Saturday, November 3, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


NLD Poised to Win 8 of 13 By-Election Races

Posted: 03 Nov 2018 09:23 AM PDT

YANGON—The National League for Democracy (NLD) had won five of the 13 constituencies up for grabs in Saturday's by-election and was leading in another three as of 9 p.m. In another five seats, however, it was facing possible defeat to the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)—its main rival—and the ethnic political parties.

As of 9 p.m. Saturday, the ruling party had won five constituencies in Yangon, Mandalay, Magwe and Bago regions and was ahead in three areas in Chin and Kachin states and in Mandalay Region.

The main opposition USDP had won just two seats—in Seikkan Township in Yangon and Tamu in Sagaing Region.

The newly elected lawmaker for Seikkan Township, the USDP's U Nay Myo Aung, told The Irrawaddy upon winning that he had "now regained the people's trust." He was elected as a Yangon regional lawmaker in 2010, but lost to the NLD in the 2015 general election.

In northern Rakhine State's Rathedaung Township, a local ethnic independent candidate beat the NLD and two local parties, the Arakan League for Democracy and the Arakan National Party.

Votes were still being counted in the Upper House race in Myitkyina's constituency No. 2, which was being contested by the NLD, USDP and Kachin Democratic Party.

The NLD was ahead in the race for the Shan ethnic affairs minister's post in Mandalay Region, which was also being contested by the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), the USDP and the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party.

Of the four Lower House seats up for grabs, the NLD won two: one in Myingyan in Mandalay Region and the other in Yangon's Tamwe. Preliminary results showed that the SNLD had won in Lechar (Laihka) in Shan State, with 76 percent of the votes counted as of Saturday evening. The NLD and the Chin National Democratic Party were vying for the other Lower House seat, in Chin State's Kanpetlet constituency.

Of the seven state and regional parliament seats being contested, the USDP won two, in Tamu constituency No. 2 in Sagaing Region and Seikkan constituency No. 2 in Yangon. The Chin League for Democracy (CLD) won in Matupi constituency No. 1 and independent candidate U Tin Maung Win, the son of the detained Rakhine MP Dr. Aye Maung, won in Rathedaung constituency No. 2.

The NLD won in Thabeikkyin constituency No. 1 in Mandalay Region, Minbu constituency No. 2 in Magwe region and Oaktwin constituency No. 1 in Bago region.

According to the Union Election Commission, the official results for Saturday's polls will be announced by Sunday.

The Irrawaddy reporters Nyein Nyein in Chiang Mai, Zarni Mann in Mandalay and San Yamin Aung in Yangon contributed to this report. 

The post NLD Poised to Win 8 of 13 By-Election Races appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Early Hours of By-Election See Modest Voter Turnout

Posted: 02 Nov 2018 11:00 PM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar’s second by-elections under the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) officially began when the doors to polling stations in eight of the country’s 14 regions and states opened to voters on Saturday at 6 a.m.

The results will not impact the structure of the current government, but they will serve as an important indicator of the level of support for the parties ahead of the 2020 general elections.

For the NLD, which won a landslide victory in the 2012 by-elections under the previous administration as well as the 2015 general elections, Saturday’s polls are a test of whether they remain just as popular. More than two years after taking power, and half way through its term, the government led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has come under growing criticism for a lack of progress on economic reforms, backsliding on freedom of expression and generally falling short on its election promises, though it has received praise for its stepped-up fight against corruption.

During the last by-elections in April 2017, the NLD won only nine of 19 vacant seats — only 50 percent of those it contested — and lost in three of the four ethnic minority areas it challenged, including in areas it won in 2015.

Saturday’s polls are being held to fill 13 vacant seats in Union, state and regional parliaments. There are 62 candidates from 24 parties — including those from the NLD and its main opposition, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) — and seven independents.

The NLD is contesting all 13 races, while the military-backed USDP, which ran the previous government, is contesting 10. Among the seats the ruling party is challenging are four in ethnic minority areas in Chin, Kachin, Shan and Rakhine states where the NLD has relatively little popular support. In 2015 it lost two of them — Lechar in Shan and Rathedaung in Rakhine — to ethnic minority parties.

On Saturday morning, some voters started arriving at polling stations in a steady stream, a contrast to the general elections three years ago, when throngs of people lined up before the stations were even open.

In Moegoke, Mandalay Region, only a few voters had arrived soon after polling stations opened at 6 a.m. The area has 41 stations to accommodate about 15,000 ethnic Shan eligible to vote for a new Shan ethnic affairs minister for the region.

But in Rathedaung, in northern Rakhine, where the NLD is up against an independent and two local Rakhine parties — the Arakan National Party and the Arakan League for Democracy — voter interest appeared stronger. Locals were lined up outside the public school classrooms being used as polling stations.

Arakan League for Democracy candidate U Thein Maung said he was pleased with the turnout.

"They have already decided who they will vote for. It's nice to see them show up and cast their ballots," he said.

In Yangon's Tamwe Township, where President U Win Myint will cast his ballot, some voters spent the morning queued up at the polling station. Assisted by his younger sister, Uncle Charles, 62, who suffers from hemiparesis, made his way out of the station and said he voted for the NLD. Boasting of being a longtime NLD supporter, the retired civil servant said he had also voted for the party in 1990, 2012 and 2015.

"I understand they haven't achieved big things so far due to the constraints of the Constitution. But I vote for them because I believe they are the only ones who will do good for people," he said.

Around mid-morning, US Ambassador to Myanmar Scot Marciel visited the polling station and said he was happy to see people voting.

“We strongly support Myanmar democracy and we are here to support the election," he said.

Additional reporting by The Irrawaddy’s San Yamin Aung in Yangon, Zarni Mann in Mandalay and Min Aung Khine.

The post Early Hours of By-Election See Modest Voter Turnout appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Friday, November 2, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Writer-Turned-Painter Turns His Attention to the Human Form

Posted: 02 Nov 2018 08:05 AM PDT

YANGON—More than 30 years after he fell in love with the nude paintings of Italian artist Amedeo Modigliani, Nay Myo has finally realized his dream of holding his own exhibition of nudes.

"Dirty," an ongoing exhibition at the Ahla Thit Gallery on University Avenue Road in Yangon, showcases the fruits of that dream.

"I have wanted to draw nude paintings like [Modigliani] since I was an art student in 1982," Nay Myo said.

"I knew I would draw them someday. So, I have finally realized this dream," he said.

His nude figures are largely square-shaped with a focus on lines. Yellows and blues are dominant in his paintings, which feature short, "chopping" brushstrokes. His command of texture and tone strengthens the feeling in the paintings.

In Myanmar, nude paintings were censored until 2012, and nudity is still largely taboo in Myanmar society, though more and more people are accepting it as a legitimate subject for artists.

Paintings of nude subjects by artists including Kyi Myint Saw, Sandar Khaing and Myint Naing have gained an audience among art fans of late.

The nude paintings of Nay Myo are distinct from their works in terms of composition and figurative expression, however.

The way he renders the hair and facial expressions of the nude women in his paintings is reminiscent of modernist Win Pe. "We respect him a lot. Of course he has an influence on us," Nay Myo said.

His fourth solo exhibition, which runs through Wednesday, includes 20 paintings, which can be purchased for USD300 each.

Born in Mandalay, Nay Myo graduated from the city's State School of Fine Arts in 1983. He made his name with modernist portrayals of rural scenes and Myanmar customs. He is also a renowned writer of short stories, poems and essays.

"Frankly, I just seek to reveal the dark emotions that stain our daily lives," Nay Myo said about his nude paintings.

The post Writer-Turned-Painter Turns His Attention to the Human Form appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD Used RCSS Leader’s Face on Campaign Material Without Permission, Group Says

Posted: 02 Nov 2018 07:42 AM PDT

MANDALAY—Campaign pamphlets appearing to suggest that the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) endorses the National League for Democracy (NLD)'s by-election candidate in Laihka Township were distributed without the ethnic group's knowledge, it said in a statement on Thursday.

The pamphlets supporting NLD candidate Sai Htun Aung Lay's election bid in Laihka
constituency carry a picture of State Counselor (and NLD leader) Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi and RCSS Chairman General Yawd Serk posing for a photo together.

The RCSS said in a statement issued on Thursday that it has no relationship with the NLD or involvement in the by-election.

"The pamphlets with the photo of our chief could lead to a misunderstanding or could put pressures on voters. We do not want to see such a situation, so we issued this announcement to assure voters that the RCSS has nothing to do with the by-election and has no business with the NLD's by-election campaigns," Lieutenant-Colonel Sai Oo, a spokesperson for the RCSS, told The Irrawaddy on Friday.

NLD candidate Sai Htun Aung Lay is competing against representatives of ethnic Shan parties for a seat in the Lower House for Laihka constituency.

He will vie for the seat against Sai Shwe Seing of the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) and Sai Okkar of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) party on Nov. 3.

"The SNLD and SNDP are also contesting the seat, but they did not distribute such propaganda. We are afraid the voters will be confused and misinterpret the campaign pamphlets of the NLD and misunderstand the [position of the] RCSS," Lt-Col. Sai Oo said.

"Moreover, the RCSS has a good relationship with all political parties, not only with the NLD. We do not want political parties to use us as a propaganda tool for the by-election, which could create misunderstandings. That's why we made this announcement," he added.

In Shan State, the SNLD and SNDP receive more support from locals than does the NLD; the same is true of ethnic parties in other ethnic areas such as Chin, Rakhine and Kachin states.

An NLD spokesperson told The Irrawaddy that the use of the photos of the RCSS chief and the state counselor had no special intention other than to show solidarity with ethnic people.

"It is just to show that our party has a strong relationship with the ethnic people, and also works for ethnic people. During the by-election campaign, some have criticized the NLD as a Burmese party which has no interest in ethnic matters," explained the spokesman, U Myo Nyunt.

"We have no intention other than to show our solidarity with the ethnic people," he said.

The post NLD Used RCSS Leader's Face on Campaign Material Without Permission, Group Says appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Commander-in-Chief Praises Pro-Military Rallies Denouncing Int’l Pressure

Posted: 02 Nov 2018 06:14 AM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar’s commander-in-chief this week praised pro-military rallies that have denounced international calls for him and other top generals to be held accountable for the alleged human rights violations against Rohingya and said the events should be repeated.

Myanmar’s military, or Tatmadaw, has come under mounting international pressure in the wake of operations in northern Rakhine State — triggered by militant attacks on security posts — that have driven some 700,000 mostly Rohingya to neighboring Bangladesh. In September, the UN Human Rights Council voted to set up a body to prepare evidence for possible future prosecution at the International Criminal Court.

Since then, army sympathizers — including ultranationalists, war veterans and their families — have organized more rallies across the country to express support for the military’s actions in Rakhine State and for “protecting sovereignty, race and religion.”

At a rally last month led by ultranationalist monk U Wirathu, at least 1,000 people gathered in downtown Yangon to condemn what they called international interference in Myanmar and its military.

During a special conference of the Myanmar War Veterans Organization on Wednesday in Naypyitaw, military chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing told the audience that “nationalistic and patriotic people in various townships have organized rallies to show their opposition to one-sided allegations and interference by some foreign countries and organizations in the internal affairs of our country, and to show support for the actions of the Tatmadaw.”

He added that those who joined the rallies understood the military’s goodwill toward the Union and its people, and that the military and the people were on the same side, according to military-run newspaper Myawaddy.

"Such good traditions should be maintained," the commander-in-chief said.

It was the first time Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing has spoken publicly about the pro-military rallies.

According to Myawaddy, such rallies have been held across the country since 2016.

After October’s rally in Yangon, the paper said: “As of yesterday, 80 rallies have been carried out and joined by more than 600,000 people. There are more in the pipeline."

