Thursday, November 1, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Female Candidate Stumps For Shan Vote in Mandalay

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 09:33 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — A total of 69 candidates from 24 parties are contesting the 13 seats up for grabs in Saturday’s by-elections. Only seven of them are women.

A passionate advocate of Shan culture, Nang Htwe Hmone is running with the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) party for the Shan ethnic affairs minister seat in Mandalay. There are 29 ethnic affairs minister posts across the country, directly elected — unlike other ministers — by the members of each ethnic group in the region or state.

Nang Htwe Hmone, 53, has been in politics for the past 29 years, since joining the SNLD in 1989, and is now a member of her party’s central committee. She lives in Muse, in northern Shan State, and as a lawyer who fights for land and human rights. She ran for a seat in the Upper House of the state legislature in the 2015 general elections but lost.

Ethnic Shan in Mandalay are voting for a new ethnic affairs minister because the incumbent died in January. Candidates from the ruling National League for Democracy, its main rival, the Union Solidarity and Development Party, and the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) are also campaigning hard for the seat. One prominent candidate is former Deputy Hotels and Tourism Minister U Sai Kyaw Ohn of the SNDP, who was also a Lower House lawmaker during the previous administration.

The Irrawaddy senior reporter Nyein Nyein spoke with Nang Htwe Hmone about her experiences during in this election campaign and the challenges she has faced.

What challenges have you faced campaigning for the ethnic affair minister post that are different from those of running for the state, region or union parliament?

There are many, because the area is too vast. For instance, in Myingyan, a constituency in Mandalay Region, there are only 22 Shan people and they live scattered. So in such cases we cannot go there because the campaign cost is too high. It is also the same for towns like Yamaethin. So we would not be within the budget (if we went there), which is no more than 10 million kyats ($6,227) for the campaign according to the Union Election Commission (UEC).

There are just over 40,000 eligible voters in the region according to official figures. How many people were you able to meet during the campaign? 

I went to mobilize people in 21 of the 28 townships in six districts of Mandalay. Shan reside in almost every townships, except three. I did not make it to four townships, such as Kyaukse and Myingyan, because there are very few Shan in those areas. I went mostly to Mogok and Pyin Oo Lwin, where many Shan live, and also to Mandalay. But I could not make it to every place because Mandalay Region is huge. It is also hard for us to know exactly where Shan reside, so I campaigned door-to-door.

How enthusiastic are the Shan to vote in the upcoming by-election?

After I decided to contest this post, I looked at the voter lists and I copied them. There I found that many of the names are not Shan. They are Burmese, Indian and Chinese names, so I was worried. People do not understand how to raise issues if there is something wrong with the voter list. At that time it was August. Thank you to the UEC, because it made a public announcement encouraging voters to check the list and make corrections or to add their names if they were not on the list. Everyone who is over 18 years old can vote and the young voters need to be aware too. But the public did not know and did not understand.

When we were able to start campaigning on Sept. 3, we educated voters and encouraged them to check the voter lists and follow the procedures if their names were not on the list. Many did not know how and we helped them by sharing information about going to the village-level electoral commissions to check.

But in Mandalay, Shan are also busy with their businesses and they could not check. Now we are hearing that their names are not on the voter lists or that their names appear two or three time on the lists. Only those who could check within two weeks after the voter lists were updated can vote now, and those who did not have time to check have to let it go.

What are the current needs of the Shan people and what can you do for them?

What I saw during the campaign was that many Shan are not on the voter list to vote for the Shan ethnic affairs minister because they are registered as Bamar on their IDs and household registration. So they have lost their right to vote (this time). They want to be Shan, of course. It is one of the many things I want to change.

In Mandalay's Pyin Oo Lwin and Mogok townships, I met many Shan, but they cannot speak the Shan language. So one definite thing is we have to help them learn the language. Currently the ethnic language classes are taught outside of the school curriculum. So I have been thinking about how to help them.

What challenges have you faced as a woman candidate, since your rivals are all men? 

During the campaign it is normal that one side attacks another. But we avoided using impolite words that would damage another party or individual. But we would be showing great magnanimity towards our opponents if there were none. Also, I am lucky that I have not faced any security threats being a woman candidate.

Do you expect to win in this by-election? And if so, to what extent?

My campaign has mainly focused on the Shan voters in Mogok and Pyin Oo Lwin. I dare not say whether I will win. But I think the support is more than 50 percent.

You are the only woman candidate for the SNLD, and there are relatively few women candidates in this by-election. Women face more challenges when they enter politics, but they keep participating. Why do you think women continue to choose to take part in politics? 

There are more women than men in the world, in Myanmar, and even in the Shan community. Then there are many women who are leading businesses. I became interested in politics in my youth, and there are many women who can lead in politics, like those who are leading their households and who are famous.

Women think sharply. Men and women think differently, and the country can succeed when these two opposite ways of thinking are combined, like a family with both a man and a woman working together to make a better life.

What are the other challenges for Shan people, besides the development of Shan literature and culture? 

I would focus on the development of Shan literature and culture, but we also have other challenges. What I want to achieve is to open up their thinking and make them get on well in society. Our people are afraid to go to governmental offices, and they always step back when there are cases to deal with. I want to help them change that thinking. When they are aware, they will stand up for themselves, and I believe that would help them have peaceful lives.

What would be your message to the voters, especially the young voters who just turned 18 this year?

The youth are the future leaders. Therefore, you need to take part in political activities. Instead of wasting time at the teashops, please share your efforts for the country. Also, I would like to urge all the eligible voters in Mandalay not to forget to go to the polling booths to cast their votes on Nov. 3.

The post Female Candidate Stumps For Shan Vote in Mandalay appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Loss of Market Access a ‘Clear Possibility’ if Rights Issues Not Addressed, EU Warns

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 07:57 AM PDT

YANGON—The European Union has warned Myanmar that withdrawal of trade preferences is a "clear possibility" if the country fails to uphold and respect the principles enshrined in the 15 fundamental international human rights and labor rights conventions of the UN and the International Labor Organization (ILO).

