly explained this to them," he said.

State Planning and Finance Minister U Kyaw Aye Thein listed a litany of other troubles facing Ngapali, from expensive hotel rooms to poor beach maintenance, limited public spaces, an inadequate waste management system, tensions between the hotels and local fishermen, late-night parties, traffic accidents and summertime congestion.

"Dropping from top 10 to 25th place indicates that we are in a very critical situation. We have to tackle [the problem] to not fall further," he said.

During the meeting, the tourism minister repeatedly urged hoteliers and stakeholders to keep Ngapali pristine and law enforcement authorities to enforce the law. Myanmar Tourism Federation chairman U Yan Win also suggested heavy penalties for lawbreakers.

Rocks at low tide on Ngapali beach. / Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy

Well Connected

Some lodge owners complained that little had been done to improve the situation despite several stakeholder meetings over the years emphasizing law enforcement. Some blamed the developers’ powerful connections.

According to the Tourism Ministry’s Thandwe department, 35 local resorts and guesthouses are operating with tourism license. But at least a dozen are not. Documents show that the majority of high-end hotels in Ngapali are linked to relatives of the country’s former military dictators and senior army officers or to tycoons such as Edin U Chit Khine, AGD bank owner U Tay Za, and Fortune International owner U Mya Han. Almost all the resorts have built concrete walls on prime beachfront property.

For example, the new Pristine Mermaid Resort — owned by Nanda Aye, daughter of the previous military regime's vice chairman, Maung Aye — has been operating illegally without a permit since early this year. Many tons of beach sand were used to fill in much of the six-acre project in Mya Pyin village.

The Irrawaddy found that some villagers and hotels have been stealing the salty, white beach sand for construction. Along the road in Mazin-Geiktaw village, some hotels keep a large pile of the sand out front. Even Ngapali Bay — where the union minister and state chief minister stayed over the weekend — had a pile cover with tarpaulin.

Thandwe Municipal Committee chairman U Than Tun complained that none of the hoteliers apply to his office for construction permits to build their retaining walls even though the tourism minister officially instructed them to do so last year.

However, nearly all the beachfront hotels have already built retaining walls along the shore. But whenever tourists complain, the chairman said, the businesses simply blame villagers for digging up the beach sand.

"The lack of the rule of law in the region is the main reason why Ngapali beach is being spoiled," he said.

A retaining wall in front of the Merciel and Hilton Hotel on Ngapali beach. / Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy

Unlawful Construction

U Ohn Maung has instructed hoteliers to secure permits from the municipal board before building retaining walls. And though municipal law allows for such walls to be no more than one foot above the sand, some of the walls stretch six feet and up.

"In my opinion, the hotels’ beachfront retaining walls should not exist," said U Than Tun, pointedly accusing some of the hotels of digging up beach sand themselves.

According to the Tourism Ministry’s guidelines on coastal beach resort areas, construction sites must be 50 meters back from the high-tide mark, avoid building walls or fences that block views of the beach, and not use beach sand.

Hotel Paradise, a public-private venture involving the Civil Aviation Department, appears to have violated all three rules but has secured a tourism license regardless.

Despite the municipal committee chairman’s tough words, however, the weekend meeting on sustainable tourism came to a close without any orders or instructions being issued. The Irrawaddy tried to ask U Ohn Maung about the concerns that were raised, but government employees blocked the reporter’s path.

Local government officials and guesthouse owners told The Irrawaddy it would be “impossible” to get the hotels to tear down their walls.

“Because of power and money,” said Daw Khin Myo Nwe, who owns the Kyaw Ngapali Lodge. “For instance, Pristine Mermaid has very strong backing. They have a brother and sister relationship. So whatever we demand, there is no result."

Ngapali Paradise Hotel, located well within 50 meters of the high tide mark, where development is prohibited by law. / Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy

A Better Way

In the US, a government report on shoreline stabilization by New York State’s Department of Environmental Conservation says that vertical retaining walls are not recommended to block tides and waves because they can reflect wave energy rather than dissipate it. The report recommends softer stabilization approaches such as placing rocks along the shore to reduce wave velocity.

U Maung Maung Aye, a river morphologist and chief adviser at the Myanmar Environment Institute, said that on a river a retaining wall can, by disrupting the waves, alter the slope of the riverbed over time.

"When the river [bed] becomes steep, the river starts the process of erosion instead of deposition," he said.

Considering what was happening at Ngapali beach, he said. "I think the retaining walls are one of the causes in this case."

But he added that it was difficult to tell how much other factors were also playing a part and recommended that geomorphologists and coastal experts collaborate with the nearest university on a research project to find out.

The post From ‘Beauty Queen’ to Beach Bum? Ngapali Loses its Sparkle appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Cycling a Great Way to See Nyaung Shwe

Posted: 16 Mar 2018 08:25 AM PDT

Nyaung Shwe is the main access point to Inle Lake and the most popular place for tourists to stay.

Hotels in Nyaung Shwe are cheaper than those built on Inle Lake and the township has many good restaurants and bars.

Many people use bicycles as transportation to nearby spots. Cycling is made easy by Nyaung Shwe's paved and mostly flat roads.

When I visited Inle Lake, I cycled around Nyaung Shwe and went to a nearby winery at sunset after taking a boat tour on the lake on my first day.

Some hotels provide free bicycles for their guests. If yours doesn't, don't worry — there are many bike rental shops in Nyaung Shwe, with fees of 3,000 to 5,000 kyats.

A bicycle rental shop in Nyaung Shwe/ Zaw Zaw/ The Irrawaddy

Myanmar has many tourist attractions, but few can be explored on a bicycle. So this is a rare opportunity and a nice way to experience the life of the local communities around Inle Lake.

My friend and I left our hotel at around 3pm, with plans to cycle to two destinations: the Red Mountain Estate Winery and the Coffee House.

The weather never really gets that cold, but between 11am and 3pm it's quite hot. So the best time for biking is in the morning and after 3pm, when the sun isn't so hot and the ride is more pleasant.

The sweeping view of the lake from Red Mountain Estate Winery/ Zaw Zaw/ The Irrawaddy

It takes about 45 minutes to get the Red Mountain Winery from Nyaung Shwe; all you need to bring is water and a camera.

On the way, you can stop at some interesting places to take photographs and the road is really nice, with a lovely view.

Very soon, we reached the sign for the winery and turned left onto the entrance road. This is a fairly long, dusty stretch of road.

We found ourselves on a plateau facing a mountain. It was too steep to ride up so we got off and pushed our bikes all the way to the entrance. We passed the vineyard and came across more beautiful scenery.

The winery has two main buildings; one is for wine tasting and the other is a restaurant where you can order wine and snacks. The outdoor area is the best place from which to take in the sunset.

At our backs was pretty Shan Hill, and before us was the panoramic view across the vineyard to Inle Lake. It was a pretty cool sight.

Visitors chill outside of the winery./ Zaw Zaw/ The Irrawaddy

Red Mountain's wines are made from their locally grown grapes. Wine tasting is 5,000 kyats until 6pm, including 4 glasses of red and/or white wine.

While the wine was too dry for my taste — maybe I just picked the wrong one to taste — the visit was still worth it, as we spent time wandering around the vineyard and watching the sunset amid beautiful surroundings.

Sunset is the best time to go, but the winery does get a little crowded at this time. So, when visiting Inle, Red Mountain is a must-see place for a beautiful sunset moment.

Locally grown grapes from the vineyard at Red Mountain/ Zaw Zaw/ The Irrawaddy

However, we didn't have enough time to watch the sun go down. Leaving the winery, we continued on to the Coffee House by Pleasant Garden near the Inle Horse Club. It takes about 45 minutes to get there from Red Mountain Winery.