The post Commander-in-Chief Praises Pro-Military Rallies Denouncing Int’l Pressure appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar, Thailand to Jointly Upgrade Highway from Border to Dawei SEZ

Posted: 02 Nov 2018 05:33 AM PDT

YANGON—Myanmar and Thailand signed an agreement to jointly upgrade a highway linking the Thai-Myanmar border with the Dawei Special Economic Zone (SEZ), a USD8 billion project that includes a deep seaport. The project in southern Myanmar's Tanintharyi Region is set to be Southeast Asia's largest industrial complex.

Under the Record of Discussion (ROD) agreement inked on Thursday, the Ministry of Construction will allow Thailand's Neighboring Countries Economic Development Cooperation Agency (NEDA) to conduct survey and design work in preparation for upgrading the two-lane highway. The route will connect the border crossing point at Htee Kee to the SEZ via Myittar.

Construction Minister U Han Zaw said Thailand would provide technical assistance on the survey and design of the highway. The project will take about eight months to complete.

U Han Zaw said he expects the highway project to boost economic development in Tanintharyi Region, in particular by allowing direct exports of fishery products to Thailand and by promoting travel between the two countries.

Fishing is one of the major industries on the Tanintharyi coast, with most of the seafood products being exported to Thailand.

NEDA will accelerate the survey and design period so that the highway upgrade can get going as soon as possible, said its president, Perames Vudthitornetiraks.  

In March, the Union Parliament gave the Ministry of Construction permission to take a 4.5-billion-baht (approximately USD137 million, or 220.5 billion kyats) low-interest loan from NEDA. The ministry has been working with Thailand's Department of Highways since 2015 on conducting measurements for the highway.

Vice Construction Minister U Kyaw Lynn said in Parliament in March that the highway upgrade would assist in the transportation of raw materials needed to complete the Dawei SEZ construction project.

In 2008, Myanmar granted Italian-Thai Development PCL (ITD) a 75-year concession to develop and attract investment for the SEZ. A 250-sq-km deep seaport would be a potential boon for firms relying on the transport of goods via the crowded Malacca Strait. The project includes high-tech industrial zones, information technology zones, export-processing zones, port area zones, transportation zones, service business zones and other infrastructure projects.

ITD withdrew from the agreement in 2013 due to financial constraints, but two years later Myanmar and Thailand revived the original agreement to allow ITD and related companies to begin working on the infrastructure project.

According to Dawei SEZ Management Committee chairman U Tun Naing, Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) is conducting a survey for the deep seaport project, including setting up an electrical grid, basic infrastructure and buildings.

The post Myanmar, Thailand to Jointly Upgrade Highway from Border to Dawei SEZ appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Baby Dies While Family Flees Fighting in Shan State, Father Says

Posted: 02 Nov 2018 05:12 AM PDT

Mon State — A 19-day-old baby died after falling sick on Tuesday in northern Shan State when the family was forced to flee their home to escape fighting in the area among a trio of ethnic armed groups, according to the parents.

The father, Tu Mai, told The Irrawaddy that his wife gave birth to twins on Oct. 11 in Mang Bein Village and that they took them to the town of Lashio, about 13 km away, after they fell sick to get them treated.

He said they stayed in Lashio for 10 days and that a day after they returned to their village the fighting broke out, forcing them to hide in the jungle for about two hours in the rain without food or clothes for the babies, at which time one of the girls fell ill again.

Tu Mai said they made it to the village of Aee Nang, about 3 km away, by midnight but three days later had to flee again with others to Lashio when the fighting escalated. But the baby died once they arrived and they held her funeral the same day.

The father said the other baby was in good health. However, he said the camp was short of food and that health workers have advised his wife to go to a hospital but that they did not have enough money to get her treatment.

Tu Mai said he had no words to express how sad he felt after having to flee his home and losing a baby.

Fighting in the area broke out on Oct. 26 pitting the Ta’ang National Liberation Army and the armed wing of the Shan State Progress Party against the armed wing of the Restoration Council of Shan State. More than 1,000 people have been displaced from several villages and are taking shelter at churches and monasteries in Lashio.

The post Baby Dies While Family Flees Fighting in Shan State, Father Says appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shan Armed Group Reconsiders Participation in Ceasefire Monitoring Body

Posted: 02 Nov 2018 03:58 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — The Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) said it would stop participating in every level of Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee discussions at least until the armed group’s senior leaders meet next week, claiming the committee was not abiding by the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).

The RCSS has already skipped two meetings of the committee since announcing on Oct. 7 that it was assessing the body’s alleged problems and considering ways to fix them. On Thursday it said its senior leaders would discuss whether to keep participating when they meet in the second week of November.

 RCSS spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Sai Meng told The Irrawaddy that it would only be possible to continue with peace negotiations when the government and military “reconsider their agendas for the NCA.”

He cited the military’s insistence at a recent three-way peace summit that armed groups disavow secession and endorse a single national army as some of the key hurdles.

The RCSS says the military is failing to live up to not only the NCA, but to a bilateral ceasefire and code of conduct it signed with the group as well.

  "So we want to change the [committee’s] standard operating procedures and the intervention from outside experts," said Lt. Col. Sai Meng, noting that the participation of independent experts was currently very weak.

Since the NCA was signed in 2015, the Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee has been charged with mediating disputes among the signatories. The RCSS and military have lodged multiple complaints against one another, the later mostly accusing the former of extortion and forced recruitment.

Lt. Col. Sai Meng said much of the NCA has yet to be implemented in part because the signatories keep accusing each other of violating the agreement.

 He said the RCSS has released the soldiers it has detained over the years while RCSS members the military has arrested — he claims they were all unarmed — have been put on trial (The RCSS’s code of conduct with the military says its members may travel unmolested so long as they are not armed).

 "We think our members who travel without weapons should not face such detention and charges," Lt. Col Sai Meng said.

The RCSS says it has asked the military to release its members many times, to no avail. It has also asked the military to release some civilians it arrested in August 2017 and charged for possessing walkie-talkies and rudimentary weapons, also without success.

The RCSS’s latest move is but the latest setback for the national peace process.

Last week the Karen National Union (KNU) said it was temporarily suspending participation in peace negotiations in order to consult with its members on whether to continue taking part.

As a result of the RCSS and KNU decisions, next week’s meeting of the armed groups’ Peace Process Steering Team — chaired and co-chaired by the KNU and RCSS, respectively — has been postponed.

 

The post Shan Armed Group Reconsiders Participation in Ceasefire Monitoring Body appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Analysis: NLD Faces Crucial Test of Support in By-Election

Posted: 02 Nov 2018 03:41 AM PDT

YANGON—On the eve of the second by-election to be held during its first term in office, the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) admitted to being concerned about Saturday's crucial test of its support nationwide.

NLD spokesperson Dr. Myo Nyunt told The Irrawaddy the party was taking Saturday's poll even more seriously than the 2017 by-elections, given the public criticism it has received since then, especially over the slow pace of economic reforms in recent years.

"We do worry that the voters will feel that the party has failed to implement the election promises [it made in the 2015 general elections]," he said.

He said the government has focused on health and education, and made some progress in those sectors. On the economic front, he said, it is implementing a long-term vision, rather than chasing short-term goals.

Aware that its public support may be sliding, the government has made an effort to highlight its works and policies on the campaign trail ahead of Saturday's vote, the spokesperson said.

A total of 69 candidates from 24 political parties are running for seats in Chin, Shan, Kachin and Rakhine states and in Yangon, Sagaing, Bago, Magwe and Mandalay regions. Seven of the candidates are running as independents.

Four Lower House seats, one Upper House seat, seven seats in state and regional parliaments and the Shan ethnic affairs minister's seat in Mandalay Region are up for grabs in the by-elections.

The vacant seats are in Lechar in Shan State, Rathedaung in Rakhine State, Myitkyina in Kachin State, Kanpetlet and Matupi in Chin State, Tamwe and Seikkan in Yangon Region, Tamu in Sagaing Region, Myingyan and Thabeikkyin in Mandalay Region, Oktwin in Bago Region and Minbu in Magwe Region.

The NLD is running in all 13 constituencies, followed by the military-backed former ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which is contesting 10 seats.

While it is still the country's most popular political party, the NLD can no longer take for granted the overwhelming public support it received in the 1990 general election, 2012 by-election and 2015 general election.

The NLD swept to power in a landslide victory in 2015, taking more than 80 percent of all seats not reserved for the military in Parliament. More than two years after taking power and almost halfway through its term, however, the NLD-led government has come under growing criticism of its lack of progress on economic reforms, backsliding on freedom of expression and generally falling short on its election promises, though it has received praise for its stepped-up fight against corruption.

In the most visible sign of this decreased support, the party won just nine of 19 vacant seats—only 50 percent of those it contested—in the 2017 by-elections. The result was a sharp contrast to its general election victory just two years prior. And while it still came out on top nationwide with nine seats won, the party lost in three of the four ethnic areas it contested, including in areas it won in 2015.

The results point to the NLD's waning popularity in ethnic states, something political analysts attribute to its failure to deliver on its main election promises: to end the civil wars in ethnic regions and to amend the undemocratic military-drafted 2008 Constitution.

Supporters of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) hold signs at a by-election campaign rally in Yangon on Oct. 29, 2018. / Reuters

Political analyst Dr. Yan Myo Thein said that while the NLD is still favored to win in constituencies with Burman majorities, it faces likely defeat in the strongholds of ethnic parties—and could even have a tough fight on its hands in some other areas as well.

Of the 13 seats up for grabs in the by-election, the NLD won 11 in 2015. (The exceptions are Lechar in southern Shan State and Rathedaung in Rakhine State.)

Mandalay chief minister Dr. Zaw Myint Maung, who is also the NLD's vice chairman, said the party is not confident of winning in Rakhine and Shan.

On a more positive note, he said that after some initial difficulties the party had gained ground in Chin and Karen states, as its Central Executive Committee had made a point of campaigning in the local languages in order to improve communication with potential voters in those constituencies.

Party spokesperson Dr. Myo Nyunt agreed that the competition in ethnic areas will be fierce, as the ethnic parties have strong support there.

He said the party still expects to win the majority of the seats that are up for grabs, however.

While the results of the by-elections will not impact the structure of the current government, they will serve as an important indicator of political parties' popularity ahead of the 2020 general elections and a test of the NLD's support halfway through its term.

USDP spokesperson U Thein Htun Oo told The Irrawaddy that the party was confident of winning all 10 of the seats it is contesting.

He said that the political situation had changed since 2015, and the party was enjoying a groundswell of support.

"Voters now understand that the party they believed in and chose in 2015 is not reliable. They have compared its performance with what we achieved [under the previous government]," he said, adding that the USDP expects to see greater public support at the polls in this by-election and looking ahead to 2020.

The USDP campaigned on the slogan "Time to Think". It has placed national issues at the top of its agenda and vowed to prevent any "territorial loss" or "bullying from foreign countries."

U Thein Htun Oo said that after winning seats in the by-election, the party would work to advance farmers' interests and the rule of law, and to increase daily wages.

Dr. Yan Myo Thein, the political analyst, said the election results would send a signal to all parties as to  how they should prepare for 2020.

He added that the NLD would need to reconsider its policies and make corrections before 2020 if it doesn't win more than 50 percent of the seats in Saturday's by-election.

NLD spokesperson Dr. Myo Nyunt vowed that the public would see satisfactory developments in the remaining two years of the government's term, adding that there will be improvements in the implementation of its long-term policies.

The post Analysis: NLD Faces Crucial Test of Support in By-Election appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

For New Album, Punk Band No U Turn Grows Up

Posted: 02 Nov 2018 02:15 AM PDT

YANGON — Well known local punk rock band No U Turn released its new 12-track album, “Muu Yit Say,” or “Drug,” last month. Lead vocalist Ye Ngwe Soe considers it one of the group’s most mature-sounding releases to date.