Under the Everything But Arms (EBA) scheme—part of the Generalized Scheme of Preferences (GSP)—the EU unilaterally grants exporters from Least Developed Countries (LDCs) including Myanmar tariff-free and quota-free access to its market for all products except arms and ammunition. The scheme aims to contribute to the economic development of these countries and their integration into the global trading system.

Myanmar joined the scheme in 2013, but the bloc is now considering revoking the country's trade preferences due to human rights violations in Rakhine, Kachin and Shan states and concerns about labor rights. The EU's move to place Myanmar's status under review has come under serious criticism in Myanmar. If the trade preferences were withdrawn, nearly 500,000 workers—mostly young women in the garment sector, the country's most labor-intensive industry—would be affected.

The reiterated warning came on Thursday at the end of a four-day monitoring mission by a delegation of experts from the European Commission and the European External Action Service to assess then human rights and labor rights situation.

The EU's statement on Thursday said the mission's findings will inform Brussels' analysis of whether to remove the trade preferences through a temporary EBA withdrawal procedure. The EU will now analyze as a matter of priority the information gathered during the mission, as well as further information from the Myanmar government, before considering the next steps.

"In order to continue to benefit from duty-free, quota-free access to the EU market through the Everything But Arms (EBA) scheme, Myanmar must uphold and respect the principles enshrined in these conventions (fifteen fundamental UN and International Labour Organisation (ILO) conventions)," the announcement states.

It added: "Withdrawal of trade preferences is a clear possibility if other channels of cooperation have failed to reach results."

Commissioner for Trade Cecilia Malmström said the EU expected Myanmar to address the severe shortcomings that have been highlighted during the monitoring mission.

"If they do not act, Myanmar authorities are putting their country's tariff-free access to the EU market in danger—a scheme which has proved to be vital for the economic and social development of the country," the commissioner said.

On Wednesday, Cardinal Charles Bo, the archbishop of the Roman Catholic archdiocese of Yangon, said he opposed the revoking of the scheme, as it would mainly affect people at the grassroots of society. He added that it would cause the country's already struggling economy to deteriorate further.

Radio Free Asia's Burmese service quoted the cardinal as saying that the garment sector employed more than 400,000 workers, and the West rarely considered the fact that the government led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was trying hard to build a democratic country.

During their visit to Myanmar this week, the EU delegates met with several ministers, as well as members of trade unions, the business community and civil society, along with representatives of the UN and ILO in the country.

They discussed supporting international efforts to investigate and prosecute individuals suspected of having committed crimes against humanity; ensuring full humanitarian access, notably in Rakhine, Kachin and Shan states; ensuring implementation of the recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State; and creating conditions for the voluntary, safe and dignified return of Rohingya refugees currently residing in Bangladesh to their places of origin.

The post Loss of Market Access a 'Clear Possibility' if Rights Issues Not Addressed, EU Warns appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Fails to Advance in World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business List

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 05:45 AM PDT

YANGON—Myanmar showed no improvement in its overall ranking in the World Bank's latest ease of doing business index, retaining the No. 171 spot it held last year—and remaining the least favorable ASEAN member country in which to conduct business.

Illustrating the ambitious nature of the government's goal of reaching the top 100 by 2020, Myanmar ranked 171st out of 190 economies (tied with Iraq) on the World Bank's 2019 index in terms of overall ease of doing business. To compare Myanmar's performance with its ASEAN neighbors, Laos ranked 154th, the Philippines 124th, Cambodia 138th, Indonesia 73rd, Thailand 27th and Malaysia 15th.

Although its rank was unchanged, Myanmar's latest score improved to 44.72 points from 44.21 in the 2018 index. The score takes into account 10 indicators—starting a business, dealing with construction permits, accessing electricity, registering property, obtaining credit, protecting minority investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts and resolving insolvency.

"Doing Business 2019" is the World Bank's 16th annual report investigating regulations that enhance business activity and those that constrain it. The report presents quantitative indicators on business regulation and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 190 economies.

For each of the indicators, the World Bank assigns a score measuring the gap between a country's regulatory performance and the best regulatory performance across all economies.

Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) vice chairman U Maung Maung Lay said, "If the government cannot improve the ranking, foreign investment will continue to decline, because foreign investors look at the index before making decisions."

FDI in Myanmar declined significantly from USD9.5 billion in fiscal 2015-2016 to $6.6 billion in 2016-2017.

In early October, the Myanmar government announced its 20-year Myanmar Investment Promotion Plan (MIPP), which targets $200 billion in FDI by 2036. The ruling National League for Democracy sees FDI as a key driver of economic development. One of the MIPP's priorities is to improve the business environment so that Myanmar's ranking in the ease of doing business index rises to within the top 100 by 2020, and into the top 40 by 2035.

The government said it would establish simplified, fast and clear investment processes through the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) and related governmental organizations. They will also take responsibility for improving the investment environment, ensuring fair treatment of local and foreign investors and ensuring investor protection, according to the MIPP.

In June, Myanmar Vice President U Myint Swe insisted that all government departments have been working on improving their performance in the 10 indicators set out by the World Bank, and voiced confidence that if the government implemented reforms, Myanmar would find itself within the top 100 by 2020.

In July, the MIC promised to speed Myanmar's climb up the rankings by shortening the time required to approve project proposals and new business permits.

According to the UMFCCI's business sentiment survey for the second quarter of 2018, Myanmar's economy has declined significantly across all sectors this year, as overall business confidence is down by 25 percent compared to last year. The survey listed 10 main factors in the country's economic decline—higher taxation and tariffs; restrictions on financing and banking; depreciation of the kyat; unstable economic rules and regulations; lack of market demand; delays in import and export procedures; increases in local costs and inflation; foreign competition; a lack of skilled human resources; and poor infrastructure.

The post Myanmar Fails to Advance in World Bank's Ease of Doing Business List appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Tatmadaw Detains 15 Kachin Aid Workers Near Laiza

Posted: 01 Nov 2018 03:41 AM PDT

The Myanmar Army detained 15 members of the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) in Nam San Yang village near the Chinese border on Oct. 24, the religious organization said on Thursday.