We were hot and sweaty by the time we got there, but riding turned the journey into an adventure.

After another long and dusty ride, we reached the entrance of the coffee shop. This nice, quiet, private coffee house is built in the middle of a garden.

Even that area is dusty; we chose to sit outside and ordered a couple of strawberry juices and snacks.

Coffee House by the Pleasant Garden/ Zaw Zaw/ The Irrawaddy

Its nice to sit and drink a juice, with the view of nature and the mountains, which never fail to relax me. The scenery is stunning — the juice is good, too.

Sunset is just as beautiful from this place, but this shop is less crowded as it's less well known and a little harder to reach than Red Mountain.

It was getting dark and our bicycling tour was over. We headed back to Nyaung Shwe, which only took 30 minutes.

When you're visiting Inle, this bike tour around Nyaung Shwe is a must, after you've done a boat trip on the lake. I'm sure you won't regret it.

The post Cycling a Great Way to See Nyaung Shwe appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Tatmadaw Offensive Forces KIA Battalion to Abandon Base in Tanai

Posted: 16 Mar 2018 05:10 AM PDT

The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has withdrawn its Battalion 14 from its base in a mining area in Tanai Township amid a renewed offensive against it by the Myanmar Army (Tatmadaw), according to local sources.

"We have withdrawn because the Tatmadaw keeps attacking the location. They attacked with a large force," KIA spokesman Colonel Naw Bu told The Irrawaddy today.

Battalion 14 withdrew from its permanent base last week, though some of its units continue to patrol the area.

"As a rebel force, it is difficult to maintain our battalions in permanent locations. In fact, it is not always our policy to defend bases at all costs; depending on the situation, we can withdraw a battalion to another area," he said.

The Myanmar Army launched its second offensive on KIA-controlled areas this year starting in the first week of March. During the first attack, launched in January, it seized some mining areas in Tanai from the KIA.

According to the KIA, the withdrawal is not a defeat, but a strategic retreat that will allow it to prepare an attack.

The Myanmar Army continues to base itself in mining areas, according to local sources, but KIA troops also remain active in these areas, leading to occasional clashes.

The Tatmadaw has ordered the KIA to withdraw its battalions 12, 14, and 24 from Tanai and Mansi townships, but the KIA has refused.

It has not reached Battalion 14 yet, but KIA troops have already destroyed their base, according to the KIA.

The Tatmadaw launched a major offensive against KIA-controlled areas in Kachin, and TNLA areas in northern Shan. Clashes are frequent between the Myanmar Army and the ethnic armed forces. The KIA has not signed the NCA yet.

The post Tatmadaw Offensive Forces KIA Battalion to Abandon Base in Tanai appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sick Reuters Journalist Still Waiting For Proper Medical Care

Posted: 16 Mar 2018 04:15 AM PDT

MANDALAY — Permission for one of two detained Reuters journalists to receive treatment for jaundice and other medical conditions at a hospital outside of Insein prison has yet to be granted more than a week after his family requested it.

Ko Kyaw Soe Oo, 27, is in such bad health that his worried family asked the prison authorities to allow him to undergo a medical examination and receive proper treatment at an outside hospital.

"He is weak and has suffered from jaundice for about 20 days. His doctor said his liver is affected and gave him some medicine," Ma Nyo Nyo Aye, sister of Ko Kyaw Soe Oo told The Irrawaddy.

According to his relatives, Ko Kyaw Soe Oo was able to have a brief medical checkup during a court hearing on Wednesday. However, the limited amount of time meant the doctor could not give him a proper examination.

"His office arranged the doctor, but he had very little time. We want to do more tests and get proper treatment for him. Moreover, the prison authorities only allowed him to take certain medicines with him and in a limited amount," Ma Nyo Nyo Aye said. "We are worried that he will not recover because he did not receive the full dosage of the drugs the doctor gave him."

The family said they requested permission a week ago for Ko Kyaw Soe Oo to be sent to an outside hospital, however, the prison authorities have yet to respond to them.

"Everyone knows the healthcare in the prison is not perfect and sanitation and hygiene are not good. We are worried for our brother's health. He has no history of hepatitis but we are worried that he will be infected in the prison," Ma Nyo Nyo Aye said.

The journalist's lawyers said they are trying to push the prison authorities to provide proper healthcare to him.

Ko Kyaw Soe Oo and Wa Lone were arrested on Dec. 12 by plainclothes officers after being handed some papers by a policeman. They stand accused of possessing confidential government papers and have been charged under the colonial-era Official Secrets Act. They are facing a maximum sentence of 14 years in prison for the alleged crime.

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USDP Complains of ‘Democratic Bullying’

Posted: 16 Mar 2018 03:13 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The opposition Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) said on Thursday that it has been subject to "democratic bullying" by the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party.

U Pike Htwe, secretary of the USDP central executive committee, claimed that the NLD-dominated Parliament has restricted the USDP's parliamentary actions and also turned a deaf ear to the opposition party's recommendations.

"This has raised the question of whether Parliament is ignoring the needs of people today because of partisanship, personality cults and egoism," said U Pike Htwe, at a USDP press conference on Thursday.

"To put it simply, it is democratic bullying," remarked U Pike Htwe, referring to the fact that the legislature is dominated by the NLD.

This is not the first time that the USDP has used this term. In April 2016, both the then-ruling USDP and the military bloc cried "democratic bullying" when the Lower House passed the 'State Counselor Bill' which gave NLD chairperson Daw Aung San Suu Kyi a position 'above the president' as she was barred by the military-drafted 2008 Constitution from the presidency.

Military lawmakers claimed that the bill was unconstitutional, and they boycotted the proceedings by refusing to cast ballots during the session.

The press conference on Thursday was attended by senior members U Pike Htwe, U Hla Thein, Dr. Nanda Hla Myint, Dr. Pwint Hsan and U Thein Tun, all of who criticized the actions of the NLD-led government.

"Our party's attempts to ask questions about the interests of the country and citizens were restricted [by the NLD] in Parliament for various reasons. Our proposals were also rejected by vote because of their numerical superiority in Parliament," said U Pike Htwe.

He called Parliament "unreliable" and said that the negligence of the NLD-led government had led to economic decline, hardship for the poor, an increase in crimes, and worsened problems in northern Rakhine State.

"In fact, it is they who have bullied since they staged a coup," said Monywa Aung Shin, a spokesperson of the NLD, referring to the military coup in 1988.

"It is quite funny that they say we bully them. Who was really bullied?" he asked.

He said there is no 'bullying' in a democracy. "Democracy is about the minority yielding to the majority, and the majority respecting the minority," he said.

Though the NLD said time and again while it was still the opposition that there should not be state-run media, the party is now using it as a propaganda tool, said U Pike Htwe, who served as deputy information minister under U Thein Sein's government.

He referred to the speeches of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi aired and published on state-owned television and newspapers just before the by-election in April 2017.

"They don't report the news that the public should be informed about. And they say different things in Myanmar and English language papers. This is real cause for concern," said U Pike Htwe.

"It is time the media pointed out what the government, which called itself a democratic government together with the people, is doing today," he said.

Unlike the NLD, the USDP organized stakeholder meetings between the government, Parliament, Tatmadaw and ethnic groups as well as meetings with other political parties from time to time under former President U Thein Sein's government, he added.

"The USDP set aside differences and cooperated with other parties for the interest of the country," he said.

"We presented recommendations to the president [U Htin Kyaw, to hold such meetings]. But, we are sorry that he has not made any reply," U Pike Htwe said.