"Year by year, we've grown old. So our songs are also getting old with us. Making music also depends on feeling. So we chose lyrics that suit our age and rejected the same old boring songs, like about missing someone," said Ye Ngwe Soe, who also plays guitar.

"We don’t want our ageing to go to waste," said the 32-year-old, who sports long black hair and a handlebar moustache.

“Muu Yit Say” is No U Turn's fourth album, recorded in the three years since their last release, “Luu Thar Sit Pwal,” or “Human War.”

The members of No U Turn. / Djavanshir Nico

Ye Ngwe Soe wrote two of the new tracks and guitarist Eaiddhi wrote eight. Ba Nyar, from the band General Tiger Gun, and Thet Khine, from Kultureshock, wrote one apiece.

"I like all the tracks on this album. My favorite memory from recording this album is that bassist Eaiddhi sang four of the songs that he wrote," Ye Ngwe Soe said.

The title of the album, taken from one of the tracks, is not meant to condone or promote drugs — far from it.

"That song is about the angry and sad feelings of a young man who was addicted to drugs but struggled and escaped from the drug trap," he said.

"As is the nature of youth, they want to test everything, including drugs. Older people should show them the right way by teaching or rebuilding their mindsets, not by punishment — that can destroy many young lives,” the frontman said.

He said sending young drug user to prison could do more hard than good because it may bring them under the influence of hardened criminals or turn them into social outcasts once they’re released.

The cover of No U Turn’s fourth and latest album, “Muu Yit Say.” / Supplied

"So my point of view is that reforming the young generation is the right way. That is the message of the song," Ye Ngwe Soe said.

"We don't want to see cheap alcohol ad posters with sexy girls in public. We only want to see posters with the emergency phone number to call when someone is overdosing."

"Muu Yit Say” was recorded at the Date studio, in Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay. The band wanted a place it could concentrate on the creative process and so set aside a few months.

"Each member has his own personal problems and it's not easy to coordinate schedules…. We wanted more time together as a band. We discussed, we fought, we recorded and we had a lot of new experiences," Ye Ngwe Soe said.

Around 2002, Ye Ngwe Soe started listening to rock bands like Guns N’ Roses and fell in love with the “pop punk” sound. He also learned about the scene’s style, trends and ethos from books and the internet. Thus No U Turn was born.

Along with himself, Eaiddhi and Yar Zar, their new drummer, Ye Khine Oo, rounds out the quartet.

"Punk music hit the world like a bomb in 1970, and pop punk hit audiences in 2000, including Myanmar. Before punk rock music, pop punk fashion had already reached Yangon," Ye Ngwe Soe said.

"People did not really like punk rock music in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s; they just tended to wear the clothes. And a few groups of people became interested in their lifestyle because we couldn’t easily get internet access around 2000. Nowadays there are a lot of punk music styles — such as classic punk, ska punk, pop punk, street punk and hardcore punk — based on punk rock. So the new punk stars should learn more about the punk lifestyle and thinking, not just the fashion."

No U Turn performs at a Jam It concert in Yangon. / The Irrawaddy

During their nine-year journey, No U Turn has built up a devoted following including foreigners. Most of their gigs are packed with a young crowd, especially boys.

"I have never identified the people who come to our concerts as my fans. All of us are living with the same music taste. Foreigners are interested in No U Turn because we sing a style of music from 1970 in 2018. If I saw someone [from abroad] singing our Burmese oldies, I would love it,” he said.

Ye Ngwe Soe is also the co-founder of Jam It, an underground music concert series.

"In the future No U Turn will keep making music, and the Jam It team will produce other talented musicians and help them as much as we can," he said.

No U Turn will host a release party for its new album on Saturday at the Basement Bar with opening sets by Indie rock bands The Reasonabilists, Sonn Boon and The Apple-Jack. The show will start at 5 p.m.

The post For New Album, Punk Band No U Turn Grows Up appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Buthidaung Police Seize Nearly 1 Million Ya Ba Pills from River Vessel

Posted: 02 Nov 2018 01:10 AM PDT

SITTWE—Police seized 975,000 methamphetamine (or "ya ba") tablets with an estimated value of 1 billion kyats in Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township on Thursday.

Acting on a tip-off, police found the "WY"-stamped tablets hidden beneath fish packed in cooler boxes on the river-going vessel Aung Kyaw Moe, which travels between Sittwe and Buthidaung.

"In response to a tip-off, we searched the vessel and found tablets hidden beneath fish [packed in boxes]. The suspects are still at large," Police Major Kyaw Thu Win, commander of Buthidaung Township police force, told The Irrawaddy.

"We are identifying the consignor and consignee," he added.

The vessel transports passengers and cargo between Sittwe and Buthidaung, and police are currently interrogating those responsible for the consignment of the cargo.

The drug haul follows the seizure of 1,400,000 "WY" tablets with an estimated value of 4.3 billion kyats on Aug. 25, and a record bust involving 2,900,000 WY tablets worth 5.7 billion kyats on Oct. 22 in Buthidaung.

Rakhine State Police reported 124 drug cases from January through the second week of August this year, in which 188 suspects were arrested and "WY" tablets and marijuana with a street value of 1.28 billion kyats were seized. Most of the busts were made in Sittwe, Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships.

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Chin Refugee Committee Urges UNHCR to Shelve Repatriation Plan

Posted: 02 Nov 2018 01:08 AM PDT

YANGON — The Chin Refugee Support Committee (CRSC) has urged the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to shelve its plan to repatriate Chin refugees in Malaysia to Myanmar.

The UNHCR announced in June that refugee protection for the Chin community in Malaysia would be phased out starting August 2018, stating that their homeland was safe for return.

Chin refugees applying for a renewal of their refugee status will only receive an extension until Dec. 31, 2019, said the UNHCR.

The CRSC in a statement on Oct. 31 said the UNHCR's decision shocked the Chin refugee community in Malaysia, adding that some Chin refugees including a young girl attempted to commit suicide following the UNHCR announcement.

"For their return, the [Myanmar] government should let them come back officially at the very least. It is difficult for them to come back without official repatriation," said Salai Issac Khin of the CRSC.

"Some have been living in Malaysia for about seven years and they need to apply for citizenship registration cards [to return]. Another problem is education. The children have been learning at refugee camp schools. So, the question is which grades they should attend when they come back," he added.

The Myanmar government should grant pardons for Chin refugees so that they are not charged under immigration laws. Moreover, there is a need to provide sources of livelihood for the returnees, he said.

According to the CRSC, there are some 31,000 Chin refugees in Malaysia, and 16,000 of them hold UNHCR cards, which are recognized by Malaysian law enforcement agencies. These cards prevent refugees from being arrested and deported.

The UNHCR has promised to send 6,000 of them to a third country, said Salai Issac Khin.

"So, this means that at least 25,000 will be affected by the UNHCR's plan to end refugee status," he said.

Though the UNHCR said that Chin State is now safe and stable for return, the Chin community has pointed out frequent clashes between the Myanmar Army and the Arakan Army (AA) in Chin State's Paletwa Township, saying that clashes and landmines have caused displacement, casualties and injuries.

Malaysian foreign minister Saifuddin said at a press conference on Oct. 24 that the Malaysian government would not force refugees to return to Myanmar if it is unsafe, despite the fact that Malaysia is not a signatory to the United Nations 1951 Refugee Convention.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Prisons Are Not for Journalists, Farmers and Activists 

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 10:13 PM PDT

What is the purpose of a prison? Prisons are designed to protect society from dangerous individuals that pose a risk to the public. What a prison is not, is a shield to be used to protect those in power from criticism.

In the United States, there are many who are dissatisfied with President Donald Trump. There are many who have criticized him, who have made both offensive remarks about him and his presidency. There are even those who have desecrated his picture and distributed video clips of this on YouTube. Yet as the US is a democratic society and understands that protection of free speech and the freedom to criticize those in power is the essence of a democratic society, these people were not arrested. In the US, like every democratic society, dissent is not considered a threat to public safety, nor are protesters incarcerated in prison as if they were violent criminals.

This does not happen in the US, but it happens in Myanmar. Activists, journalists and protesters are routinely arrested and put in prison for speaking out against those in power. These arrests arise from an authoritarian mindset, not a democratic mindset. In Myanmar, people who speak freely or protest against their leaders are liable to be arrested under Articles 505 (b) or 124 (a) of the archaic and repressive penal code.

If you are a government, there are people who will support you and there are people who will oppose you. That is the nature of rule. A government should attempt to change people's negative perceptions through constructive action, not through repression. Arbitrary detention is a human rights abuse, and it will not help your cause.

Those in power in Myanmar today should take a lesson from the past. Under previous military regimes, detention, torture and repression were rife. As a result, widespread international pressure was applied. When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and many other political prisoners were released and allowed to participate in the political process, these countries reduced their pressure and eased sanctions. The release of political prisoners was one of the measurements used to judge Myanmar's democratic transition. The same standard should apply today. Pressure was lessened upon the release of political prisoners; it should be reapplied now following the arrests of journalists, activists and human rights violations.

Indeed, international pressure is already being applied. The EU is trying to withdraw its special trade benefit with Myanmar. Australia, Canada and the US have already sanctioned generals who have perpetrated human rights violations. Those in power need to be reminded that the imprisonment of journalists and activists is wrong. Further, the arrest of activists jeopardizes the hard work that many people have put into Myanmar's national reconciliation process.

When journalists, such as Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo of Reuters, are sentenced to years in prison for reporting on military abuses, it shows the regime is not committed to a democratic transition. When those speaking out about government ministers on social media are arrested, it shows the government does not respect the civil and political rights of its citizens.

It is not just cruel that activists and journalist are imprisoned; it is a disservice to the country. Monitoring and imprisoning activists is not cheap. As schools, healthcare, and infrastructure suffer from a severe lack of resources, the government is wasting money by deploying police to limit access to information and constrain free expression. Public taxes should be spent helping the public, not detaining them.

Moreover, prisons in Myanmar are poorly managed. They are overly crowded and human rights abuses are common. Prisoners often suffer physical abuse and do not receive adequate medical care. The shortcomings of the prison system are the sole responsibility of the government, Parliament and the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Prisons are built to contain violent offenders, not to bully, intimidate and detain those peacefully expressing their opinions. Prisons are supposed to keep society safe from dangerous individuals who pose a threat. What threat or risk of harm does a protester, journalist or democratic activist pose? Prisons are wrongfully used in Myanmar to detain, imprison and abuse activists and those critical of the regime, rather than containing threats to society.

Bo Kyi is the joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)

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Prominent Vietnamese Academic Under Fire for Criticism of One-Party Rule

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 10:09 PM PDT

HANOI — In a rare ideological denunciation of one of its members, Vietnam’s ruling Communist Party has publicly criticized a prominent and outspoken academic for publishing translations of books it said were critical of socialism and one-party rule.

Chu Hao, a former vice minister of science, is accused by party investigators of abusing his position as director of an academic publishing house to produce Vietnamese translations of the offending volumes.

“Documents and evidence collected by the party’s Central Inspection Commission revealed that Comrade Hao has deteriorated in his political ideology, morality and lifestyle,” said a statement on the commission’s website, published on Wednesday.

Despite presiding over sweeping reforms that have brought about an increasingly open market-oriented economy, the Communist Party of Vietnam tolerates little criticism.

Hao “seriously violated party discipline” by criticizing the party’s monopoly on power and describing its attempts to build a market economy alongside socialism as “unrealistic”, the statement said.

In a letter dated Oct. 26, Hao renounced his party membership and said he rejected the commission’s allegations.

“This is a groundless and venomous indictment aimed at threatening myself and others with similar goals,” said Hao, according to a copy of the letter, seen by Reuters.

As an outspoken critic of the party, Hao had largely escaped punishment because of his family’s closeness to late founding president Ho Chi Minh, and his positive contributions to Vietnam’s science and technology sector.