KBC chairman Rev. Samson told The Irrawaddy that the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) arrested the 15 while they were on their way back to Myitkyina for allegedly traveling in a conflict zone without authorization.

"It was a restricted area, and permission from the Tatmadaw is required for travel there. So they told us they arrested the members for traveling without permission," he said.

The group comprised eight women and seven men. Two of the women are senior KBC members; one is a schoolteacher and the other is an aid worker at a refugee camp near the border.

Three people were freed after a few days, but Rev. Samson said he did not have many details about the three, including the exact date of their release or the circumstances under which they were allowed to leave.

The area where they were arrested is near Laiza, which is home to the headquarters of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). Travel in the surrounding area is subject to heavy restrictions by the Tatmadaw.

According to Rev. Samson, the KBC is concerned about the Tatmadaw's treatment of the other detainees, who are being held at an unknown location. They could face charges under Article 17 (a) of the Unlawful Association Act, he said.

"We only know they have been interrogated. They [the Tatmadaw] told us that they would release the group if they were found to be innocent," Rev. Samson said.

The KBC has written to the Kachin State government requesting that the detainees be released, as they are all engaged in work helping Kachin refugees. The letters were sent via the Peace Creation Group (PCG).

PCG member Nshan San Awng said his organization had passed on two letters written by the KBC to the chief minister of Kachin State.

He said the letters informed the chief minister that the detainees were traveling solely for the purpose of aiding refugees and have no connection with the KIA. As members of a religious group, they should be free to travel in order to help refugees; therefore, the KBC requested that the Myanmar Army release them soon, Nshan San Awng told The Irrawaddy, describing the contents of the letters.

The KBC members were detained by soldiers from the Tatmadaw's Brigade 101, he added.

The Kachin State chief minister's office has yet to reply to the request. Nshan San Awng said it would likely take some time for a reply to arrive. If the need for a meeting with government officials arose, the PCG would be available to do so, he said.

"[The arrests] were unnecessary, as they are just ordinary people who work for a religious group. They should be released," Nshan San Awng said.

The KIA is an ethnic armed organization based in Kachin State. It signed a ceasefire with the military regime in 1994, but the agreement collapsed in 2011. Since then, fighting between the KIA and the Myanmar Army has led more than 100,000 Kachin State residents to become internally displaced persons (IDPs). Some refugee camps have opened in government-controlled areas, but other camps built near the Chinese border are located in KIA control areas. The Myanmar Army does not allow aid from the UN or other international agencies to reach refugee camps in KIA-controlled zones. The KBC is the main provider of aid to refugees near the Chinese border.

The post Tatmadaw Detains 15 Kachin Aid Workers Near Laiza appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Camp For Displaced Hindus in Rakhine Short of Food, Manager Says

Posted: 31 Oct 2018 11:51 PM PDT

SITTWE, Rakhine State — The manager of a camp in Rakhine State's Maungdaw Township for Hindus displaced by last year’s violence said the camp was running short of food.

U Ni Mal said the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement stopped providing monthly rations for the camp in August.

"It has been three months since we last received rations. We reported it to the [Maungdaw] district authorities, and they said they have reported it to senior authorities and had not yet received a reply. We've had to be very sparing with food," he told The Irrawaddy.

The camp currently shelters 1,225 Hindus, some of whom have had to rely on relatives or pick up odd jobs to secure their meals, U Ni Mal said.

Township administrator U Myint Khaing, however, told The Irrawaddy there were fewer than 500 people in the camp.

"According to our statistics, the number is only half of what they said. Some have come to stay at the camp even though they have homes. The government will not be able to provide food for long. But it has given as necessary," he said.

Hindu families fled to Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State, after their houses were torched and their family members were killed in the violence that followed the coordinated attacks of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on Aug. 25, 2017. Many of them returned to Maungdaw to take shelter in the camp.

More than 60 Hindus who fled their homes after seeing their family members killed remain at a Hindu temple in Sittwe and are also short of food.

"They got rations only once in two months. They dare not go back to Maungdaw. The government said it would give them houses, but so far it has not happened," U Bu Hla Shwe, a member of a Hindu social organization in Sittwe, told The Irrawaddy.

He said they too have had to do odd jobs to eke out a living.

Amnesty International has said that about 100 people were killed by ARSA after its Aug. 25 attacks.

The attacks displaced thousands of ethnic minorities in northern Rakhine including Arakanese, Mro and Daingnet. More than 6,000 were taking shelter at some 30 monasteries in Sittwe, but the government closed those camps in November 2017 and sent them back to their homes.

The military crackdown that followed the ARSA attacks has also driven some 700,000 mostly Rohingya to neighboring Bangladesh. Only a handful have returned to date.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Camp For Displaced Hindus in Rakhine Short of Food, Manager Says appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sri Lanka’s ‘Lord of the Rings’ Back in Power, Pro-China Strongman Wiped Out Tamil Rebels

Posted: 31 Oct 2018 11:44 PM PDT

COLOMBO — Just three years after being voted out in a presidential election in Sri Lanka, strongman Mahinda Rajapaksa is back at the center of power, appointed prime minister by the man who defeated him.

President Maithripala Sirisena named the pro-China 72-year-old as his number two on Friday after abruptly dismissing the government of incumbent Ranil Wickremesinghe. Wickremesinghe has said his removal is unconstitutional and has demanded he be allowed to prove his parliamentary majority.

A mustachioed man usually dressed in a spotless white shirt, sarong and trademark maroon sash, Rajapaksa is seen as a hero by many in Sri Lanka’s Buddhist majority. He wears rings as lucky charms, sometimes as many as eight, and he has been called the “lord of the rings”.

Rajapaksa has been accused by diplomats of serious human rights abuses in the war against rebels from the Tamil minority, one of Asia’s longest-running conflicts that ended during his tenure as president, in 2009. More than 100,000 people were killed in the 26-year war.

Rajapaksa said in a statement after he was sworn in he wanted to end religious and ethnic divisions in the country of 21 million people.

“We will eschew the politics of hate and set up an interim government that will protect the human rights of all citizens, that will protect the independence of the judiciary and establish law and order in the country,” he said.