The USDP's membership has increased by 30,000 since 2015, and the party now boasts a membership of more than 5 million across the country, said Dr. Nanda Hla Myint.

However, he declined to answer The Irrawaddy's questions about the party's financial sources. "The economy of our party is its internal affair. No party will tell what it does [for financing]," he said.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Myanmar Human Rights Defenders Honored by EU

Posted: 16 Mar 2018 03:07 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — "One of the growing difficulties these days is intolerance and hostility toward different races and nationalities being cultivated as a political weapon—a very potent as well as very dangerous political weapon I would say," said Ko Swe Win, the editor-in-chief of Myanmar Now.

He is one of three human rights defenders along with Cheery Zahau and Daw Khin Than Htwe who received this year's Schuman Award for Human Rights from The European Union in Myanmar on Thursday.

Ko Swe Win said [in his speech], "Only the promotion of human rights can help us contain this deplorable trend. It's also quite important that we should not get too obsessed with different identities we grow up within our different geographical locations. Whether we identify ourselves as European or Indian or Christian or Buddhist, we should not forget that we all belong to the same human family."

The EU's Schuman Award—named after former French Foreign Minister and one of the founding fathers of the European Union Robert Schuman—was established last year to recognize Myanmar citizens who are agents of change in their community. Last year's recipients were U Aung Myo Min of Equality Myanmar, Janan Lahtaw of the Nyein (Shalom) Foundation and U Ko Ni, the slain lawyer of the National League for Democracy.

EU ambassador Kristian Schmidt said in his opening remarks at the award ceremony on Thursday night: "This year, we are proud to honor three Myanmar activists with the Schuman Award. They are the winners, but to all the activists, let me say this, activists and journalists fighting for human rights and freedom of expression are the backbone of democracy."

He added, "We need that courage, your courage, to hold government accountable."

Ambassadors from Germany, France and Denmark presented the medals to the recipients.

Civil society groups and the press in Myanmar have been active agents of change in Myanmar's democratization process, which started under the former President U Thein Sein eight years ago. However, freedom of expression, the right to information and the right to be protected still remained challenged in the country.

Daw Khin Than Htwe, Cheery Zahau and Ko Swe Win (front row, L to R) with the European Union ambassadors in Myanmar at the awards reception ceremony in Yangon on Mar. 15, 2018. /European Union in Myanmar / Facebook

The awardees emphasized that widespread human rights violations and safety for human rights defenders are still issues in the country, and highlighted that various difficulties faced by Myanmar and other countries stem from an absence of genuine democracy and human rights values.

A former political prisoner who spent seven years in prison under the military regime, Ko Swe Win fights for press freedom and challenges wrongdoing in society.

"We are still unprotected under the law, as Myanmar does not have a healthy political system which hinders the improvement of the judiciary," Ko Swe Win told The Irrawaddy.

His work revealing the abuse of domestic workers at the Ava tailor shop in 2016 raised public attention and brought justice to the victims.

But because of his fight to defend human rights, he has been sued by a follower of the banned nationalist group Ma Ba Tha over an article posted on Facebook that criticized ultranationalist monk U Wirathu.

Cheery Zahau, who has been a human rights advocate for 20 years, is the founder of the Women's League of Chinland and promotes gender equality and the empowerment of women through trainings that challenge patriarchal stereotypes. The ethnic Chin woman is also the recipient of the UNDP N'Peace award for 2017.

"We are in a very squeezed political environment and there are fewer and fewer of us," Cheery Zahau said in her speech regarding the work of the human rights activists, adding, "We need encouragement from all of you."

The human rights defender added, "I still strongly believe when human rights norms and standards are institutionalized in our political institutions, in our economic policies and programs, and in our social affairs; democracy will foster, prosperity will come and peace will be sustained."

Another woman honored for her commitment to the advancement of women was Daw Khin Than Htwe. She is the chair of local civil society organization (CSO) Mon State Women and Children Upgrade Conduct Team in Moulmein, Mon State.

She helps trafficking victims, women facing domestic violence, and child victims of rape. She also empowers women through human rights and rule of law trainings in the communities and advocated for legal protections for women.

Daw Khin Than Htwe said that the award proved that if CSOs worked for their communities, the world would recognize their efforts, adding that the recognition gave her the confidence and strength to continue her mission.

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Parliament Ponders Japanese Loan to Continue Railway Upgrades

Posted: 16 Mar 2018 03:02 AM PDT

YANGON — The Ministry of Transport and Communications on Thursday sought approval from Parliament for a 56.622 billion yen ($536 million) loan to continue upgrading the country's rail system.

The loan would be used to buy locomotives, carriages and sleepers and to improve the signal and control system, Deputy Minister of Transport and Communications U Tha Oo told Parliament.

He said the ministry borrowed 20 billion yen from Japan in September 2014 and another 25 billion yen in March 2017 to improve the rail network.

The ministry has been upgrading the Yangon-Mandalay rail line with the two earlier loans — the 267 km Yangon-Toungoo section in Phase 1 and the 354 km Toungoo-Mandalay section in Phase 2, which is scheduled to be completed in 2020.

The upgrades will reduce travel times as trains will be able to run at a speed of 100 km per hour. Trains currently run at 64 km per hour, the deputy minister said.

"Currently it takes around 15 hours from Yangon to Mandalay, and the deputy minister said upgrading the railroad was estimated to reduce the travel time to eight hours. If so, I support taking the loan because it will improve commodity flow," lawmaker U Thant Zin Tun, of Naypyitaw’s Dekkhinathiri Township, told The Irrawaddy.

Myanma Railways is also upgrading the Yangon circle line with financial support from the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA).

Of the more than 400 locomotives operated by Myanma Railways, nearly half are past their service life and a quarter of the roughly 1,200 carriages in operation are in poor condition.

On Thursday, the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation also sought approval from Parliament for a 30.469 billion yen loan from JICA.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

 

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Irrawaddy Govt to Pay For Local Chin National Day Celebrations

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 11:54 PM PDT

PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Region — The Irrawaddy Region government will fund the celebration of Chin National Day, which has been held in the region since 2012, in the coming 2018-19 fiscal year.

Region Planning and Finance Minister U Htay Win made the announcement in response to a question from lawmaker U Htein Win, Kyaunggon Township, during a session of the regional Parliament on Wednesday.

"We will set up a fund in our 2018-19 fiscal year budget in line with Article 13 of the Ethnic Rights Protection Law in order to promote the literature, language and culture of Chin ethnic people," U Htay Win said.

Article 13 states that region or state governments shall establish funds in their annual budgets to address ethnic interests.

Since 2012, Chin National Day has been celebrated alternately in Kyangin and Myanaung townships in Irrawaddy Region. The 70th anniversary of Chin National Day was held as a regionwide event for the first time in the region’s capital, Pathein, on Feb. 20 this year with donations from the Irrawaddy government and Parliament, Chin residents and other individuals.

"We celebrated Chin National Day out of our own pockets in Irrawaddy Region with difficulty. We are glad that the region government will officially allocate funds for future celebrations. We are grateful to it," Salai Myat Thu, patron of the committee organizing Chin National Day, told The Irrawaddy.

The region’s ethnic Chin live mainly in Kyangin, Myanaung, Ingapu and Ngapudaw townships and less so in Maubin, Myaungmya, Labutta, Pathein and other areas, totaling more than 20,000 people, according to the committee.

On Feb. 20, 1948, more than 5,000 Chin delegates gathered in Chin State's Falam Township and agreed to abolish their hereditary feudal system of administration. Since then, the day has been celebrated as Chin National Day.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Tibet Can Exist With China Like ‘European Union’: Dalai Lama

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 10:42 PM PDT

BEIJING — Tibet can exist within China in the same spirit as the European Union sticks together, the territory’s spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, considered a dangerous separatist by Beijing, said.