From 2005-2009, the statement said, Hao’s publishing house released Vietnamese translations of books that contained content that was “politically and ideologically wrong”.

According to the Central Inspection Commission, those books included translations of Friedrich Hayek’s “The Road to Serfdom”, which warns against the dangers of state control over the means of production, and an introduction to Karl Marx by Australian philosopher Peter Singer.

All of the books cited in the statement were no longer available on Hao’s publishing house website as of Thursday.

It is not clear why Hao is being targeted now – although the party investigation comes amid an intensified crackdown on political dissidents in Vietnam.

It also follows the merging of the party general secretary and presidential roles in the Southeast Asian country.

Nguyen Phu Trong, a 74-year-old party ideologue who has also presided over a crackdown on corruption, became the first leader since Ho Chi Minh, who died in 1969, to hold the two titles when he was made president last month.

“He deliberately committed his violations despite being reminded not to do so,” the statement said of Hao’s continued publishing of works viewed as wrong by the party.

“It can therefore be concluded that his violations were deliberate and systematic”.

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The Cambodian Textile Factory that Craves ‘Normal’

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 09:56 PM PDT

SIEM REAP, Cambodia — Boring is best when it comes to business — or so says Piet Holten, a Dutch entrepreneur who credits “normal” working conditions for helping to grow his textile factory in Cambodia.

The Southeast Asian nation is a hub for textile factories supplying global brands, but the sector is plagued by problems of exploitation and abuse.

Holten said his staff get benefits such as childcare and work in environmentally friendly buildings — utterly normal in many countries; equally rare in Cambodia.

“I don’t believe what we are doing is exceptional, just the norm,” said Holten at his factory in Siem Reap, Cambodia’s top tourist destination and home to the famed Angkor Wat temples.

He is president of Pactics Group Ltd, a Hong Kong-registered company that had a turnover of $7 million last year, making products for the eyewear giant Luxottica, which supplies brands such as Ray-Ban, Oakley and Versace.

He employs mostly women in a female-dominated sector that is known for cheap labor and lax laws.

“Some of the things we do here are just following the laws,” he said, citing maternity leave and daycare, which any factory with more than 100 employees is supposed to provide.

The strategy has succeeded so far.

He started small — in a shophouse in 2014 with a handful of employees — and put profits into expanding the business.

Pactics now employs about 400 workers in Siem Reap, producing items like pouches and wiping cloths for sunglasses.

A second factory he opened in 2016 in the capital, Phnom Penh, employs more than 100 people, with plans to hire more as it expands into the North American market.

A good model

The Phnom Penh factory makes T-shirts and — like all garment manufacturers in Cambodia — must pay a minimum wage, which will be increased from $170 a month to $182 in January.

As the Pactics facility in Siem Reap does not make clothing, it is exempt from the minimum wage. Instead, Holten said workers are paid a base rate of $146 per month, plus a piece rate.

That is where the Siem Reap factory falls short of otherwise being a “good model,” according to Khun Tharo, a workers’ rights advocate with the Phnom Penh-based Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights.

“I would argue that they should still implement the minimum wage,” he said.

Khun Tharo said wages had more than doubled since 2013, when garment workers made $80 a month — but the cost of living had risen too.

“Workers are not able to save money for their families and have decent living wages,” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. “Many workers are still in debt, while the suppliers of brands make so much.”

Holten said it would be difficult to increase wages at the Siem Reap factory, because the profit margins were so slim on eyewear accessories.

“Our average sales price for a product is 15 cents,” he said. “This is quite different from garments.”

Money aside, he said the factory offered a host of benefits — a subsidized and healthy lunch, free daycare for infants up to 16 months, as well as subsidized care until age five, health insurance, and free medicines for minor ailments.

Green buildings

Textile workers in Cambodia often face “discriminatory and exploitative labor conditions,” according to a 2015 report by Human Rights Watch.

The New York-based rights group uncovered cases of workers being fired if they became pregnant, lodged complaints with managers, or requested time off for medical treatment.

Some factories forced workers to perform overtime above the legal limit of 12 hours a week under threat of being fired, the researchers found.

“Women workers faced pregnancy-based discrimination, sexual harassment, and denial of maternity benefits,” according to the report, which also found some factories using child labor.

None of that is news to Chheng Sitha, who worked in a factory in Phnom Penh for four years.

“When something went wrong, the boss would yell and swear at employees,” said Chheng Sitha, who now operates a sewing machine at Pactics in Siem Reap.

“Even if I was sick, I had to work,” she recalled of her former job, adding that lighting was poor and temperatures were often uncomfortably high in the tin-roofed building.

By comparison, Holten said his factory was built to maximize natural light and airflow.

More pleasant for workers, the “green” setup also saves him money with less need to run lights and air conditioners.

“What we try to do is create an environment with a lot of daylight,” he said, pointing out trees that cool air by soaking up humidity, and a pond collecting rainwater to flush toilets.

Safety is also key, Holten said, so he has a well-stocked first aid room and a permanent nurse on staff, as well as subsidizing quality helmets for workers who ride motorcycles.

Cambodia’s roads are notorious, and Khun Tharo, the rights activist, said accidents on the way to and from work are the most common cause of injury and death for textile workers.

On the outskirts of Phnom Penh in the morning and evenings, it is common to see workers packed into the back of open-air trucks without seatbelts, many of them standing.

“They are loaded like animals,” said Khun Tharo.

The post The Cambodian Textile Factory that Craves ‘Normal’ appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pilot Radioed Alert on Doomed Indonesian Jet’s Previous Flight

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 09:43 PM PDT

JAKARTA — The pilot of a Lion Air flight from Indonesia’s Bali Island on Sunday made a radio alert minutes after takeoff due to technical problems, but they were overcome and he pushed on to Jakarta. The same jet crashed on another flight hours later, killing all 189 people on board.

Herson, chief of the airport authority for the Bali-Nusa Tenggara area, told Reuters that after the alert the pilot updated the control tower to say that the plane was flying normally and he would not return to the airport as requested.

“The captain himself was confident enough to fly to Jakarta from Denpasar,” said Herson, who goes by one name, speaking by phone from Bali and referring to the resort island’s airport.

The pilot of another plane that was approaching Bali just after the Lion Air jet had taken off said he was ordered to circle above the airport and listened in to a radio conversation between the Lion Air pilot and air traffic controllers.

“Because of the Pan-Pan call, we were told to hold off, circling the airport in the air,” said the pilot, who declined to be named because he was not authorized to speak to the media.

“The Lion plane requested to return back to Bali five minutes after takeoff, but then the pilot said the problem had been resolved and he was going to go ahead to Jakarta.”

Pilots use ‘Pan-Pan’ calls to flag urgent situations. They are a step down from ‘Mayday’, which signals severe distress.

The Denpasar-Jakarta flight landed at the Indonesian capital’s airport at 10:55 p.m. local time on Sunday.

The same Boeing 737 MAX jet took off at 6:20 a.m. the next morning, bound for Bangka Island, off Sumatra, and plunged into the sea 13 minutes later. Just before the crash, the pilot had made a request to return to base.

A Lion Air spokesman declined to comment when asked about the alert on the earlier flight, citing the ongoing crash investigation.

The budget airline’s CEO, Edward Sirait, said earlier this week that a technical problem had occurred on the Denpasar-Jakarta flight but it had been resolved “according to procedure”.

Amid media speculation over the airworthiness of the aircraft, the transport minister suspended Lion Air’s technical director and three other officers on Wednesday to facilitate the crash investigation.

The suspended technicians “issued the recommendations for that (final) flight”, the ministry said in a press release. It did not say how many technicians had been suspended.

The country’s second-deadliest air disaster since 1997 has renewed concern about Indonesia’s patchy aviation safety record.

It will also put a spotlight on Boeing’s 737 MAX, which was introduced into commercial service last year and until Monday had an accident-free record. The narrowbody MAX is an update of Boeing's 737 series, the world's most produced family of commercial aircraft and one widely considered to have a strong safety record.

Erratic Flight

During its earlier flight from Bali on Sunday, JT43, the aircraft flew erratically and its airspeed readings were unreliable, according to an accident investigator and a flight tracking website.

According to data from FlightRadar24, the jet displayed unusual variations in altitude and airspeed in the first several minutes of flight – including an 875-foot drop over 27 seconds when it would normally be ascending – before stabilizing and flying on to Jakarta.

However, the pilots kept the plane at a maximum altitude of 28,000 feet compared with 36,000 feet on the same route earlier in the week.

National Transport Safety Committee (NTSC) deputy chief Haryo Satmiko told reporters on Tuesday there were technical problems on the flight, including unreliable airspeed readings.

Divers on Thursday retrieved a flight data recorder from the plane that lay shattered on the muddy sea floor off the coast of Jakarta. The NTSC said it would examine the device to get a clearer picture of what happened on the flight from Bali on Sunday in addition to the flight that crashed on Monday.

Herson, the airport authority chief in Bali, said the aircraft had encountered a “speed and altimeter” problem but the captain was confident that it was airworthy and pressed on.

“He requested to return to the airport for RTB (return to base) but … they updated and flew to Jakarta. The pilot double-checked to ensure that they could fly,” he said.

Two passengers from Sunday’s flight posted on Instagram, reporting that they had been concerned about problems with the air conditioning system and cabin lighting before the plane left Bali nearly three hours late.

Another passenger on JT43 described, in a talk show broadcast by Indonesia’s TVOne, a turbulent flight during which the seatbelt signs were never turned off.

“When the plane took off, it climbed and then went down. It rose again, and then dropped again violently, shaking,” said Diah Mardani. “Everyone in the plane shouted Allahu Akbar (God is Greatest), Subhanallah (Glory to God). We recited every prayer we knew.”

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Bangladesh PM to Have Unprecedented Talks with Opposition Before Poll

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 09:30 PM PDT

DHAKA — Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina will sit down to unprecedented talks with the opposition on Thursday to discuss installing a caretaker government ahead of December’s election, a key demand of the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party.

The BNP, in disarray after the jailing of its chief, former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, on corruption charges, stayed away from the last parliamentary election in 2014 when that demand was not met.

That election was marred by widespread violence that killed hundreds of people and disrupted the impoverished South Asian country’s economic mainstay, the $30 billion-a-year export-driven garment industry.

BNP Secretary-General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said the formation of an interim government was necessary to ensure a “level playing field”.

“We will also ask for the release of our chief Khaleda Zia and demand the deployment of the army to ensure smooth voting,” Alamgir told Reuters.

Alamgir said the party still hoped Khaleda, whose jail term was doubled to 10 years on Tuesday, a day after she was jailed in another graft case for seven years, would be released and be able to lead the opposition coalition of 20 parties, the National United Front.

They had not lined up an alternative candidate for prime minister, he added.

The attorney general has ruled out her taking part in the election.

Hasina and Khaleda, who between them have ruled Bangladesh for decades, are bitter rivals and the BNP says its leader has been jailed on trumped up charges to keep her out of politics.

The government and Hasina’s Awami League deny the accusation and say the courts are independent.

Anisul Huq, minister for law, justice and parliamentary affairs, declined to comment on the agenda for the talks.

Mohammad Abdur Rashid, the executive director of the Institute of Conflict, Law and Development Studies in Dhaka, said the meeting had raised hopes of a comparatively peaceful election for Bangladesh, which has attracted international attention for hosting tens of thousands of Rohingya Muslim refugees from neighboring Myanmar.

“People don’t want anarchism like in the previous election,” Rashid told Reuters.

Outgoing US Ambassador Marcia Bernicat on Tuesday called the meeting a positive development.

“All sides must avoid violence,” she said. “Violence hinders the democratic process.”

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Thursday, November 1, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Female Candidate Stumps For Shan Vote in Mandalay

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 09:33 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — A total of 69 candidates from 24 parties are contesting the 13 seats up for grabs in Saturday’s by-elections. Only seven of them are women.