Almost immediately after he was sworn in, supporters of Rajapaksa invaded state media outlets in Colombo to take control of them, journalists there told Reuters.

Reporters Without Borders has called Rajapaksa “one of the world’s biggest press freedom predators” during his two terms as president from 2005 to 2015.

Mavai Senathirajah, a legislator from the main Tamil political party, said it was a shock to the community that makes up 13 percent of the population that Rajapaksa was back in power in three years.

“There are a number of accusations against him including war crimes. The president who accused Rajapaksa of corruption and rights abuses during the last election now has appointed him as his prime minister.”

Family Affair

Born into a family of nine siblings in the southern village of Weeraketiya, Rajapaksa has spent four decades in politics, along with many of his relatives.

A lawyer by training, he followed his father into Parliament in 1970, then the youngest-ever legislator, while several of his brothers and sons have held key roles in domestic and international politics.

His son Namal, a London-educated lawyer, took his record as the youngest lawmaker in 2010.

Earlier in his career, Rajapaksa was known as a strong defender of human rights and participated in many left-wing and radical protests.

Before becoming president in 2005, he held a number of ministerial portfolios, and served as leader of the opposition from March 2002 until he was appointed prime minister in 2004.

He soon turned his attention to the civil war, boosting troop numbers and pushing into territory held by the Tamil Tiger rebels, leading to their surrender in 2009 and a landslide election win for Rajapaksa the year after.

The United Nations has said that thousands of civilians were killed in the last year of the war after heavy shelling by government forces. It has long sought a judicial investigation involving foreign judges and prosecutors to probe the alleged war crimes.

In a leaked diplomatic cable written in 2010, the United States’ ambassador to Sri Lanka Patricia Butenis said that responsibility for alleged crimes against civilians during the war “rests with the country’s senior civilian and military leadership, including President Rajapaksa and his brothers”.

Rajapaksa’s brother, Gotabaya Rajapaksa who was Defense Secretary during the final stages of the war, has faced allegations he maintained death squads.

The brothers rejected the allegations and said the military only targeted the Tamil Tigers, one of the most violent insurgent groups in the world at the time.

Second Term

After winning a two-thirds majority in his second term in 2010, Rajapaksa amended the Constitution to remove checks on the presidency, including the presidential two-term limit.

Rajapaksa is also known for drawing the country closer to China, borrowing billions of dollars from Beijing to the alarm of Sri Lanka’s traditional ally India.

He opened up the country’s main port to Chinese submarines when he was president, which stoked anger in India, while a huge new port funded by Chinese investment led to concerns Beijing’s investment program was a debt trap.

Rajapaksa blamed the Indian intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing for rallying his opponents against him, leading to his loss in the 2015 election.

His return to power has drawn concern in New Delhi that China would tighten its grip on Sri Lanka, which is strategically placed at the head of the Indian Ocean.

The post Sri Lanka’s 'Lord of the Rings' Back in Power, Pro-China Strongman Wiped Out Tamil Rebels appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Success of Current Gov’t ‘Pivotal’ to Myanmar’s Future: Japanese Ambassador

Posted: 31 Oct 2018 10:59 PM PDT

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While the U.N. and some Western nations have taken a hard line against the Myanmar government over the plight of the Rohingya, Tokyo has charted its own course, showing steadfast support to State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her government. The Irrawaddy (English edition) editor Kyaw Zwa Moe sat down with Japanese Ambassador Ichiro Maruyama to discuss bilateral relations, the Rakhine crisis and Western nations' threat to impose sanctions.

Kyaw Zwa Moe: To begin with, Ambassador Ichiro Maruyama, it seems to me that the bilateral relationship between Myanmar and Japan has been upgraded to the next level. Myanmar has been going through a difficult time, especially in terms of politics and the economy. Myanmar has been widely criticized by Western countries and international organizations since the conflict in Rakhine began. At the same time, Japan—unlike some international groups and Western nations, such as the UN or certain countries—stands firmly behind Myanmar. Why?

Ambassador Maruyama: The fact is, Myanmar was, for many reasons, under the Tatmadaw regime for 50 years. Given that fact, it didn't fully deal with Western nations, or with Japan and the UN. In 2011 when [then] President Thein Sein's government took office, economic and political relations with Western countries improved a lot. We, Japan, have come to provide full economic assistances to Myanmar, such as through ODA [overseas development assistance]. Elections were held in 2015. We have had the government led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi [since it was elected] with the overwhelming support of the people in 2015. Since that time, the country has come under mounting international criticism over political and economic conditions, and especially due to the Rakhine crisis. However, in the view of the Japanese government, we strongly believe that the government, which has the support of the people but was spawned after 50 years [of military rule], should be able to address a great deal of the political and economical hardships, as well as the Rakhine crisis. This is our position when dealing with the Myanmar government.

KZM: But Japan, as you said, has a contrary position to Western countries. So far, the EU and the U.K. have constantly criticized Myanmar, especially the Tatmadaw. Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Kono wrote a piece in The Washington Post saying that Western countries should not simply criticize Myanmar, but patiently support its efforts at securing the early, safe, voluntary and dignified repatriation of refugees. He meticulously highlighted this. What is your take? Does the international community understand what he said?

Ambassador: This is the job of the Japanese ambassador—to help them understand it. But what I can tell you is that the ambassadors of Western countries, especially the U.S. and European ambassadors, along with [myself], have a shared objective, that Myanmar will be democratic and prosperous. We all have the same goal. We do not have any intention to make this country disappear. This is a position that we share. However, we have exercised different policies to achieve that objective. Therefore, since we have the same objective, I assume it is possible to work together with the Western countries. The other point, in fact, is that Japan totally disagrees with other countries that are considering imposing economic sanctions against Myanmar because of the Rakhine State crisis. If economic sanctions are imposed, it will not only undermine stability and progress on the political and economic fronts, but Myanmar's economy and its workforce will suffer the most. It is utter nonsense. If economic sanctions would resolve the problems in Rakhine State, we would join (the effort) too. But it (economic sanctions) will make the situation worse. That is certain. Therefore, frankly speaking, we totally disagree with those countries that are considering imposing economic sanctions on Myanmar.