The Dalai Lama fled to India in 1959 after an abortive uprising against Chinese rule and set up a government in exile in the foothills of Dharamsala. Chinese troops had seized control of Tibet nine years earlier.

He says he only seeks autonomy for his homeland, not outright independence. He has also expressed a desire to return to Tibet.

“I always, you see, admire the spirit of [the] European Union,” the Dalai Lama said in a video message to the International Campaign for Tibet on the Washington DC-based group’s 30th anniversary on Thursday.

“Common interest [is] more important rather than one’s own national interest. With that kind of concept, I am very much willing to remain within the People’s Republic of China. The Chinese word, ‘gongheguo’ [republic], shows some kind of union is there.”

China says Tibet in an integral part of its territory and has been for centuries. Beijing also says its rule ended serfdom and brought prosperity to what was a backward region, and that it fully respects the rights of the Tibetan people.

Beijing insists that the Dalai Lama is a “splittist” in a monk’s robes and has warned foreign leaders against meeting him, even in a personal capacity.

Donald Trump has not met with the Dalai Lama since become president in January last year. All recent US presidents before Trump had held meetings with the Dalai Lama.

While the Dalai Lama reiterated his desire for reconciliation as Xi Jinping begins his second five-year term as China’s president, he also said the Tibetan issue was not about to go away.

“Among the Chinese hardliners, in their mind, it seems some kind of dilemma is there about their present policy — whether, you see, it can solve Tibetan problem or not,” he said.

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Australia to Raise Rights Concerns with Myanmar, Cambodia at ASEAN Summit

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 10:21 PM PDT

SYDNEY — Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop said she will raise human rights concerns with Myanmar and Cambodian leaders during a three-day summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) that begins in Sydney on Friday.

Australia is hosting the special meeting, despite not being a member of the 10-nation bloc, as it seeks to tighten political and trade ties in the region amid China’s rising influence.

Bishop said that Australia would “very seriously” consider any formal invitation to join the grouping, a move advocated by Indonesian President Joko Widodo.

Asked whether the meeting was a direct counter to China’s growing interest in the region, Bishop said Australia believed the bloc brought it “peace, stability and security."

“We don’t see it as having a role to balance the powers in the Indo-Pacific but rather be at the heart of the engagement collaboration with other countries,” she told Australian Broadcasting Corp radio ahead of the opening of the summit.

China claims most of the South China Sea, an important trade route and which is believed to contain large quantities of oil and natural gas, and has been building artificial islands on reefs, some with ports and air strips. Brunei, Malaysia, Vietnam, the Philippines, all of which are members of ASEAN, and Taiwan also have claims in the sea.

The inclusion of Myanmar leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Cambodia Prime Minister Hun Sen in the meeting has drawn criticism, and large protests are planned against both.

Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull is under pressure to publicly condemn the deaths and expulsion of thousands of Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar’s Rakhine State in recent months.

“It is in our interest to engage all ASEAN members including Aung San Suu Kyi at this summit because it gives us the best chance of influencing outcomes and making our concerns known, so these are matters that we would be discussing with the Myanmar delegation,” Bishop said.

Hun Sen, meanwhile, stirred anger in the local Cambodian expat community when he warned potential protesters against burning effigies of him in Sydney, saying: “I will follow you all the way to your doorstep and beat you right there … I can use violence against you.”

Asked about the threat, Bishop said Australia was “certainly going to raise our concerns with the Cambodian delegation.”

Officially, the summit will focus on fostering closer economic ties among the 10 members of ASEAN and Australia, and countering the threat of Islamist militants returning to the region from the Middle East.

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Infested Chinese Garlic Imports Kick Up a Stink in Indonesia

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 10:16 PM PDT

JAKARTA — Indonesia has impounded more than 200 tons of garlic imported from China, warning that a microscopic worm infestation found in the shipment could put at risk plans by the Southeast Asian country to boost its own garlic crop.

Since coming to power in 2014, Indonesian President Joko Widodo has pursued self-sufficiency policies to protect farmers, but efforts to rely on domestic supplies of everything from beef to rice have at times caused shortages and price spikes.

Chinese food imports have previously proved sensitive in Indonesia. In 2016, Beijing’s embassy in Jakarta expressed alarm at media reports accusing China of using a "biological weapon" against Indonesia, after four Chinese nationals were arrested for planting imported chili seeds contaminated with a bacteria.

The 232 tons of garlic were imported from China in mid-February and after arriving at Jakarta’s port were shipped to the island of Sumatra, the country’s Agriculture Ministry said.

This could be “very damaging to our garlic farming when we are trying to achieve self-sufficiency,” the ministry said in a statement on March 12.

Despite being certified as free of pests in China, samples of the shipment contained ditylenchus dipsaci, a microscopic worm that infects onions and garlic, the ministry said.

The nematology department at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln describes the worm as “one of the most devastating plant parasitic nematodes.”

When quarantine officials reported the discovery to the importer, the garlic had already been sent to North Sumatra, the agriculture ministry said.

The controversy even stirred a heated debate in parliament this week when a member of President Widodo’s ruling party called for a police investigation.

Soetrisno, the chief executive officer of PT Tunas Sumber Rejeki, the company that imported the garlic, could not immediately be reached for comment.

The Chinese embassy in Jakarta declined to comment.

The garlic is currently being stored at a warehouse in Belawan Port, Sumatra, that has been sealed by police and the quarantine agency.

Banun Harpini, the head of quarantine at the agriculture ministry, said on Wednesday the importer would be blacklisted. It was not immediately clear what other penalties would be levied.

Indonesia plans to be self sufficient in garlic in 2019 by increasing the growing area for the crop by more than 70,000 hectares (173,000 acres), but this may be an ambitious target since last year the country imported 434,000 tons of garlic, more than ten times the amount grown domestically.

This year, the agriculture ministry expects 392,000 tons will be imported, mostly from China and India.

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Accused Gunman in U Ko Ni Case Appears In Court After Completing Immigration Sentence

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 09:53 PM PDT

Yangon—Kyi Lin, the accused assassin of U Ko Ni, a constitutional lawyer and legal adviser to the ruling National League for Democracy party, appeared at the Yangon North District Court on Thursday having completed his sentence for violation of the Immigration Act. He was noticeably wearing normal clothes and not prison garb.

Kyi Lin, who is accused of fatally shooting U Ko Ni outside Yangon International Airport in January 2017, was sentenced to one year in prison on Aug. 30, 2017 by Mingalardon Township Court for breaching Article 13 (a) of the Immigration Act.

The reason for his early release is not clear, but it appears to be for good behavior in prison.

Kyi Lin officially left Myanmar for Thailand's Mae Sot through the Myawaddy border gate with a border pass on Sept. 15, 2016, but returned to the country via an illegal route and was subsequently charged under the Immigration Act.

He was also charged under Section 302 of the Penal Code for killing U Ko Ni and fatally shooting taxi driver U Ne Win, as well as under the 1878 Arms Act for illegal possession of a firearm.

Police detained four suspects in connection with the crime: Kyi Lin and three alleged co-conspirators, Zeya Phyo, Aung Win Zaw and Aung Win Tun.

After nearly a year of preliminary hearings, the court charged Aung Win Tun under the Penal Code's Article 212, which prohibits harboring an offender, but allowed him to stand trial on bail last month after he deposited 50 million kyats (about US$37,300) as a surety for his release from custody. The other three suspects were indicted for premeditated murder, which carries a life sentence.