A passionate advocate of Shan culture, Nang Htwe Hmone is running with the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) party for the Shan ethnic affairs minister seat in Mandalay. There are 29 ethnic affairs minister posts across the country, directly elected — unlike other ministers — by the members of each ethnic group in the region or state.

Nang Htwe Hmone, 53, has been in politics for the past 29 years, since joining the SNLD in 1989, and is now a member of her party’s central committee. She lives in Muse, in northern Shan State, and as a lawyer who fights for land and human rights. She ran for a seat in the Upper House of the state legislature in the 2015 general elections but lost.

Ethnic Shan in Mandalay are voting for a new ethnic affairs minister because the incumbent died in January. Candidates from the ruling National League for Democracy, its main rival, the Union Solidarity and Development Party, and the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) are also campaigning hard for the seat. One prominent candidate is former Deputy Hotels and Tourism Minister U Sai Kyaw Ohn of the SNDP, who was also a Lower House lawmaker during the previous administration.

The Irrawaddy senior reporter Nyein Nyein spoke with Nang Htwe Hmone about her experiences during in this election campaign and the challenges she has faced.

What challenges have you faced campaigning for the ethnic affair minister post that are different from those of running for the state, region or union parliament?

There are many, because the area is too vast. For instance, in Myingyan, a constituency in Mandalay Region, there are only 22 Shan people and they live scattered. So in such cases we cannot go there because the campaign cost is too high. It is also the same for towns like Yamaethin. So we would not be within the budget (if we went there), which is no more than 10 million kyats ($6,227) for the campaign according to the Union Election Commission (UEC).

There are just over 40,000 eligible voters in the region according to official figures. How many people were you able to meet during the campaign? 

I went to mobilize people in 21 of the 28 townships in six districts of Mandalay. Shan reside in almost every townships, except three. I did not make it to four townships, such as Kyaukse and Myingyan, because there are very few Shan in those areas. I went mostly to Mogok and Pyin Oo Lwin, where many Shan live, and also to Mandalay. But I could not make it to every place because Mandalay Region is huge. It is also hard for us to know exactly where Shan reside, so I campaigned door-to-door.

How enthusiastic are the Shan to vote in the upcoming by-election?

After I decided to contest this post, I looked at the voter lists and I copied them. There I found that many of the names are not Shan. They are Burmese, Indian and Chinese names, so I was worried. People do not understand how to raise issues if there is something wrong with the voter list. At that time it was August. Thank you to the UEC, because it made a public announcement encouraging voters to check the list and make corrections or to add their names if they were not on the list. Everyone who is over 18 years old can vote and the young voters need to be aware too. But the public did not know and did not understand.

When we were able to start campaigning on Sept. 3, we educated voters and encouraged them to check the voter lists and follow the procedures if their names were not on the list. Many did not know how and we helped them by sharing information about going to the village-level electoral commissions to check.

But in Mandalay, Shan are also busy with their businesses and they could not check. Now we are hearing that their names are not on the voter lists or that their names appear two or three time on the lists. Only those who could check within two weeks after the voter lists were updated can vote now, and those who did not have time to check have to let it go.

What are the current needs of the Shan people and what can you do for them?

What I saw during the campaign was that many Shan are not on the voter list to vote for the Shan ethnic affairs minister because they are registered as Bamar on their IDs and household registration. So they have lost their right to vote (this time). They want to be Shan, of course. It is one of the many things I want to change.

In Mandalay's Pyin Oo Lwin and Mogok townships, I met many Shan, but they cannot speak the Shan language. So one definite thing is we have to help them learn the language. Currently the ethnic language classes are taught outside of the school curriculum. So I have been thinking about how to help them.

What challenges have you faced as a woman candidate, since your rivals are all men? 

During the campaign it is normal that one side attacks another. But we avoided using impolite words that would damage another party or individual. But we would be showing great magnanimity towards our opponents if there were none. Also, I am lucky that I have not faced any security threats being a woman candidate.

Do you expect to win in this by-election? And if so, to what extent?

My campaign has mainly focused on the Shan voters in Mogok and Pyin Oo Lwin. I dare not say whether I will win. But I think the support is more than 50 percent.

You are the only woman candidate for the SNLD, and there are relatively few women candidates in this by-election. Women face more challenges when they enter politics, but they keep participating. Why do you think women continue to choose to take part in politics? 

There are more women than men in the world, in Myanmar, and even in the Shan community. Then there are many women who are leading businesses. I became interested in politics in my youth, and there are many women who can lead in politics, like those who are leading their households and who are famous.

Women think sharply. Men and women think differently, and the country can succeed when these two opposite ways of thinking are combined, like a family with both a man and a woman working together to make a better life.

What are the other challenges for Shan people, besides the development of Shan literature and culture? 

I would focus on the development of Shan literature and culture, but we also have other challenges. What I want to achieve is to open up their thinking and make them get on well in society. Our people are afraid to go to governmental offices, and they always step back when there are cases to deal with. I want to help them change that thinking. When they are aware, they will stand up for themselves, and I believe that would help them have peaceful lives.

What would be your message to the voters, especially the young voters who just turned 18 this year?

The youth are the future leaders. Therefore, you need to take part in political activities. Instead of wasting time at the teashops, please share your efforts for the country. Also, I would like to urge all the eligible voters in Mandalay not to forget to go to the polling booths to cast their votes on Nov. 3.

The post Female Candidate Stumps For Shan Vote in Mandalay appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Loss of Market Access a ‘Clear Possibility’ if Rights Issues Not Addressed, EU Warns

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 07:57 AM PDT

YANGON—The European Union has warned Myanmar that withdrawal of trade preferences is a "clear possibility" if the country fails to uphold and respect the principles enshrined in the 15 fundamental international human rights and labor rights conventions of the UN and the International Labor Organization (ILO).

Under the Everything But Arms (EBA) scheme—part of the Generalized Scheme of Preferences (GSP)—the EU unilaterally grants exporters from Least Developed Countries (LDCs) including Myanmar tariff-free and quota-free access to its market for all products except arms and ammunition. The scheme aims to contribute to the economic development of these countries and their integration into the global trading system.

Myanmar joined the scheme in 2013, but the bloc is now considering revoking the country's trade preferences due to human rights violations in Rakhine, Kachin and Shan states and concerns about labor rights. The EU's move to place Myanmar's status under review has come under serious criticism in Myanmar. If the trade preferences were withdrawn, nearly 500,000 workers—mostly young women in the garment sector, the country's most labor-intensive industry—would be affected.

The reiterated warning came on Thursday at the end of a four-day monitoring mission by a delegation of experts from the European Commission and the European External Action Service to assess then human rights and labor rights situation.

The EU's statement on Thursday said the mission's findings will inform Brussels' analysis of whether to remove the trade preferences through a temporary EBA withdrawal procedure. The EU will now analyze as a matter of priority the information gathered during the mission, as well as further information from the Myanmar government, before considering the next steps.

"In order to continue to benefit from duty-free, quota-free access to the EU market through the Everything But Arms (EBA) scheme, Myanmar must uphold and respect the principles enshrined in these conventions (fifteen fundamental UN and International Labour Organisation (ILO) conventions)," the announcement states.

It added: "Withdrawal of trade preferences is a clear possibility if other channels of cooperation have failed to reach results."

Commissioner for Trade Cecilia Malmström said the EU expected Myanmar to address the severe shortcomings that have been highlighted during the monitoring mission.

"If they do not act, Myanmar authorities are putting their country's tariff-free access to the EU market in danger—a scheme which has proved to be vital for the economic and social development of the country," the commissioner said.

On Wednesday, Cardinal Charles Bo, the archbishop of the Roman Catholic archdiocese of Yangon, said he opposed the revoking of the scheme, as it would mainly affect people at the grassroots of society. He added that it would cause the country's already struggling economy to deteriorate further.

Radio Free Asia's Burmese service quoted the cardinal as saying that the garment sector employed more than 400,000 workers, and the West rarely considered the fact that the government led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was trying hard to build a democratic country.

During their visit to Myanmar this week, the EU delegates met with several ministers, as well as members of trade unions, the business community and civil society, along with representatives of the UN and ILO in the country.

They discussed supporting international efforts to investigate and prosecute individuals suspected of having committed crimes against humanity; ensuring full humanitarian access, notably in Rakhine, Kachin and Shan states; ensuring implementation of the recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State; and creating conditions for the voluntary, safe and dignified return of Rohingya refugees currently residing in Bangladesh to their places of origin.

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Myanmar Fails to Advance in World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business List

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 05:45 AM PDT

YANGON—Myanmar showed no improvement in its overall ranking in the World Bank's latest ease of doing business index, retaining the No. 171 spot it held last year—and remaining the least favorable ASEAN member country in which to conduct business.

Illustrating the ambitious nature of the government's goal of reaching the top 100 by 2020, Myanmar ranked 171st out of 190 economies (tied with Iraq) on the World Bank's 2019 index in terms of overall ease of doing business. To compare Myanmar's performance with its ASEAN neighbors, Laos ranked 154th, the Philippines 124th, Cambodia 138th, Indonesia 73rd, Thailand 27th and Malaysia 15th.

Although its rank was unchanged, Myanmar's latest score improved to 44.72 points from 44.21 in the 2018 index. The score takes into account 10 indicators—starting a business, dealing with construction permits, accessing electricity, registering property, obtaining credit, protecting minority investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts and resolving insolvency.

"Doing Business 2019" is the World Bank's 16th annual report investigating regulations that enhance business activity and those that constrain it. The report presents quantitative indicators on business regulation and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 190 economies.

For each of the indicators, the World Bank assigns a score measuring the gap between a country's regulatory performance and the best regulatory performance across all economies.

Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) vice chairman U Maung Maung Lay said, "If the government cannot improve the ranking, foreign investment will continue to decline, because foreign investors look at the index before making decisions."

FDI in Myanmar declined significantly from USD9.5 billion in fiscal 2015-2016 to $6.6 billion in 2016-2017.

In early October, the Myanmar government announced its 20-year Myanmar Investment Promotion Plan (MIPP), which targets $200 billion in FDI by 2036. The ruling National League for Democracy sees FDI as a key driver of economic development. One of the MIPP's priorities is to improve the business environment so that Myanmar's ranking in the ease of doing business index rises to within the top 100 by 2020, and into the top 40 by 2035.

The government said it would establish simplified, fast and clear investment processes through the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) and related governmental organizations. They will also take responsibility for improving the investment environment, ensuring fair treatment of local and foreign investors and ensuring investor protection, according to the MIPP.

In June, Myanmar Vice President U Myint Swe insisted that all government departments have been working on improving their performance in the 10 indicators set out by the World Bank, and voiced confidence that if the government implemented reforms, Myanmar would find itself within the top 100 by 2020.

In July, the MIC promised to speed Myanmar's climb up the rankings by shortening the time required to approve project proposals and new business permits.

According to the UMFCCI's business sentiment survey for the second quarter of 2018, Myanmar's economy has declined significantly across all sectors this year, as overall business confidence is down by 25 percent compared to last year. The survey listed 10 main factors in the country's economic decline—higher taxation and tariffs; restrictions on financing and banking; depreciation of the kyat; unstable economic rules and regulations; lack of market demand; delays in import and export procedures; increases in local costs and inflation; foreign competition; a lack of skilled human resources; and poor infrastructure.

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Tatmadaw Detains 15 Kachin Aid Workers Near Laiza

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 03:41 AM PDT

The Myanmar Army detained 15 members of the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) in Nam San Yang village near the Chinese border on Oct. 24, the religious organization said on Thursday.

KBC chairman Rev. Samson told The Irrawaddy that the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) arrested the 15 while they were on their way back to Myitkyina for allegedly traveling in a conflict zone without authorization.