KZM: Despite the fact that you, Mr. Ambassador, and Foreign Minister Kono himself have tried to explain this policy, the E.U. is considering withdrawing trade preferences from Myanmar. If that happens, between 400,000 and 500,000 garment factory workers would be laid off. They are the grassroots of society. Having said that, it seems that the efforts being made by [yourself] and the Japanese government…on behalf of Myanmar have not had much impact.

Ambassador: If in fact the economic sanctions are imposed—especially if the GSP [generalized system of preferences] is withdrawn, it is certain that working people will suffer gravely. That's why we totally disagree with the idea of withdrawing the GSP. However, if E.U. member countries want to see Myanmar become democratic and prosperous, we will not give up but continue to discuss ways of working with the E.U. and other Western countries.

KZM: Is there any possibility of that?

Ambassador: Yes, there is. It's good not to give up.

KZM: Japanese Foreign Minister Kono said in the last paragraph of his article in The Washington Post that "the international community must not short-circuit Myanmar's evolution toward democracy." This echoes what you just said about the West's approach and policy on Myanmar being so different.

Ambassador: The difficult part, as we all know, is that the majority of people wanted democracy during the reign of the Tatmadaw government, and so did the international community. The international community and people inside the country spoke with a single voice. Now, in the case of Rakhine for example, the views of the international community and people inside the country are totally opposite. This indicates how complex the Rakhine situation is. We can't solve it right away. We don't have an immediate solution to that problem, either. If the Myanmar government tries patiently to solve the problem, Japan will support it as best it can while listening to the people's voices. Then, we will try to make the voices of people in Myanmar and the Myanmar government heard by UN organizations and Western countries. We believe that this will bring positive change step by step.

KZM: As your have explained, Mr. Ambassador, something they don't understand is that now we have a democratically elected government. In other words, it has the will to solve the problem democratically, in the view of Japan. However, some  observers in the West see this purely through the lens of human rights violations by the top brass of the Tatmadaw, and even see it as a good chance to overthrow the Tatmadaw leadership. But we have a very complicated political situation in Myanmar. Within the democratic system, the Constitution guarantees that the Tatmadaw holds power, with positions in the Cabinet and Parliament. Don't they understand the complications that arise from taking such a stance?

Ambassador: In this country, we have got the government as well as the Tatmadaw. All nations have their own army. Then we also have the press, and the justice system. All of these sectors are involved in governing the country. We want to see Myanmar stable and developed, but if we were to take action against the Tatmadaw—which constitutes one of the important sectors of the country—there will be no hope of seeing that stability and development. Therefore, when we deal with a country, it is imperative to help all the important sectors of the country, including the Tatmadaw, media and judiciary, develop positively. If we point at one particular sector, this is bad. The future of the country will be uncertain if we take action against (the Army) for human rights violations and so forth.

KZM: You accompanied State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on her recent visit to Japan, during which she held bilateral meetings with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. In Japan, she said Tokyo had a better understanding of the situation in Myanmar than some other countries. How successful would you say her trip was?

Ambassador: Our prime minister has met with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi many times. This time, she paid a visit to Japan as the [de facto] leader of Myanmar in her capacity as state counselor. She had a summit meeting with Prime Minister Abe. At the summit, our prime minister himself explained to the state counselor that Japan is ready to continue economic assistance and cooperation to Myanmar to help the country develop.

Secondly, regarding the matter of Rakhine State, the prime minister explained that Japan remains unchanged in its position that it will cooperate with Myanmar in dealing with matters there. The prime minister also advised the state counselor that it was imperative to work with UN organizations in order to move forward. That's why we hope to see cooperation with the UN. For that matter, the prime minister also reiterated to the state counselor that Japan would assist Myanmar to the best of its ability.

KZM: Relations between Myanmar and Japan have risen to a new level. Japan's assistance to Myanmar's economy and democratic transition has gone further than before; it is now playing a mediating role between the international community and Myanmar, which is a huge task. But I see that the UN and Myanmar are not getting along well. Do you see any weakness in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government in that regard?

Ambassador: I don't think there is any weakness. Given the history, Rakhine is a very complex situation. Looking at the Rakhine case, we have taken all aspects into our considerations. The UN wants to solve the Rakhine problem but it doesn't know exactly how complex the Rakhine situation is. Therefore, there will always be misunderstanding between the Myanmar government and international organizations. That is not due to the Myanmar government's weakness. I don't think so. I want to compliment the Myanmar government for allowing UNHRC to visit Maungdaw and Buthidaung in northern Rakhine State under these difficult circumstances.  The UNHCR is now visiting the region. We really hope that relations between the Myanmar government and UN organizations will be based upon the findings from this visit.

The Myanmar government is facing challenges—political challenges, especially involving the peace process. Then, there are economic challenges and the Rakhine problem. It is not important whether or not the government has the capacity to overcome these challenges. If weaknesses are there, we will work to assist it. Because when considering the future of Myanmar, the success of this government is pivotal. It is important to solve all the current problems. It is important to make things right. Otherwise, we worry that the future of Myanmar will be more challenging. That's why we are working with the Myanmar government as much as we can to overcome these challenges.

KZM: Mr. Ambassador, you have said that Japan's policy is that Myanmar has a democratically elected government and is in a democratic transition. Japan is supporting Myanmar's efforts. What if we had a government that was not democratically elected? How would Japan deal with Myanmar?

Ambassador: The people of Myanmar long desired to see a democratic country. The Myanmar people themselves laid the foundation for establishing democracy. Based on that, we will cooperate [with them] to move the country toward prosperity. If we want to see a stable, democratic and prosperous Myanmar, it is important that it engages with the whole world. We are working to help [Myanmar] fully engage with the international community. In doing so, if Myanmar shows that it is moving towards genuine democracy, no one will object to it. Japan is working together with Myanmar to successfully move in this direction.

KZM: Amid many problems, Myanmar is moving toward a democratic transition. So far, things remain unstable. The democratically elected government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi only has about two more years in office. What is your advice to her for winning the elections in order to continue the democratic transition?