The man accused of masterminding the murder, former Lieutenant-Colonel Aung Win Khaing, remains at large. The court also ordered the confiscation of Aung Win Khaing's movable and immovable assets under the Criminal Procedure's Article 88.

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Thursday, March 15, 2018

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Babett Eatery & Bar Joins 4th Annual ‘Goût de France’

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 09:11 AM PDT

The fourth edition of "Goût de France / Good France", a weeklong international celebration of French cuisine, starts on March 21. One of the participating venues is Babett, a trendy restaurant and bar in Yangon.

The event will bring together over 3,000 restaurants around the world and 150 embassies on five continents are participating in a celebration of French gastronomy all this month.

To mark the event this year, six participating restaurants in Yangon — Babett, Le Planteur, Alex's Gastro Bar, Orng Kitchen, Le Cellier and 369 Ibis Hotel Restaurant — will feature special set menus offering a taste of France.

Babett Eatery & Bar

Babett's head chef, Christophe Buzare, has put together a five-course set menu inspired by France's mountainous Auvergne region.

"I chose this five-course set menu because those dishes are my personal favorites, and it's very traditionally French food — and healthy food too. Foie gras terinne is a French national dish — all French people like it. I would love to serve the experience of this type of food to Myanmar people," he said.

All of the meats are imported from France. Other ingredients like strawberries, tomatoes and cabbage are sourced locally to ensure freshness.

The starter, Foie Gras Terrine in Armagnac, is served with a small amount of onion marmalade and a mix of pear and dried grapes served chutney style with French bread.

A menu like this with foie gras, wine and soft, pungent cheese is a rarity in Yangon but Babett will be serving it throughout March.

Next comes the soup, which has a duck base mixed with cabbage and black mushrooms. It's deliciously sweet, but leave room because there are three more dishes to come.

The fish course is Sea Bass Steak with Steamed Mussels. The salty sea bass fillet is served atop a butter reduction sauce with the delectable mussels, as well as asparagus.

The main — Grilled Lamb, Braised Prunes — features charcoal-grilled lamb, lightly charred and roasted slow. The aroma of charcoal is mouthwatering.

Both of the main dishes were delicious and attractively arranged on the plate. For those who have the taste for it, the lamb was exquisite.

Finally, the dessert waitress emerged with her wooden board, on top of which sat a small glass dish. When I removed the cover, a cloud of applewood smoke rose, releasing a tantalizing aroma. The strawberries were very fresh but not super sweet. This dessert was Warm Strawberries in Red Wine, Toasted Brioche, and Gingerbread Ice Cream.

The five-course menu costs 75,000 kyats per person. With the Ossau-Iraty — a sheep's milk cheese that is a specialty of the Basque country — it's an extra 7,000 kyats.

French-born chef Buzare has lived in Myanmar for eight years. In 2010 he worked for Le Planteur restaurant in Yangon. Then he moved to the Strand Hotel and finally he joined Babett Eatery & Bar.

He began his culinary career as junior chef at the Plaza Athenee in Paris. After seven years he joined the Michelin-starred La Cote St. Jacques in Joigny, central France.

"My favorite cuisine is French and I cook French cuisine mostly in Babett, but I love to experience other cuisines as well," he said.

The first "Goût de France / Good France" was held in 2015, following the inscription of the "French gourmet meal" on UNESCO's intangible heritage list.

Every year on March 21 participating restaurateurs from all over the world offer their customers the experience of the French way of life and showcase French cuisine made with fresh and seasonal produce.

VIDEO: Yangon's Babett Eatery & Bar Joins 4th Annual 'Goût de France'

VIDEO: Yangon's Babett Eatery & Bar Joins 4th Annual 'Goût de France' (Video: Wai Hnin Htut / The Irrawaddy)

Posted by The Irrawaddy – English Edition on Thursday, March 15, 2018

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Two Years of Effort but Not Many Results for President U Htin Kyaw

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 08:00 AM PDT

Thursday marks the second anniversary of President U Htin Kyaw's election by the Parliament. A comparison of photographs taken in March 2016 with those taken this year shows that he has aged markedly; he looks noticeably paler and bears the telltale signs of stress. His health is unmistakably in decline.

The then 70-year-old was the first civilian head of state elected since 1962 — his five immediate predecessors were military officers. When his election was announced in Parliament, the National League for Democracy party's lawmakers erupted in applause. Among the party's supporters, there were scenes of jubilation across the country at the election of this confidant of State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

In his critics' eyes, this soft-spoken elderly man is merely a "puppet president". While he is formally the head of state and constitutionally the highest authority in the land, the amount of actual power he wields is questionable. "The Lady", as the State Counsellor is known, had already made it known during the election campaign that she would be "above the president", as the Constitution bans her from holding the office. It is an open secret in today's Myanmar who has the final say on matters of state. (Military power is another matter all together.)

Inevitably perhaps, since he took office at the end of March 2016, U Htin Kyaw, along with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has ruled over a country in near total disarray after more than five decades of military rule that favored loyalty over competence. They have faced resistance from ministerial officials, most of them installed by the previous quasi-military government.

One of the NLD's top men, U Win Htein, once expressed how "annoying" it was to deal with "horses trained by previous people".

"We are the new jockeys riding old horses, trying very hard to take them in the direction we want. They do what we want in our presence but do something different when we turn our backs," he said.

Apart from this resistance, peace with the ethnic armed groups that have been warring with the central government for decades remains elusive. The Rohingya issue in northern Rakhine State has been the biggest headache for U Htin Kyaw and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi so far, amid mounting international pressure of the kind Myanmar has never seen before. No wonder they both look weary.

In his inauguration message, the president pledged that his government would try to meet the people's hopes while carrying out his obligation to implement, as the head of state, national reconciliation, the national peace process and a redrafting of a federal, democratic Union-oriented Constitution and to improve people's lives.

Two years on, sadly, he still hasn't achieved any tangible results. This doesn't mean his government has been idle. Since the day his government assumed its duties, it has undeniably tried to make those things happen. But with few results to point to, it needs to come up with better implementation strategies.

On the first anniversary of the NLD's government last year, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi claimed that "having a pure civilian government" was a significant change and boasted that during its first term, the NLD government has shown itself to be the least corrupt government Myanmar has ever seen.

That's still true. But as time goes by, we need to see progress on more than those two fronts. There are few signs of any breakthroughs, however. As Myanmar prepares to ring in the traditional New Year next month, the majority of Myanmar's people, who heartily voted for the NLD, wish you a healthy and productive year, Mr. President!

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KNLA, Tatmadaw Clash Again as Fighting Spreads in Hpapun District

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 06:58 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand – Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and Tatmadaw troops exchanged fire near Wah Tho Kho village in Kama Maung sub-township, Hpapun district, Karen State on Thursday afternoon, local sources said.

The clash, which broke out around 1 pm, lasted about 15 minutes after Myanmar Army soldiers under Military Division No. 22 came into contact with troops belonging to the KNLA's Brigade No.5. There were no casualties, according to the local source.

Padoh Saw Shwe Maung, secretary of the Karen State Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee, told The Irrawaddy that the JMC was informed of the clash at 1:20 pm.

Thursday's skirmish was separate from another standoff also involving KNLA Brigade 5 that has seen the two sides clash at least eight times since Mar. 4, most significantly on Mar. 8, after the Tatmadaw resumed construction of a road in Hpapun district, according to local sources.

Until early March, there had been almost no fighting in those areas since the Karen National Union, the political wing of the KNLA, signed bilateral and national ceasefires with the government in Yangon five years ago.