"It was a restricted area, and permission from the Tatmadaw is required for travel there. So they told us they arrested the members for traveling without permission," he said.

The group comprised eight women and seven men. Two of the women are senior KBC members; one is a schoolteacher and the other is an aid worker at a refugee camp near the border.

Three people were freed after a few days, but Rev. Samson said he did not have many details about the three, including the exact date of their release or the circumstances under which they were allowed to leave.

The area where they were arrested is near Laiza, which is home to the headquarters of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). Travel in the surrounding area is subject to heavy restrictions by the Tatmadaw.

According to Rev. Samson, the KBC is concerned about the Tatmadaw's treatment of the other detainees, who are being held at an unknown location. They could face charges under Article 17 (a) of the Unlawful Association Act, he said.

"We only know they have been interrogated. They [the Tatmadaw] told us that they would release the group if they were found to be innocent," Rev. Samson said.

The KBC has written to the Kachin State government requesting that the detainees be released, as they are all engaged in work helping Kachin refugees. The letters were sent via the Peace Creation Group (PCG).

PCG member Nshan San Awng said his organization had passed on two letters written by the KBC to the chief minister of Kachin State.

He said the letters informed the chief minister that the detainees were traveling solely for the purpose of aiding refugees and have no connection with the KIA. As members of a religious group, they should be free to travel in order to help refugees; therefore, the KBC requested that the Myanmar Army release them soon, Nshan San Awng told The Irrawaddy, describing the contents of the letters.

The KBC members were detained by soldiers from the Tatmadaw's Brigade 101, he added.

The Kachin State chief minister's office has yet to reply to the request. Nshan San Awng said it would likely take some time for a reply to arrive. If the need for a meeting with government officials arose, the PCG would be available to do so, he said.

"[The arrests] were unnecessary, as they are just ordinary people who work for a religious group. They should be released," Nshan San Awng said.

The KIA is an ethnic armed organization based in Kachin State. It signed a ceasefire with the military regime in 1994, but the agreement collapsed in 2011. Since then, fighting between the KIA and the Myanmar Army has led more than 100,000 Kachin State residents to become internally displaced persons (IDPs). Some refugee camps have opened in government-controlled areas, but other camps built near the Chinese border are located in KIA control areas. The Myanmar Army does not allow aid from the UN or other international agencies to reach refugee camps in KIA-controlled zones. The KBC is the main provider of aid to refugees near the Chinese border.

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Camp For Displaced Hindus in Rakhine Short of Food, Manager Says

Posted: 31 Oct 2018 11:51 PM PDT

SITTWE, Rakhine State — The manager of a camp in Rakhine State's Maungdaw Township for Hindus displaced by last year’s violence said the camp was running short of food.

U Ni Mal said the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement stopped providing monthly rations for the camp in August.

"It has been three months since we last received rations. We reported it to the [Maungdaw] district authorities, and they said they have reported it to senior authorities and had not yet received a reply. We've had to be very sparing with food," he told The Irrawaddy.

The camp currently shelters 1,225 Hindus, some of whom have had to rely on relatives or pick up odd jobs to secure their meals, U Ni Mal said.

Township administrator U Myint Khaing, however, told The Irrawaddy there were fewer than 500 people in the camp.

"According to our statistics, the number is only half of what they said. Some have come to stay at the camp even though they have homes. The government will not be able to provide food for long. But it has given as necessary," he said.

Hindu families fled to Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State, after their houses were torched and their family members were killed in the violence that followed the coordinated attacks of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on Aug. 25, 2017. Many of them returned to Maungdaw to take shelter in the camp.

More than 60 Hindus who fled their homes after seeing their family members killed remain at a Hindu temple in Sittwe and are also short of food.

"They got rations only once in two months. They dare not go back to Maungdaw. The government said it would give them houses, but so far it has not happened," U Bu Hla Shwe, a member of a Hindu social organization in Sittwe, told The Irrawaddy.

He said they too have had to do odd jobs to eke out a living.

Amnesty International has said that about 100 people were killed by ARSA after its Aug. 25 attacks.

The attacks displaced thousands of ethnic minorities in northern Rakhine including Arakanese, Mro and Daingnet. More than 6,000 were taking shelter at some 30 monasteries in Sittwe, but the government closed those camps in November 2017 and sent them back to their homes.

The military crackdown that followed the ARSA attacks has also driven some 700,000 mostly Rohingya to neighboring Bangladesh. Only a handful have returned to date.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Sri Lanka’s ‘Lord of the Rings’ Back in Power, Pro-China Strongman Wiped Out Tamil Rebels

Posted: 31 Oct 2018 11:44 PM PDT

COLOMBO — Just three years after being voted out in a presidential election in Sri Lanka, strongman Mahinda Rajapaksa is back at the center of power, appointed prime minister by the man who defeated him.

President Maithripala Sirisena named the pro-China 72-year-old as his number two on Friday after abruptly dismissing the government of incumbent Ranil Wickremesinghe. Wickremesinghe has said his removal is unconstitutional and has demanded he be allowed to prove his parliamentary majority.

A mustachioed man usually dressed in a spotless white shirt, sarong and trademark maroon sash, Rajapaksa is seen as a hero by many in Sri Lanka’s Buddhist majority. He wears rings as lucky charms, sometimes as many as eight, and he has been called the “lord of the rings”.

Rajapaksa has been accused by diplomats of serious human rights abuses in the war against rebels from the Tamil minority, one of Asia’s longest-running conflicts that ended during his tenure as president, in 2009. More than 100,000 people were killed in the 26-year war.

Rajapaksa said in a statement after he was sworn in he wanted to end religious and ethnic divisions in the country of 21 million people.

“We will eschew the politics of hate and set up an interim government that will protect the human rights of all citizens, that will protect the independence of the judiciary and establish law and order in the country,” he said.

Almost immediately after he was sworn in, supporters of Rajapaksa invaded state media outlets in Colombo to take control of them, journalists there told Reuters.

Reporters Without Borders has called Rajapaksa “one of the world’s biggest press freedom predators” during his two terms as president from 2005 to 2015.

Mavai Senathirajah, a legislator from the main Tamil political party, said it was a shock to the community that makes up 13 percent of the population that Rajapaksa was back in power in three years.

“There are a number of accusations against him including war crimes. The president who accused Rajapaksa of corruption and rights abuses during the last election now has appointed him as his prime minister.”

Family Affair

Born into a family of nine siblings in the southern village of Weeraketiya, Rajapaksa has spent four decades in politics, along with many of his relatives.

A lawyer by training, he followed his father into Parliament in 1970, then the youngest-ever legislator, while several of his brothers and sons have held key roles in domestic and international politics.

His son Namal, a London-educated lawyer, took his record as the youngest lawmaker in 2010.

Earlier in his career, Rajapaksa was known as a strong defender of human rights and participated in many left-wing and radical protests.

Before becoming president in 2005, he held a number of ministerial portfolios, and served as leader of the opposition from March 2002 until he was appointed prime minister in 2004.

He soon turned his attention to the civil war, boosting troop numbers and pushing into territory held by the Tamil Tiger rebels, leading to their surrender in 2009 and a landslide election win for Rajapaksa the year after.

The United Nations has said that thousands of civilians were killed in the last year of the war after heavy shelling by government forces. It has long sought a judicial investigation involving foreign judges and prosecutors to probe the alleged war crimes.

In a leaked diplomatic cable written in 2010, the United States’ ambassador to Sri Lanka Patricia Butenis said that responsibility for alleged crimes against civilians during the war “rests with the country’s senior civilian and military leadership, including President Rajapaksa and his brothers”.

Rajapaksa’s brother, Gotabaya Rajapaksa who was Defense Secretary during the final stages of the war, has faced allegations he maintained death squads.

The brothers rejected the allegations and said the military only targeted the Tamil Tigers, one of the most violent insurgent groups in the world at the time.

Second Term

After winning a two-thirds majority in his second term in 2010, Rajapaksa amended the Constitution to remove checks on the presidency, including the presidential two-term limit.

Rajapaksa is also known for drawing the country closer to China, borrowing billions of dollars from Beijing to the alarm of Sri Lanka’s traditional ally India.

He opened up the country’s main port to Chinese submarines when he was president, which stoked anger in India, while a huge new port funded by Chinese investment led to concerns Beijing’s investment program was a debt trap.

Rajapaksa blamed the Indian intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing for rallying his opponents against him, leading to his loss in the 2015 election.

His return to power has drawn concern in New Delhi that China would tighten its grip on Sri Lanka, which is strategically placed at the head of the Indian Ocean.

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Success of Current Gov’t ‘Pivotal’ to Myanmar’s Future: Japanese Ambassador

Posted: 31 Oct 2018 10:59 PM PDT

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While the U.N. and some Western nations have taken a hard line against the Myanmar government over the plight of the Rohingya, Tokyo has charted its own course, showing steadfast support to State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her government. The Irrawaddy (English edition) editor Kyaw Zwa Moe sat down with Japanese Ambassador Ichiro Maruyama to discuss bilateral relations, the Rakhine crisis and Western nations' threat to impose sanctions.

Kyaw Zwa Moe: To begin with, Ambassador Ichiro Maruyama, it seems to me that the bilateral relationship between Myanmar and Japan has been upgraded to the next level. Myanmar has been going through a difficult time, especially in terms of politics and the economy. Myanmar has been widely criticized by Western countries and international organizations since the conflict in Rakhine began. At the same time, Japan—unlike some international groups and Western nations, such as the UN or certain countries—stands firmly behind Myanmar. Why?

Ambassador Maruyama: The fact is, Myanmar was, for many reasons, under the Tatmadaw regime for 50 years. Given that fact, it didn't fully deal with Western nations, or with Japan and the UN. In 2011 when [then] President Thein Sein's government took office, economic and political relations with Western countries improved a lot. We, Japan, have come to provide full economic assistances to Myanmar, such as through ODA [overseas development assistance]. Elections were held in 2015. We have had the government led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi [since it was elected] with the overwhelming support of the people in 2015. Since that time, the country has come under mounting international criticism over political and economic conditions, and especially due to the Rakhine crisis. However, in the view of the Japanese government, we strongly believe that the government, which has the support of the people but was spawned after 50 years [of military rule], should be able to address a great deal of the political and economical hardships, as well as the Rakhine crisis. This is our position when dealing with the Myanmar government.

KZM: But Japan, as you said, has a contrary position to Western countries. So far, the EU and the U.K. have constantly criticized Myanmar, especially the Tatmadaw. Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Kono wrote a piece in The Washington Post saying that Western countries should not simply criticize Myanmar, but patiently support its efforts at securing the early, safe, voluntary and dignified repatriation of refugees. He meticulously highlighted this. What is your take? Does the international community understand what he said?

Ambassador: This is the job of the Japanese ambassador—to help them understand it. But what I can tell you is that the ambassadors of Western countries, especially the U.S. and European ambassadors, along with [myself], have a shared objective, that Myanmar will be democratic and prosperous. We all have the same goal. We do not have any intention to make this country disappear. This is a position that we share. However, we have exercised different policies to achieve that objective. Therefore, since we have the same objective, I assume it is possible to work together with the Western countries. The other point, in fact, is that Japan totally disagrees with other countries that are considering imposing economic sanctions against Myanmar because of the Rakhine State crisis. If economic sanctions are imposed, it will not only undermine stability and progress on the political and economic fronts, but Myanmar's economy and its workforce will suffer the most. It is utter nonsense. If economic sanctions would resolve the problems in Rakhine State, we would join (the effort) too. But it (economic sanctions) will make the situation worse. That is certain. Therefore, frankly speaking, we totally disagree with those countries that are considering imposing economic sanctions on Myanmar.