Ambassador: It doesn't matter who leads the government, the country is going through a very challenging time. It means that both the international community and the people inside the country have placed so much hope in Myanmar. It is not possible to address all the challenges immediately, one after another. I believe that taking a step-by-step initiative is the only way to overcome the challenges.

KZM: You first met Daw Aung San Suu Kyi 20 years ago. At that time, she was hailed as democracy icon. The whole world supported her and promoted her. Now, especially when it comes to the Rakhine case, Western countries criticize her. They have withdrawn her awards and harshly criticized her, saying she has changed—that she has taken the side of the Tatmadaw leaders. They say she has not upheld the human rights principles she once advocated. Has Daw Aung San Suu Kyi changed?

Ambassador: She has not changed. I first met Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in 1995. She had just been released after six years of house arrest. The first time, I met her at her University Avenue residence. At that time, she said she totally opposed the Japanese government's economic assistance to the Tatmadaw regime. She said she opposed it for the country. She didn't agree with the Japanese government's policy. And now what she is opposing is for the country and for the people. Therefore, she has not changed since the first encounter in 1995. People see her as a symbol of universal democracy and human rights. But she has sacrificed her whole life for this country and the people of Myanmar, as the leader of this country. In my view, she has not changed from her time in 1995 under the military regime until her time in office now—that I strongly believe.

KZM: But some veteran human rights activists in Myanmar say that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has changed, especially when presenting the policy of the NLD or of the government; they say that she fails to consult other ethnic organizations or democratic groups. They also say they have a less cordial relationship with her now. What is your take on that?

Ambassador: This country is facing many difficulties, be it in terms of the ethnic groups or the economy—people are facing hardships. Therefore, as the leader of the country, she will lay down a policy she believes is best for the country. Everyone may not support it—that would be impossible. Some people will criticize it. But the most important thing is that a leader of a country can listen to criticism and review their policy; that would be ideal. I believe that State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is such a leader.

KZM: Japan has been supporting Myanmar's economy. During Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's visit, Japan pledged to help the economy and the development of the country, including Yangon. It provides a lot of loans. Is Myanmar enticing for Japanese businesspeople and companies? Foreign direct investment has decreased in Myanmar and we have issues with a lack of infrastructure. So how attractive is Myanmar to private businesses?

Ambassador: Myanmar has faced international criticism on the Rakhine issue. At that time, the state counselor went to Japan and met not only with our prime minister but also with Japanese businesspeople. The Myanmar Investment Seminar was held in Tokyo on Oct. 8. That day was a public holiday in Japan. We were very worried that businesspeople would not join, as it was a three-day holiday. But when the seminar convened, 450 people attended. The state counselor herself explained that she wanted to invite businesses to Myanmar. It shows that Japanese businesspeople are very interested in doing business in Myanmar when they continue to do so even when the country faces international criticism.

As you said, there are weaknesses in the basic infrastructure — roads, communication, and access to electricity. Therefore, the Japanese government collaborates with the Myanmar government to improve communications, transportation and electricity by using the ODA fund. When the infrastructure is developed, more Japanese companies will enter Myanmar, which we believe will help improve the economy. It is the Japanese government's view that we want many Japanese companies to work in Myanmar.

KZM: Are the 450 people potential businesses? Are they bigger companies? That is a lot.

Ambassador: Many are big companies, but also smaller ones were represented.

KZM: Japan thinks of Myanmar as a strategic country, partly as Myanmar is located between India and China. Myanmar is also a link to ASEAN. What is your view on Myanmar in terms of geopolitical location?

Ambassador: Myanmar is important because of its location, both as an ASEAN country and being between China and India with a link to the Indian Ocean. Therefore, it is very significant geopolitically. When we think about economic relations with ASEAN, relations with Myanmar are extremely significant.

KZM: Why?

Ambassador: Our Japanese companies did not invest in Myanmar for many years, due to various reasons. Since three or four years ago, many Japanese companies entered and participated in business investments. If Myanmar implements a strong and sustainable economy and develops it, I think that our Japanese companies could play an important role.

KZM: Before continuing on about the economic issues, let me ask you one thing. You said that Japanese businesspeople have a lot of interest in Myanmar, even though you don't have a specific reason. They want to do business in Myanmar. Does this go back to the World War II era and the sentiment and relations between the two countries?

Ambassador: I don't know and I can't explain it. I have spoken about it everywhere that during World War II, the Japanese army in Myanmar caused a lot of trouble for the Myanmar people. Then, when Japan lost the war, the army fled the country. Many soldiers suffered hardship and disease at this time. The Myanmar people helped these soldiers and gave them food and medicine. This kind of nation cannot be found elsewhere in Asia.

After World War II, we started not only relations between the Japanese government and the Myanmar government, but also relations between the people of both countries. It has continued since then. This kind of nation is hard to find and Japan will not find another like Myanmar. We cannot explain why. For Japan, Myanmar and its people are extraordinary.

KZM: Let me also raise another thing related to this. Japan invaded Myanmar, just before World War II. It was a short period, but the Japanese ruled Myanmar. The British had colonized Myanmar and ruled for about 100 years. Why don't the British understand Myanmar as Japan does? Is it geographical or something else?

Ambassador: You should ask the British ambassador.

KZM: I would, but what is your opinion?

Ambassador: It is hard to tell.

KZM: The Myanmar government and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi have repeatedly explained Myanmar's situation. During her trip to Japan, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi also talked about this. She said that old friends were not as steadfast as they might be, either because they don't understand or don't want to understand. Do you think this is because of geographical or historical differences?

Ambassador: It is hard for us to tell, but let me give you an example. Myanmar and Japan use similar sentence structures, but different sounds. Japanese culture and Myanmar traditions and culture are also very similar. For instance, Myanmar people pay deep respect to the elders and value them. Japan also has this kind of culture. Another unusual thing is that Myanmar has the word "Ah Nar De" and Japan also has that word "Ah Nar De." As our cultures are so similar, perhaps that is why Japanese people like and understand Myanmar people.