On Mar. 8, KNLA Brigade 5 sent a letter of complaint to the union-level JMC over the Myanmar Military Southern Command's deployment of troops in KNLA-controlled areas to resume the halted-road construction.

The KNLA said in its letter that it viewed the Tatmadaw's plan to re-start the road building as preparation for military operations in order to expand the area under its control, as the local residents did not use the route.

KNLA Brigade 5 said the action of the Southern Command was a violation of Clause 8 under Session 2 and Clause A under Section 3 of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), and warned it could impact the peace process.

Padoh Saw Shwe Maung said his group had raised the issue with persons of authority in both armed forces, in accordance with the principles of the NCA.

In the 20 months since the JMC-s Karen State was established, the monitoring body has received over 100 complaints from the administrative body, the Tatmadaw and the KNU, according to the JMC-s secretary. The latter's objections have been fewer, as most of the complaints were related to administrative affairs, land and taxation issues, he said.

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Myanmar’s Presidents Since Independence

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 06:18 AM PDT

YANGON — Two years ago today, Parliament elected U Htin Kyaw — nominated by the National League for Democracy (NLD) after its 2015 election win — as the country's new president. It was a long-delayed victory for the NLD, after its 1990 election win was annulled by the military regime then in charge.

With that historic vote in Parliament, which brought an end to decades of rule by a brutal military junta and its quasi-civilian successor, U Htin Kyaw becomes Myanmar’s ninth president and its first elected civilian leader since 1962.
Here, The Irrawaddy lists Myanmar’s presidents since the country gained independence in 1948.

Sao Shwe Thaik (1894 — 1962)

Sao Shwe Thaik, an ethnic Shan, was the first president of the Union of Myanmar and the last Saopha — or hereditary prince — of Shan State's Yawnghwe. Sao Shwe Thaik served as the head of state alongside Prime Minister U Nu, from the date of Myanmar’s independence on Jan. 4, 1948 until March 12, 1952. Before he was President, Sao Shwe Thaik had served in the British army. When General Ne Win took power in a military coup in 1962, the Shan prince was arrested. He later died in prison.

Dr. Ba U (1887 — 1963)

Dr. Ba U was the second president of Union of Myanmar and an ethnic Bamar. Ba U graduated with a law degree from the University of Cambridge and served as the chief justice of the Supreme Court of Myanmar before he succeeded Sao Shwe Thaik as president in March 1952. He served in the position for five years, until March 1957.

Mahn Win Maung (1916 — 1989)

Mahn Win Maung was an ethnic Karen Buddhist and the third president of Union of Myanmar. As a former government minister, he was selected by Prime Minister U Nu for the presidency and succeeded Dr. Ba U in March 1957. Mahn Win Maung served until March 1962, when General Ne Win ousted U Nu's government in a military coup. He was then imprisoned for five years.

General Ne Win (1910 — 2002)

Born as Shu Maung, U Ne Win briefly took control of Myanmar in 1958, during a period of military rule known as the Caretaker Government. He came to power more permanently in March 1962 through a military coup and would act as Myanmar’s head of state for nearly 20 years, until Nov. 9, 1981. A military commander of Bamar-Chinese descent, he founded the Burma Socialist Program Party (BSPP) in 1962 and served as its chairman until 1988, resigning during the student uprisings that year. Throughout this period, the BSPP was the only legal political party in the country, and through it U Ne Win championed the nationalization of business and ushered in a period of intense xenophobia. U Ne Win remained the commander-in-chief of the military for a total of 26 years. He later died while under house arrest in Yangon.

General San Yu (1918 — 1996)

Gen. San Yu, also of Bamar-Chinese descent, was the commander-in-chief of Myanmar’s military and the fifth president of the country, which was then known as the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma. He served from November 1981 until July 1988, a time during which U Ne Win was still the BSPP party chairman. Before Gen. San Yu became president, he played an integral role in drafting the military's 1974 Constitution.

Brigadier General Sein Lwin (1923 — 2004)

Brig. Gen. Sein Lwin, an ethnic Bamar, served as the sixth president of Myanmar for only 17 days, during a period of intense pro-democracy uprisings. During his rule — from July 27 to August 12, 1988 — he was better known as the "Butcher of Rangoon" for giving the order on Aug. 10, 1988, to open fire on student demonstrators near Yangon General Hospital. The protests continued until Brig. Gen. Sein Lwin stepped down. He was reportedly taken care of by the government, and provided with cars, food and support for many years that followed.

Dr. Maung Maung (1925 — 1994)

Dr. Maung Maung, an ethnic Bamar, was the seventh president of the Union of Myanmar and a well-known writer. He studied law at the Netherland's Utrecht University and at Yale University in the US, and served as chief justice under U Ne Win's BSPP government. He served as president for only one month — from Aug. 19 to Sept. 18, 1988 — before being ousted in a military coup led by General Saw Maung. Myanmar’s government would undergo name changes, from the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), led by military men like Senior General Than Shwe. The country would not have another leader with the title of "president" until 2011.

U Thein Sein (1945 — )

Selected by the Union Parliament for the presidency in March 2011, the general-turned-politician became Myanmar’s eighth president after an election that was boycotted by the NLD and described by Western countries as "neither free nor fair." U Thein Sein served as the prime minister in the previous military regime from 2007 to 2011. In 2010 he retired from the military, where he had attained the rank of brigadier general, and instead led the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. His tenure as the country's president ended on March 30, 2016.

U Htin Kyaw (1946 — )

Current President U Htin Kyaw was born in Yangon in 1946. The second son of respected national poet Min Thuwun, he graduated from the University of London, where he studied computer science. His family has a political pedigree: Min Thuwun was elected to Parliament in 1990 and U Htin Kyaw’s father-in-law, U Lwin, is one of the NLD’s founding members.

U Htin Kyaw was a senior executive with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation, a non-profit health and education charity named for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's mother. He is believed to be one of The Lady's right-hand men and has a reputation within the NLD as an honest man. His wife, Su Su Lwin, was a Lower House NLD lawmaker and the chairwoman of the chamber's international relations committee.

U Htin Kyaw is also an author who, being of both Mon and Burmese heritage, wrote under the nom de plume Dala Ban, the name of a famous Mon warrior chosen by his father. He published a book about his father in 2009. His term as president will end on March 30, 2021.

The post Myanmar’s Presidents Since Independence appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Son From Army Family Ordered to Leave Base After Joining Student Union

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 05:42 AM PDT

The son of a soldier serving with Myanmar Army Infantry Battalion 256, was banished from the base in Pakokku Township, Magway Division, apparently because of his involvement in the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU).

Thet Maung Maung, who had grown up on the base, said that before he was ordered to leave, battalion officers had called his mother and told her to warn him to cut his ties to the student movement.

"My mother told me on the phone when I was at university. She said the battalion officers had told her to sign a piece of paper, but she did not know for what reason," Thet Maung Maung told a press conference held in Yangon on Thursday.

"Then, I came back to the battalion base and asked them why they had told my mother to sign the paper," he said. "They asked me whether I was involved with the ABFSU and I told them I was a secretary for the group in Pakokku."

The army then ordered him to immediately leave the base. That was on Feb. 13 and Thet Maung Maung said he was now staying at a monastery as he had no other place to go that would enable him to continue his studies at Pakokku University.

"I did not violate the battalion rules. I did not plan to do anything against the army," he said.

The student held the press conference along with some fellow members of the ABFSU. He said he wanted to give his side of the story after the Ministry of Defense issued a statement on March 13 claiming the Tatmadaw had the agreement of Thet Maung Maung's parents to kick him off the base. Thet Maung Maung said he tried to discuss the issue with the officers, but they demanded he sign a promise to end his involvement with the ABFSU.