KZM: Despite the fact that you, Mr. Ambassador, and Foreign Minister Kono himself have tried to explain this policy, the E.U. is considering withdrawing trade preferences from Myanmar. If that happens, between 400,000 and 500,000 garment factory workers would be laid off. They are the grassroots of society. Having said that, it seems that the efforts being made by [yourself] and the Japanese government…on behalf of Myanmar have not had much impact.

Ambassador: If in fact the economic sanctions are imposed—especially if the GSP [generalized system of preferences] is withdrawn, it is certain that working people will suffer gravely. That's why we totally disagree with the idea of withdrawing the GSP. However, if E.U. member countries want to see Myanmar become democratic and prosperous, we will not give up but continue to discuss ways of working with the E.U. and other Western countries.

KZM: Is there any possibility of that?

Ambassador: Yes, there is. It's good not to give up.

KZM: Japanese Foreign Minister Kono said in the last paragraph of his article in The Washington Post that "the international community must not short-circuit Myanmar's evolution toward democracy." This echoes what you just said about the West's approach and policy on Myanmar being so different.

Ambassador: The difficult part, as we all know, is that the majority of people wanted democracy during the reign of the Tatmadaw government, and so did the international community. The international community and people inside the country spoke with a single voice. Now, in the case of Rakhine for example, the views of the international community and people inside the country are totally opposite. This indicates how complex the Rakhine situation is. We can't solve it right away. We don't have an immediate solution to that problem, either. If the Myanmar government tries patiently to solve the problem, Japan will support it as best it can while listening to the people's voices. Then, we will try to make the voices of people in Myanmar and the Myanmar government heard by UN organizations and Western countries. We believe that this will bring positive change step by step.

KZM: As your have explained, Mr. Ambassador, something they don't understand is that now we have a democratically elected government. In other words, it has the will to solve the problem democratically, in the view of Japan. However, some  observers in the West see this purely through the lens of human rights violations by the top brass of the Tatmadaw, and even see it as a good chance to overthrow the Tatmadaw leadership. But we have a very complicated political situation in Myanmar. Within the democratic system, the Constitution guarantees that the Tatmadaw holds power, with positions in the Cabinet and Parliament. Don't they understand the complications that arise from taking such a stance?

Ambassador: In this country, we have got the government as well as the Tatmadaw. All nations have their own army. Then we also have the press, and the justice system. All of these sectors are involved in governing the country. We want to see Myanmar stable and developed, but if we were to take action against the Tatmadaw—which constitutes one of the important sectors of the country—there will be no hope of seeing that stability and development. Therefore, when we deal with a country, it is imperative to help all the important sectors of the country, including the Tatmadaw, media and judiciary, develop positively. If we point at one particular sector, this is bad. The future of the country will be uncertain if we take action against (the Army) for human rights violations and so forth.

KZM: You accompanied State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on her recent visit to Japan, during which she held bilateral meetings with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. In Japan, she said Tokyo had a better understanding of the situation in Myanmar than some other countries. How successful would you say her trip was?

Ambassador: Our prime minister has met with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi many times. This time, she paid a visit to Japan as the [de facto] leader of Myanmar in her capacity as state counselor. She had a summit meeting with Prime Minister Abe. At the summit, our prime minister himself explained to the state counselor that Japan is ready to continue economic assistance and cooperation to Myanmar to help the country develop.

Secondly, regarding the matter of Rakhine State, the prime minister explained that Japan remains unchanged in its position that it will cooperate with Myanmar in dealing with matters there. The prime minister also advised the state counselor that it was imperative to work with UN organizations in order to move forward. That's why we hope to see cooperation with the UN. For that matter, the prime minister also reiterated to the state counselor that Japan would assist Myanmar to the best of its ability.

KZM: Relations between Myanmar and Japan have risen to a new level. Japan's assistance to Myanmar's economy and democratic transition has gone further than before; it is now playing a mediating role between the international community and Myanmar, which is a huge task. But I see that the UN and Myanmar are not getting along well. Do you see any weakness in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government in that regard?

Ambassador: I don't think there is any weakness. Given the history, Rakhine is a very complex situation. Looking at the Rakhine case, we have taken all aspects into our considerations. The UN wants to solve the Rakhine problem but it doesn't know exactly how complex the Rakhine situation is. Therefore, there will always be misunderstanding between the Myanmar government and international organizations. That is not due to the Myanmar government's weakness. I don't think so. I want to compliment the Myanmar government for allowing UNHRC to visit Maungdaw and Buthidaung in northern Rakhine State under these difficult circumstances.  The UNHCR is now visiting the region. We really hope that relations between the Myanmar government and UN organizations will be based upon the findings from this visit.

The Myanmar government is facing challenges—political challenges, especially involving the peace process. Then, there are economic challenges and the Rakhine problem. It is not important whether or not the government has the capacity to overcome these challenges. If weaknesses are there, we will work to assist it. Because when considering the future of Myanmar, the success of this government is pivotal. It is important to solve all the current problems. It is important to make things right. Otherwise, we worry that the future of Myanmar will be more challenging. That's why we are working with the Myanmar government as much as we can to overcome these challenges.

KZM: Mr. Ambassador, you have said that Japan's policy is that Myanmar has a democratically elected government and is in a democratic transition. Japan is supporting Myanmar's efforts. What if we had a government that was not democratically elected? How would Japan deal with Myanmar?

Ambassador: The people of Myanmar long desired to see a democratic country. The Myanmar people themselves laid the foundation for establishing democracy. Based on that, we will cooperate [with them] to move the country toward prosperity. If we want to see a stable, democratic and prosperous Myanmar, it is important that it engages with the whole world. We are working to help [Myanmar] fully engage with the international community. In doing so, if Myanmar shows that it is moving towards genuine democracy, no one will object to it. Japan is working together with Myanmar to successfully move in this direction.

KZM: Amid many problems, Myanmar is moving toward a democratic transition. So far, things remain unstable. The democratically elected government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi only has about two more years in office. What is your advice to her for winning the elections in order to continue the democratic transition?

Ambassador: It doesn't matter who leads the government, the country is going through a very challenging time. It means that both the international community and the people inside the country have placed so much hope in Myanmar. It is not possible to address all the challenges immediately, one after another. I believe that taking a step-by-step initiative is the only way to overcome the challenges.

KZM: You first met Daw Aung San Suu Kyi 20 years ago. At that time, she was hailed as democracy icon. The whole world supported her and promoted her. Now, especially when it comes to the Rakhine case, Western countries criticize her. They have withdrawn her awards and harshly criticized her, saying she has changed—that she has taken the side of the Tatmadaw leaders. They say she has not upheld the human rights principles she once advocated. Has Daw Aung San Suu Kyi changed?

Ambassador: She has not changed. I first met Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in 1995. She had just been released after six years of house arrest. The first time, I met her at her University Avenue residence. At that time, she said she totally opposed the Japanese government's economic assistance to the Tatmadaw regime. She said she opposed it for the country. She didn't agree with the Japanese government's policy. And now what she is opposing is for the country and for the people. Therefore, she has not changed since the first encounter in 1995. People see her as a symbol of universal democracy and human rights. But she has sacrificed her whole life for this country and the people of Myanmar, as the leader of this country. In my view, she has not changed from her time in 1995 under the military regime until her time in office now—that I strongly believe.

KZM: But some veteran human rights activists in Myanmar say that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has changed, especially when presenting the policy of the NLD or of the government; they say that she fails to consult other ethnic organizations or democratic groups. They also say they have a less cordial relationship with her now. What is your take on that?

Ambassador: This country is facing many difficulties, be it in terms of the ethnic groups or the economy—people are facing hardships. Therefore, as the leader of the country, she will lay down a policy she believes is best for the country. Everyone may not support it—that would be impossible. Some people will criticize it. But the most important thing is that a leader of a country can listen to criticism and review their policy; that would be ideal. I believe that State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is such a leader.

KZM: Japan has been supporting Myanmar's economy. During Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's visit, Japan pledged to help the economy and the development of the country, including Yangon. It provides a lot of loans. Is Myanmar enticing for Japanese businesspeople and companies? Foreign direct investment has decreased in Myanmar and we have issues with a lack of infrastructure. So how attractive is Myanmar to private businesses?

Ambassador: Myanmar has faced international criticism on the Rakhine issue. At that time, the state counselor went to Japan and met not only with our prime minister but also with Japanese businesspeople. The Myanmar Investment Seminar was held in Tokyo on Oct. 8. That day was a public holiday in Japan. We were very worried that businesspeople would not join, as it was a three-day holiday. But when the seminar convened, 450 people attended. The state counselor herself explained that she wanted to invite businesses to Myanmar. It shows that Japanese businesspeople are very interested in doing business in Myanmar when they continue to do so even when the country faces international criticism.

As you said, there are weaknesses in the basic infrastructure — roads, communication, and access to electricity. Therefore, the Japanese government collaborates with the Myanmar government to improve communications, transportation and electricity by using the ODA fund. When the infrastructure is developed, more Japanese companies will enter Myanmar, which we believe will help improve the economy. It is the Japanese government's view that we want many Japanese companies to work in Myanmar.

KZM: Are the 450 people potential businesses? Are they bigger companies? That is a lot.

Ambassador: Many are big companies, but also smaller ones were represented.

KZM: Japan thinks of Myanmar as a strategic country, partly as Myanmar is located between India and China. Myanmar is also a link to ASEAN. What is your view on Myanmar in terms of geopolitical location?

Ambassador: Myanmar is important because of its location, both as an ASEAN country and being between China and India with a link to the Indian Ocean. Therefore, it is very significant geopolitically. When we think about economic relations with ASEAN, relations with Myanmar are extremely significant.

KZM: Why?

Ambassador: Our Japanese companies did not invest in Myanmar for many years, due to various reasons. Since three or four years ago, many Japanese companies entered and participated in business investments. If Myanmar implements a strong and sustainable economy and develops it, I think that our Japanese companies could play an important role.

KZM: Before continuing on about the economic issues, let me ask you one thing. You said that Japanese businesspeople have a lot of interest in Myanmar, even though you don't have a specific reason. They want to do business in Myanmar. Does this go back to the World War II era and the sentiment and relations between the two countries?

Ambassador: I don't know and I can't explain it. I have spoken about it everywhere that during World War II, the Japanese army in Myanmar caused a lot of trouble for the Myanmar people. Then, when Japan lost the war, the army fled the country. Many soldiers suffered hardship and disease at this time. The Myanmar people helped these soldiers and gave them food and medicine. This kind of nation cannot be found elsewhere in Asia.

After World War II, we started not only relations between the Japanese government and the Myanmar government, but also relations between the people of both countries. It has continued since then. This kind of nation is hard to find and Japan will not find another like Myanmar. We cannot explain why. For Japan, Myanmar and its people are extraordinary.

KZM: Let me also raise another thing related to this. Japan invaded Myanmar, just before World War II. It was a short period, but the Japanese ruled Myanmar. The British had colonized Myanmar and ruled for about 100 years. Why don't the British understand Myanmar as Japan does? Is it geographical or something else?

Ambassador: You should ask the British ambassador.

KZM: I would, but what is your opinion?

Ambassador: It is hard to tell.

KZM: The Myanmar government and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi have repeatedly explained Myanmar's situation. During her trip to Japan, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi also talked about this. She said that old friends were not as steadfast as they might be, either because they don't understand or don't want to understand. Do you think this is because of geographical or historical differences?

Ambassador: It is hard for us to tell, but let me give you an example. Myanmar and Japan use similar sentence structures, but different sounds. Japanese culture and Myanmar traditions and culture are also very similar. For instance, Myanmar people pay deep respect to the elders and value them. Japan also has this kind of culture. Another unusual thing is that Myanmar has the word "Ah Nar De" and Japan also has that word "Ah Nar De." As our cultures are so similar, perhaps that is why Japanese people like and understand Myanmar people.