KZM: As you said, in the past, Japan had a lot of criticism against Myanmar when the country was under military rule, particularly due to human rights violations. But in the meantime, there was engagement. This was different from the West. However, China backed the then military government and many Myanmar civilians do not like China very much. Also, as for the economic aspect, people don't like Chinese businesses, because there is no democratic standard and transparent tender system. Now Japan is engaging in business. What kind of challenges are you facing in sectors in which China is already set up?

Ambassador: The Japanese government aims to have a win-win relationship with Myanmar. We want to support basic infrastructure and hope this promotes economic development. Then more Japanese companies will enter and this will benefit the Myanmar people. Our Japanese companies will also benefit if they can work in Myanmar. This is what we call a win-win situation. Our first objective is the economic development of Myanmar. If this is successful, out companies will benefit. With this way of thinking, we only deal with Myanmar, its politics and economy. Therefore, we don't have any reason to compete with China.

KZM: But we have seen it. With China's Belt and Road Initiative, and its business, political and economic influence, the country is aggressively pushing for it.

Now they are focusing on the Kyaukphyu seaport project, which could one day become a Chinese-owned port. This project is also important and close to the Indian Ocean. How concerned is Japan about these projects and their unseen consequences?

Ambassador: It is hard for us to see this as a concern because Myanmar and China are bordering countries and have many years of ongoing relations. They have economic relations, as well as relations regarding peace and politics. Therefore, we understand that China's influence is significant for Myanmar.  We aren't worried about this. We respect rule of law in bilateral relations and international relations. These relations are not about excluding a nation. We all must be able to communicate with all kinds of people and countries, and thus be inclusive. Therefore, when we talk about freedom and independence, we must focus on rule of law and inclusivity. Anyone who wants to participate can do so and we aim to reach such a relationship.

KZM: Now there are rumors that if Myanmar politics are unstable, the Tatmadaw will not like this. This leads to concerns that the current political order and the democratic transition could be reverting. Do you see it that way?

Ambassador: I don't think so. This is totally a rumor. There are two extraordinary things in regards to Myanmar. In 2011, after then President U Thein Sein took power, he led the political and economic changes and established good relationships with Western countries. Then the 2015 general election was held peacefully and successfully. Not only that, the Tatmadaw and the previous government handed over power to the NLD-led government. Having said that, I don't really think that the Tatmadaw leaders would hold power again for the sake of returning to the old undemocratic time.

KZM: But Myanmar is in a tight corner right now with the Rakhine issues. The West has criticized the country harshly. The criticism started on both the Tatmadaw and the government, but now it is targeted against Tatmadaw leaders. The latest is the referral to the International Criminal Court. But the Tatmadaw leaders say it is unacceptable and they don't accept it. The government also objects. But if international pressure continues to mount, what will the Tatmadaw leaders think? As you have met Senior General Min Aung Hlaing [Myanmar's military chief], what do you think they think about this?

Ambassador: We are very concerned about the actions and the referral of senior Tatmadaw leaders to the ICC. We are worried. The important thing is that if we want to solve the Rakhine issue and have positive outcomes, we have to work together with both the NLD-led government and the Tatmadaw. We are concerned that if action is taken against the Tatmadaw leaders, the potential to solve the Rakhine issues might disappear. We are extremely concerned about this.

KZM: As you said, Myanmar politics depends on bilateral relations between the civilian government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Tatmadaw leader. In other words, it depends on national reconciliation. What do you think of their relations?

Ambassador:  State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, her NLD government and its history, and the history of the Tatmadaw are completely different. Would these two leaders who put two opposite histories on their shoulders agree on everything? Will they? This is a very human issue. But these two leaders are working hard to find common ground. We see it that way. If they are trying to work it out, we will support them and encourage them.

KZM: Thank you very much Mr. Ambassador.

Ambassador: Thank you.

The post Success of Current Gov't 'Pivotal' to Myanmar's Future: Japanese Ambassador appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Shines With the Color of Pearls’: Myanmar’s Trade in Human Hair Booms

Posted: 31 Oct 2018 10:33 PM PDT

YANGON — Hair helps to pay the rent for Za Za Lin, whose eyes filled with tears as her long black mane was combed, cut, and untangled by practiced hands at a roadside market stall in Myanmar’s commercial hub of Yangon.

“It only hurts a little,” said the 15-year-old, as hair buyer Zin Mar handed over the equivalent of $13 for the 51 cm of hair she sheared off, roughly the minimum weekly wage in Myanmar.

“It was time to pay the rent,” she said.

On the other side of the world, the hair, processed and repackaged as “raw Burmese hair,” will sell for hundreds of dollars to consumers clamoring for wigs and extensions made from the sought-after material.

Long hair is esteemed as a mark of beauty and has deep religious meaning in Buddhist-majority Myanmar, where monks and nuns shave their heads as a sign of humility.

“People from all over the world want hair from our country, because when you shampoo and condition it, it shines with the color of pearls,” said Win Ko, a 23-year-old who buys hair from individuals and small suppliers such as those at the market.

Although the trade in human hair dates back centuries, only in the last decade or so, as Myanmar has opened up to the outside world, have its people begun to grasp the economic opportunity.

The country formerly known as Burma now sits at the heart of a multi-million dollar industry. Since 2010, it has quadrupled the volume of hair it ships each year to become the world’s fourth largest exporter, the United Nations says.

In 2017 alone, Myanmar earned $6.2 million from the export of hair equivalent to the weight of 1,160 average-size cars.

The trade has drawn in thousands who source, process, and export hair, whether from desperate people like Za Za Lin or bought by the kilo in the form of dusty hairballs.

Once gathered, the hair travels from vendors to factories to be untangled, combed, washed, and repackaged before being shipped, mostly to China, to become extensions and wigs.

Firm numbers are hard to come by in the largely unregulated industry, but Min Zaw Oo of Tet Nay Lin, a hair trading business started in the mid-2000s, says he sells mostly to black women in Britain, Nigeria, South Africa, and the United States.

“This is our market: black people.”

A recent YouTube search for “Burmese hair” returned thousands of videos of women reviewing wigs and extensions.

“It’s not as silky as Indian hair, and it’s not as coarse as Brazilian hair. But it’s a little bit in the middle,” said a beauty blogger, “MakeupD0ll,” who boasts more than 600,000 followers and earns up to $900 from some of the wigs she makes.