The statement from the Ministry of Defense said the Tatmadaw needed to have solidarity within its ranks as it was an armed group. The army has issued a standing order that all persons who stay with battalions have to show respect to the army, and they cannot communicate with any political parties, nor participate in any political movement or group discussions against the army or the government. All persons have to abide by these rules. If not, they can't stay with the battalion, the ministry said.

The statement also claimed that the Tatmadaw had the agreement of Thet Maung Maung's parents to order him off the base, because he had violated the battalion's rules.

Thet Maung Maung told the press conference that he was born into a military family and had grown up in the army. He said he would have face many difficulties as a result of being kicked off the base, but he would not return.

"The ABFSU is not a political party or an armed group opposed to the army. It is a group for students to work for a better education system," he said.

His parents had urged him to leave the ABFSU, but he made the decision to stay, he said.

It is rare to see a person from an army family challenge the military in this way. Thet Maung Maung said he was within his rights to join the ABFSU based on the constitution. He said his constitutional right to associate with a group like the ABSFU had been violated.

Speaking at the same press conference, Aung Khine Lin, chairman of the ABFSU in Pakokku said: "The need for discipline within the Tatmadaw should not be above the constitutional rights of citizens. Every citizen can make their own decision. Discipline in the army should not be above the rights of citizens."

He said the case was evidence the Tatmadaw did not respect the constitution. "They just do whatever they want. They like to say this constitution is great, but they do not even follow it."

Zay Yar Lwin, another member of the ABFSU, called the incident a clear case of rights abuse. "There are many other children who are from army families and their rights may have been violated but we do not hear about it," he said. "We can now prove it if we look at the Ko Thet Maung Maung case."

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Painter Embraces His Rebellious Streak

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 04:32 AM PDT

Thar Gyi stopped creating impressionist paintings, which are popular and sell well among art fans, in order to create a new style. "Artists must have a rebellious streak," he said.

His new creation—paddy fields—was criticized for not celebrating Myanmar culture. "I don't want to be Myanmar or Chinese or Indian or British. I just want to be human," he replied.

His paintings are of fiberglass collages, which provide a stunning visual texture with thick strokes depicting plow lines in the farm.

Thar Gyi was born into a family of artists, his uncles being modernist sculptor U Win Myint, one of the founders of Lokanat Art Galleries, and artist U Maung Maung Ba.

He loves drawing with a knife instead of brush, and even after three decades as an artist, he is nowhere near satiated in his thirst for creating new things.

He started his painter career before the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. "Foreigners from embassies came and bought dozens of paintings from us before the government of the Burma Socialist Program Party demonetized the 75 kyat banknote. The government demonetized the banknotes after they bought the paintings. But, later they came back and paid with other banknotes. We were so happy," he recalled.

While working at the art gallery of his uncle in Yangon's Bogyoke Market, he got acquainted with the works of well-known artists. His early creations focused on realism, impressionism, and expressionism.

A visit to Bagan changed his style of painting. He found his new love in the textured plow lines and carts that he saw beside Pya That Gyi Temple. Plow lines have since then become his new source of inspiration.

In the 2000s, he was asked by some, "Are your works art?" But now, his works have been collected by collectors and art museums in Thailand, Vietnam, Singapore, Indonesia, India, China, Korea, the US and Canada.

Besides paintings, Thar Gyi also creates performances, sculptures and installations.

His 9th solo exhibition is on display through March 21 at Thar Gyi Art Studio on Yaw Min Gyi Street, Dagon Township. The exhibition showcases 11 of his early and recent works, each priced at US$4,000.

Apart from paintings, other objects in the gallery serve as installation art. "Art is not something that you have to travel far to find," said Thar Gyi.

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General Who Ran Rakhine Operation Still Under Investigation, Govt Says

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 04:05 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The President’s Office on Wednesday said Major General Maung Maung Soe, the former head of the military’s Western Command, was still being investigated for his operations in northern Rakhine State.

Action had also been taken against a brigadier general of the Myanmar Police Force while other officials of varying ranks were being investigated, U Zaw Htay, the office’s director general, said at a press conference in Naypyitaw.

"The Tatmadaw has taken action against a military commander and a police brigadier general in accord with military regulations and procedures in response to military operations in northern Rakhine State," he said.

Four other military officers, two policemen and three civilians were also found to have violated the law. Of the three civilians, he added, two were still at large.

Maj-Gen Maung Maung Soe was replaced as head of the Western Command by Supply and Transport Directorate chief Brigadier General Soe Tint Naing in November, following militant attacks on security forces in northern Rakhine in August that triggered a massive military response that has sent nearly 700,000 Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh.

The major-general was transferred to the Defense Ministry without a new assignment and placed on a reserve list.

The Tatmadaw, the common name for Myanmar’s military, gave no reason for the transfer, though it coincided with the disclosure of US plans to impose targeted sanctions on Myanmar's military leadership. The Tatmadaw also replaced Major General Min Zaw, the director general of the Supply and Transport Directorate, with Brigadier General Zaw Lwin Oo. Maj-Gen Min Zaw was also put on the reserve list.

But U Zaw Htay refused to confirm speculation that the police brigadier general in question was Brigadier General Thura San Lwin, the chief of the border guard police force in Rakhine State’s Maungdaw Township.

Brig-Gen Thura San Lwin was replaced by the former chief of Mandalay Region No. 3 Security Police Command, Brigadier General Myint Toe, in October.

Brig-Gen Thura San Lwin had replaced Police Brigadier General Maung Maung Khin in the aftermath of attacks on border guard police posts in Maungdaw on October 9, 2016. Nine police officers were killed in the attacks and a large amount of ammunition was stolen.

Brig-Gen Maung Maung Khin and two other police officers were imprisoned for negligence after those attacks. The government said seven military officers and soldiers were killed during the clearance operations that followed.

The President's Office said in February that four military officers, three soldiers, three police and six villagers were involved in the killing of 10 Muslims in Inn Din village, in Maungdaw.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Meikhtila Govt Warns Against Religious Practice in Unauthorized Buildings

Posted: 15 Mar 2018 02:11 AM PDT

MANDALAY — Authorities in Mandalay Region’s Meikhtila Township have issued a sweeping warning against the use of unauthorized buildings for religious purposes, calling the move a community safety precaution.

The letter was signed by Meikhtila administrator U Ohn Htay on March 6 and has been shared with the area’s religious leaders.

It says that Meikhtila, as a transport hub in central Myanmar where Buddhists, Muslims, Christians and Hindus all live, was a sensitive location that could erupt into violence at any moment.

"To prevent instability, violence and threats to the lives of the people who live in Meikhtila, using unauthorized buildings for religious affairs must be avoided," the letter states.

It adds that local authorities will take legal action against anyone who does not follow the order. And though the letter appears to be enforcing existing laws, it says the order would remain in effect for one year starting March 6.

The letter says unauthorized buildings are those not authorized for religious practices by authorities and which lack a proper trustee committee. It does not elaborate on why Meikhtila was at risk of violence and instability.

Meikhtila Township administrators could not be reached for comment.

A local Islamic leader, who asked that his name not be used for his safety, said the administration office also issued a verbal order in February against Arabic summer schools.

"Since then all of the Arabic schools were closed. We were sad when we got the warning because no reason was given,” he said.

"The authorities told us to seek permission to run the schools. The Arabic summer schools never needed permission in the past and we do not understand why they want to close the schools."

The man said the summer schools remained open even when Meikhtila was hit by past bouts of communal violence and never had to inform authorities, let alone seek permission.