KZM: As you said, in the past, Japan had a lot of criticism against Myanmar when the country was under military rule, particularly due to human rights violations. But in the meantime, there was engagement. This was different from the West. However, China backed the then military government and many Myanmar civilians do not like China very much. Also, as for the economic aspect, people don't like Chinese businesses, because there is no democratic standard and transparent tender system. Now Japan is engaging in business. What kind of challenges are you facing in sectors in which China is already set up?

Ambassador: The Japanese government aims to have a win-win relationship with Myanmar. We want to support basic infrastructure and hope this promotes economic development. Then more Japanese companies will enter and this will benefit the Myanmar people. Our Japanese companies will also benefit if they can work in Myanmar. This is what we call a win-win situation. Our first objective is the economic development of Myanmar. If this is successful, out companies will benefit. With this way of thinking, we only deal with Myanmar, its politics and economy. Therefore, we don't have any reason to compete with China.

KZM: But we have seen it. With China's Belt and Road Initiative, and its business, political and economic influence, the country is aggressively pushing for it.

Now they are focusing on the Kyaukphyu seaport project, which could one day become a Chinese-owned port. This project is also important and close to the Indian Ocean. How concerned is Japan about these projects and their unseen consequences?

Ambassador: It is hard for us to see this as a concern because Myanmar and China are bordering countries and have many years of ongoing relations. They have economic relations, as well as relations regarding peace and politics. Therefore, we understand that China's influence is significant for Myanmar.  We aren't worried about this. We respect rule of law in bilateral relations and international relations. These relations are not about excluding a nation. We all must be able to communicate with all kinds of people and countries, and thus be inclusive. Therefore, when we talk about freedom and independence, we must focus on rule of law and inclusivity. Anyone who wants to participate can do so and we aim to reach such a relationship.

KZM: Now there are rumors that if Myanmar politics are unstable, the Tatmadaw will not like this. This leads to concerns that the current political order and the democratic transition could be reverting. Do you see it that way?

Ambassador: I don't think so. This is totally a rumor. There are two extraordinary things in regards to Myanmar. In 2011, after then President U Thein Sein took power, he led the political and economic changes and established good relationships with Western countries. Then the 2015 general election was held peacefully and successfully. Not only that, the Tatmadaw and the previous government handed over power to the NLD-led government. Having said that, I don't really think that the Tatmadaw leaders would hold power again for the sake of returning to the old undemocratic time.

KZM: But Myanmar is in a tight corner right now with the Rakhine issues. The West has criticized the country harshly. The criticism started on both the Tatmadaw and the government, but now it is targeted against Tatmadaw leaders. The latest is the referral to the International Criminal Court. But the Tatmadaw leaders say it is unacceptable and they don't accept it. The government also objects. But if international pressure continues to mount, what will the Tatmadaw leaders think? As you have met Senior General Min Aung Hlaing [Myanmar's military chief], what do you think they think about this?

Ambassador: We are very concerned about the actions and the referral of senior Tatmadaw leaders to the ICC. We are worried. The important thing is that if we want to solve the Rakhine issue and have positive outcomes, we have to work together with both the NLD-led government and the Tatmadaw. We are concerned that if action is taken against the Tatmadaw leaders, the potential to solve the Rakhine issues might disappear. We are extremely concerned about this.

KZM: As you said, Myanmar politics depends on bilateral relations between the civilian government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Tatmadaw leader. In other words, it depends on national reconciliation. What do you think of their relations?

Ambassador:  State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, her NLD government and its history, and the history of the Tatmadaw are completely different. Would these two leaders who put two opposite histories on their shoulders agree on everything? Will they? This is a very human issue. But these two leaders are working hard to find common ground. We see it that way. If they are trying to work it out, we will support them and encourage them.

KZM: Thank you very much Mr. Ambassador.

Ambassador: Thank you.

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‘Shines With the Color of Pearls’: Myanmar’s Trade in Human Hair Booms

Posted: 31 Oct 2018 10:33 PM PDT

YANGON — Hair helps to pay the rent for Za Za Lin, whose eyes filled with tears as her long black mane was combed, cut, and untangled by practiced hands at a roadside market stall in Myanmar’s commercial hub of Yangon.

“It only hurts a little,” said the 15-year-old, as hair buyer Zin Mar handed over the equivalent of $13 for the 51 cm of hair she sheared off, roughly the minimum weekly wage in Myanmar.

“It was time to pay the rent,” she said.

On the other side of the world, the hair, processed and repackaged as “raw Burmese hair,” will sell for hundreds of dollars to consumers clamoring for wigs and extensions made from the sought-after material.

Long hair is esteemed as a mark of beauty and has deep religious meaning in Buddhist-majority Myanmar, where monks and nuns shave their heads as a sign of humility.

“People from all over the world want hair from our country, because when you shampoo and condition it, it shines with the color of pearls,” said Win Ko, a 23-year-old who buys hair from individuals and small suppliers such as those at the market.

Although the trade in human hair dates back centuries, only in the last decade or so, as Myanmar has opened up to the outside world, have its people begun to grasp the economic opportunity.

The country formerly known as Burma now sits at the heart of a multi-million dollar industry. Since 2010, it has quadrupled the volume of hair it ships each year to become the world’s fourth largest exporter, the United Nations says.

In 2017 alone, Myanmar earned $6.2 million from the export of hair equivalent to the weight of 1,160 average-size cars.

The trade has drawn in thousands who source, process, and export hair, whether from desperate people like Za Za Lin or bought by the kilo in the form of dusty hairballs.

Once gathered, the hair travels from vendors to factories to be untangled, combed, washed, and repackaged before being shipped, mostly to China, to become extensions and wigs.

Firm numbers are hard to come by in the largely unregulated industry, but Min Zaw Oo of Tet Nay Lin, a hair trading business started in the mid-2000s, says he sells mostly to black women in Britain, Nigeria, South Africa, and the United States.

“This is our market: black people.”

A recent YouTube search for “Burmese hair” returned thousands of videos of women reviewing wigs and extensions.

“It’s not as silky as Indian hair, and it’s not as coarse as Brazilian hair. But it’s a little bit in the middle,” said a beauty blogger, “MakeupD0ll,” who boasts more than 600,000 followers and earns up to $900 from some of the wigs she makes.

Colored, permed and short

But the demand for hair from Myanmar is outpacing supply as modern fashion trends make it harder to source long, straight and chemically unaltered product, said two vendors huddled around market stalls in Yangon’s Insein district.

“Hair is colored, permed, and short now,” said Hmwe Hmwe, 44, who has spent 13 years in the business.

Vendors say April, the time of the Myanmar new year, is their best month, when many women preparing to become nuns sell their hair before it gets ritually shaved.

Much of the hair exported from Myanmar is not freshly cut, but swept up from waste instead. One business owner, who goes by the name “Auntie Cho,” said she bought “hair from the comb,” which has fallen out naturally.

She pays about 55 cents per ounce of hair, stuffed into plastic bags for family and neighbors to untangle and comb into bundles she sells to middlemen.

Among them is Win Ko, who loads the hair on a truck for a drive of several hours to Myanmar’s border town of Muse, where about a dozen Chinese traders wait.

“You just pick and choose one you like and he arranges for you to sell to Chinese buyers,” said Win Ko.

Sensing Za Za Lin’s sadness at losing her hair, the buyer, Zin Mar, the owner of Thiha Hair Purchasing and Sales, offered sympathy. “It’s like getting paid to get a haircut,” she said.

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India’s War on Red Tape is Working, Says World Bank

Posted: 31 Oct 2018 09:58 PM PDT

NEW DELHI — Long known for its bureaucracy, India has made major strides in improving prospects for businesses in the country, the World Bank said in a report on Wednesday.

India rose 23 places to 77th in the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business Index for 2019, up from 100th in 2018 and 130th in 2017, when it was ranked lower than Iran and Uganda.

The two-year jump is the second largest for any country on the index, to the delight of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist government as it prepares for an election due to be held by next May.

“We are incentivizing those who are doing honest business,” Ramesh Abhishek, an official in the industries department of Modi’s government, told a news conference on Wednesday.

India improved on six of the 10 metrics tracked by the World Bank, including obtaining credit and construction permits.

The average import into the country spent less than 100 hours being checked for compliance at the border, the World Bank said, down from more than 250 hours a year previously.

India’s centrally planned economy in the years after independence was renowned for the complex system of permits required to run a business in the country.

But in recent years, particularly since Modi was elected in 2014, the government has enticed foreign companies including Apple and Ikea to open factories and stores after years of delays.

The post India’s War on Red Tape is Working, Says World Bank appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

German Firms Urged to Cut Dependence on China

Posted: 31 Oct 2018 09:45 PM PDT

BERLIN — A new strategy paper from Germany’s influential BDI industry federation calls on firms to reduce their dependence on the Chinese market, according to a draft seen by Reuters, in a sign of rising concern over Beijing’s state-driven economic model.

The 25-page China position paper from the Federation of German Industries (BDI), which is due to be published in January, argues that a long-promised opening of the Chinese market is unlikely to take place and voices concern about rising Communist party control over society and the economy.

Entitled “Partner and Systemic Competitor — How to cope with China’s state-driven economic model,” the paper makes clear that German firms cannot afford to turn their backs on China.

But, in an unusual step, it urges them to reassess their presence there, while offering numerous recommendations for the German government and European Union.

The BDI is Germany’s main business lobby group and although its proposals do not always translate directly into policy, they carry significant weight.

“Despite the attractiveness of the Chinese market, it will be increasingly important for companies to closely examine the risks of their engagement in China and to minimize their dependence by diversifying supply chains, production sites and sales markets,” reads the draft, which is being vetted by BDI members and could change before publication.

A spokesman for the BDI later confirmed that the group was working on a China paper but said it was still at an early stage.

Bilateral trade between Germany and China hit a record 188 billion euros ($213 billion) last year. And big German firms, notably carmakers like Volkswagen, Daimler and BMW, depend heavily on the fast-growing Chinese market.

But while their presence there was once seen as a strength, it is now unsettling German politicians and industry as Beijing asserts control over the economy under President Xi Jinping.

Skepticism is growing despite recent steps by China to open up its economy, including allowing Germany’s BASF to invest in a major chemical site and BMW to take control of its main joint venture in China, a first for a foreign carmaker.

Another worry is the escalating trade conflict between the United States and China, which risks putting Germany — and Europe — in the awkward position of having to choose between its top two economic partners.

Range of problems

The paper cites a range of problems for German firms operating in China, from forced technology transfer and failures to protect intellectual property to arbitrary customs decisions and unequal access to licenses and financing.

It calls for closer coordination on China strategy within the German government and between the EU and like-minded partners, including the United States.

It also argues for a new EU instrument to prevent state-subsidized takeovers, including requiring Chinese firms to present accounts based on internationally agreed standards when acquiring European firms so their ownership structures and financing can be vetted.

The BDI calls on the EU to develop its own ambitious industrial strategy for 2030, an echo of Beijing’s “Made in China 2025” plan, which prioritizes development of key industry sectors, from robotics and aerospace to clean-energy cars.

It argues for a bigger EU budget — including a doubling of R&D spending — to support investments in infrastructure, education and innovation.

“We are facing a systemic competition between our open markets approach and China’s state-driven economic model,” the paper reads. “We need a broad discussion across politics, society and industry about this challenge.”

Responding to the story, Volker Treier, foreign trade chief at the German chambers of commerce and industry, warned against putting forward any strategy that “pushes China into a corner.”

The BDI makes clear in the paper that German industry has no interest in “fencing in” China. But it also supports a firm response to China’s attempts to reshape the liberal global order.

It describes the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Xi’s ambitious plan to connect China to Europe, Africa and beyond via transport links and trade deals, as an attempt by Beijing to build geopolitical influence and shape third markets according to its own interests.

To counter this influence, the BDI calls for a “diplomatic offensive” from Berlin and Brussels towards countries in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, Southeast Asia and Africa.

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