Colored, permed and short

But the demand for hair from Myanmar is outpacing supply as modern fashion trends make it harder to source long, straight and chemically unaltered product, said two vendors huddled around market stalls in Yangon’s Insein district.

“Hair is colored, permed, and short now,” said Hmwe Hmwe, 44, who has spent 13 years in the business.

Vendors say April, the time of the Myanmar new year, is their best month, when many women preparing to become nuns sell their hair before it gets ritually shaved.

Much of the hair exported from Myanmar is not freshly cut, but swept up from waste instead. One business owner, who goes by the name “Auntie Cho,” said she bought “hair from the comb,” which has fallen out naturally.

She pays about 55 cents per ounce of hair, stuffed into plastic bags for family and neighbors to untangle and comb into bundles she sells to middlemen.

Among them is Win Ko, who loads the hair on a truck for a drive of several hours to Myanmar’s border town of Muse, where about a dozen Chinese traders wait.

“You just pick and choose one you like and he arranges for you to sell to Chinese buyers,” said Win Ko.

Sensing Za Za Lin’s sadness at losing her hair, the buyer, Zin Mar, the owner of Thiha Hair Purchasing and Sales, offered sympathy. “It’s like getting paid to get a haircut,” she said.

The post ‘Shines With the Color of Pearls’: Myanmar’s Trade in Human Hair Booms appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

India’s War on Red Tape is Working, Says World Bank

Posted: 31 Oct 2018 09:58 PM PDT

NEW DELHI — Long known for its bureaucracy, India has made major strides in improving prospects for businesses in the country, the World Bank said in a report on Wednesday.

India rose 23 places to 77th in the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business Index for 2019, up from 100th in 2018 and 130th in 2017, when it was ranked lower than Iran and Uganda.

The two-year jump is the second largest for any country on the index, to the delight of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist government as it prepares for an election due to be held by next May.

“We are incentivizing those who are doing honest business,” Ramesh Abhishek, an official in the industries department of Modi’s government, told a news conference on Wednesday.

India improved on six of the 10 metrics tracked by the World Bank, including obtaining credit and construction permits.

The average import into the country spent less than 100 hours being checked for compliance at the border, the World Bank said, down from more than 250 hours a year previously.

India’s centrally planned economy in the years after independence was renowned for the complex system of permits required to run a business in the country.

But in recent years, particularly since Modi was elected in 2014, the government has enticed foreign companies including Apple and Ikea to open factories and stores after years of delays.

The post India’s War on Red Tape is Working, Says World Bank appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

German Firms Urged to Cut Dependence on China

Posted: 31 Oct 2018 09:45 PM PDT

BERLIN — A new strategy paper from Germany’s influential BDI industry federation calls on firms to reduce their dependence on the Chinese market, according to a draft seen by Reuters, in a sign of rising concern over Beijing’s state-driven economic model.

The 25-page China position paper from the Federation of German Industries (BDI), which is due to be published in January, argues that a long-promised opening of the Chinese market is unlikely to take place and voices concern about rising Communist party control over society and the economy.

Entitled “Partner and Systemic Competitor — How to cope with China’s state-driven economic model,” the paper makes clear that German firms cannot afford to turn their backs on China.

But, in an unusual step, it urges them to reassess their presence there, while offering numerous recommendations for the German government and European Union.

The BDI is Germany’s main business lobby group and although its proposals do not always translate directly into policy, they carry significant weight.

“Despite the attractiveness of the Chinese market, it will be increasingly important for companies to closely examine the risks of their engagement in China and to minimize their dependence by diversifying supply chains, production sites and sales markets,” reads the draft, which is being vetted by BDI members and could change before publication.

A spokesman for the BDI later confirmed that the group was working on a China paper but said it was still at an early stage.

Bilateral trade between Germany and China hit a record 188 billion euros ($213 billion) last year. And big German firms, notably carmakers like Volkswagen, Daimler and BMW, depend heavily on the fast-growing Chinese market.

But while their presence there was once seen as a strength, it is now unsettling German politicians and industry as Beijing asserts control over the economy under President Xi Jinping.

Skepticism is growing despite recent steps by China to open up its economy, including allowing Germany’s BASF to invest in a major chemical site and BMW to take control of its main joint venture in China, a first for a foreign carmaker.

Another worry is the escalating trade conflict between the United States and China, which risks putting Germany — and Europe — in the awkward position of having to choose between its top two economic partners.

Range of problems

The paper cites a range of problems for German firms operating in China, from forced technology transfer and failures to protect intellectual property to arbitrary customs decisions and unequal access to licenses and financing.

It calls for closer coordination on China strategy within the German government and between the EU and like-minded partners, including the United States.

It also argues for a new EU instrument to prevent state-subsidized takeovers, including requiring Chinese firms to present accounts based on internationally agreed standards when acquiring European firms so their ownership structures and financing can be vetted.

The BDI calls on the EU to develop its own ambitious industrial strategy for 2030, an echo of Beijing’s “Made in China 2025” plan, which prioritizes development of key industry sectors, from robotics and aerospace to clean-energy cars.

It argues for a bigger EU budget — including a doubling of R&D spending — to support investments in infrastructure, education and innovation.

“We are facing a systemic competition between our open markets approach and China’s state-driven economic model,” the paper reads. “We need a broad discussion across politics, society and industry about this challenge.”

Responding to the story, Volker Treier, foreign trade chief at the German chambers of commerce and industry, warned against putting forward any strategy that “pushes China into a corner.”

The BDI makes clear in the paper that German industry has no interest in “fencing in” China. But it also supports a firm response to China’s attempts to reshape the liberal global order.

It describes the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Xi’s ambitious plan to connect China to Europe, Africa and beyond via transport links and trade deals, as an attempt by Beijing to build geopolitical influence and shape third markets according to its own interests.

To counter this influence, the BDI calls for a “diplomatic offensive” from Berlin and Brussels towards countries in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, Southeast Asia and Africa.

The post German Firms Urged to Cut Dependence on China appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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