"The summer schools are just summer programs for the children to learn Arabic and the Quran. We submitted the letter to seek permission. However, we have received no word from the authorities yet," he said.

He was worried of a repeat of the communal violence that rocked Meikhtila in March 2013, when at least 10 people were killed and hundreds of Muslims were displaced.

"Since we received these warnings we have been worried that there will be violence in our town. We have suffered enough and all of our lives were affected. We just want to stay in peace," the man said.

In July 2016, a Muslim prayer hall in Kachin State was burned down by ultra-nationalists. The Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs later announced that the prayer hall was built illegally and said it would take legal action against those who built it.

The following April, a nationalist mob forced the closure of two Islamic schools in Yangon accused of operating as mosques without official permission.

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Myanmar Urged Not to Drag Out Case Against Reuters Reporters

Posted: 14 Mar 2018 09:49 PM PDT

YANGON — Some international observers urged Myanmar on Wednesday not to drag out legal proceedings against two Reuters journalists, as they appeared in court for the 10th time since they were arrested in December and accused of possessing secret government papers.

A Yangon court began preliminary hearings in January to decide whether reporters Wa Lone, 31, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 27, will face charges under the colonial-era Officials Secrets Act, which carries a maximum penalty of 14 years in prison.

Denmark’s embassy in Yangon, which has closely followed the case, said ahead of the latest hearing that the journalists should be “thanked and not punished” for their reporting on northern Rakhine State – where they found evidence of security forces’ involvement in the killing of 10 Rohingya Muslim men.

“Nor should they be subject to a dragged out trial that appears to be set to last for months while keeping Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo incarcerated, away from their families and their work,” the embassy said in a statement.

Two civilians that police brought to witness a search of Wa Lone’s family home the evening after the reporters were arrested gave testimony on Wednesday.

Min Min, a neighborhood official in north Yangon, told the court he joined nine or 10 policemen searching the residence and signed a form to confirm a laptop with a charger and a bag, a hard drive and a notebook were discovered there.

Asked by defense lawyer Than Zaw Aung during cross-examination whether any government papers were discovered in the search, he said no.

Min Aung, a ward administrator who joined the search and gave testimony, said he could not remember seeing police find official documents.

Lead prosecutor Kyaw Min Aung left the court building before Reuters was able to put questions to him after the hearing. Government spokespeople have declined to comment on the case, citing the ongoing court proceedings.

The government prosecutor has now called 12 of 25 listed witnesses to hearings that have been taking place weekly. The court agreed to hear three witnesses at its next session on March 21.

Held in Custody

Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo have been in custody since their arrest on Dec. 12.

The pair had been invited by police officers to a restaurant in northern Yangon. They have told family members they were arrested by plainclothes officers almost immediately after being handed some rolled up papers by the policemen, whom they had not met before.

Previous police witnesses have said they were stopped and searched at a traffic checkpoint by officers who were unaware they were journalists, and found to be holding in their hands documents relating to security force deployments in Rakhine.

Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, wearing handcuffs, were rushed in and out of court by police on Wednesday, giving them only a brief opportunity to talk to their families or reporters. Kyaw Soe Oo was prevented by police from hugging his young daughter.

Myanmar has denied accusations the two reporters were targeted over their reporting in Rakhine, where a security response to insurgent attacks has seen nearly 700,000 Rohingya Muslims flee to Bangladesh since August.

Last week, responding to comments from UN human rights chief Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein who said he strongly suspected “acts of genocide” had taken place in Rakhine, Myanmar’s national security advisor Thaung Tun said the country wanted to see “clear evidence” to support such allegations.

Sean Bain, a legal adviser in Myanmar for the International Commission of Jurists, a human rights group made up of 60 senior international judges, lawyers and legal academics, called for the case against the reporters to be dropped.

“The government has asked for ‘concrete evidence’ of alleged rights violations in Rakhine State,” said Bain, who attended Wednesday’s hearing. “These journalists produced it, but they remain imprisoned.”

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Myanmar Says it Has Verified Fewer Than 400 Rohingya for Repatriation

Posted: 14 Mar 2018 09:43 PM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar has only been able to verify 374 Rohingya Muslim refugees for possible repatriation from Bangladesh, officials said on Wednesday, blaming their neighbor for not providing the correct information about the refugees.

Nearly 700,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar after militant attacks on Aug. 25 sparked a crackdown led by security forces in the western Rakhine State that the United Nations and United States have said constituted ethnic cleansing.

The administration of Nobel peace laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has sought to counter the allegations by forging ahead with development in Rakhine and by readying reception centers and a camp for returnees.

The two countries reached a deal in November to begin repatriation within two months, but repatriation has not begun, with stateless Rohingya, who face restrictions on their movements in Myanmar, still crossing the border.

Myint Thu, permanent secretary at Myanmar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said officials had checked documents handed over by Bangladesh in February relating to 8,032 refugees.

“Out of 8,032, we verified 374. These 374 will be the first batch of the repatriation,” Myint Thu said at a news conference in the capital, Naypyitaw.

“They can come back when it’s convenient for them.”

It was unclear whether the 374 people had agreed to return to Myanmar.

Myanmar was unable to confirm whether the rest of the refugees had previously lived in the country, he said, because some documents did not include fingerprints and individual photographs.

The documents were “not in line with our agreement,” police Brigadier General Win Tun said at the same news conference.

Myanmar had found three “terrorists” among the people Bangladesh was proposing for repatriation, Win Tun added.

Bangladesh officials have expressed doubts about Myanmar’s willingness to take back Rohingya refugees.

Abul Kalam, Bangladesh’s Refugee Relief and Rehabilitation Commissioner, said he could not comment in detail because he had not yet received Myanmar’s response. But he questioned how more than 300 people could have been verified if the documents were in the wrong format.

At the Naypyitaw news conference, Myanmar officials sought to counter accusations heard at the UN Human Rights Council this week.

The head of a UN fact-finding mission denied visas by Myanmar and a special envoy on human rights in Myanmar who has been blocked from visiting the country both spoke in Geneva on Monday. Yanghee Lee, the envoy, said atrocities against the Rohingya in Myanmar “bear the hallmarks of genocide.”

“We have a clear conscience,” said Aung Tun Thet, coordinator of a public-private partnership set up by Aung San Suu Kyi to rehabilitate Rakhine.

“There is no such thing in our country, in our society, as ethnic cleansing, and no genocide.”

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Nobel Prize Winner Hospitalized, Wife Found Deceased in Illinois

Posted: 14 Mar 2018 09:34 PM PDT

A Japanese Nobel-winning chemist was discovered wandering in rural Northern Illinois and his wife found dead nearby, some nine hours after they had been reported missing from their home 200 miles away, police said on Wednesday.

Nobel Prize winner Ei-ichi Negishi, 82, was transported to a local hospital for treatment after he was spotted walking near Rockford, Illinois, at 5 a.m. on Tuesday, the Ogle County Sheriff’s Department officials said in a written statement.

Deputies later found the couple’s car and the body of his wife, Sumire Negishi, at the nearby Orchard Hills Landfill, the sheriff’s department said. Rockford is about 100 miles west of Chicago.

An autopsy was pending on the body of Sumire Negishi but foul play was not suspected in her death, the sheriff’s department said. No information was released on the condition of Ei-Ichi Negishi.

The couple was reported missing to the Indiana State Police at about 8 p.m. central time on Monday. They were last seen at their home in West Lafayette, near the Purdue University campus where Ei-Ichi is a professor of chemistry.

The scientist was awarded the Nobel Prize in chemistry in 2010.

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