Ye Ni: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss the responsibility and position of the youth in the democratic transition, and the communication between them and older generations. Ma Thinzar Shunlei Yi, a youth advocate from Action Committee for Democracy Development, and poet Maung Saung Kha from Freedom of Expression Activist Organization join me to discuss this. I am Ye Ni, editor of The Irrawaddy Burmese.
We will base our discussion on a Reuters article published by The Irrawaddy. I have read in the article you said that as a youth, you admired and had high hopes for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, but now you have lost your idol. Can you explain this? Why did you admire her and why do you now feel like you have lost her?
Thinzar Shunlei Yi: It is fair to say I am a completely new face in politics. My family and all my relatives are not interested in politics at all. I used to have a negative view of politicians and activists. Then I reached a certain age and got many friends. They taught me about the situation on the ground, the living conditions and difficulties of ethnic people and ongoing armed conflicts. I've learned a lot from them. My standpoint has changed based on what I learned from them and from my experiences during trips inside and outside the country. I became more interested in the life of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who faced years of house arrest for democracy. I studied a lot about her character and what she said as she is admired by a lot of young people. I found that her standpoints were similar to what I believe in and what I want. I started to admire her. As she is also a woman, I made her my idol. My current life as a democracy activist is largely based on what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi experienced, said and taught us during her democratic struggle. It is fair to say that today I can speak here due to her standpoints and sharing of knowledge with us. I am clear about the path I am taking because it is based on my faith. I inherited that faith from our seniors, prisoners of conscience and activists starting from Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who sacrificed herself in 1988 pro-democracy uprising. I inherited them from my faith in democracy and human rights and I adopted those norms as my yardstick. Today, I still use the same yardstick. After the new government took office, we have seen clearly that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her cabinet have changed and it goes against my norms. I am confused—I feel as if my yardstick is wrong or if what I've learned is wrong or that I need to bend my yardstick. Ultimately, I decided to cling to my norms. I believe in those values, and that my leaders, my idols and those who have sacrificed their lives would want to a youth who cherishes those values. That's why I feel like I have lost my idol, and I've shared these feelings with the public.
YN: The view of the older generations of the ruling National League for Democracy is that the younger generation is impatient while there is a need to communicate with all the sides including the military, ethnic groups and the international community during the democratic transition. Ko Saung Kha, do you agree with the view of the older generations?
Saung Kha: It is not that we are impatient; we have mainly pointed out the things that the government can do easily. It is not that we are pressing unreasonable demands without understanding politics. We know well the extent the government can perform within the authority granted by the constitution. I would like to give the example of the notorious Telecommunications Law. People think that it was amended on August 29, 2017. In fact, it was not changed at all. Reducing the penalty is not amending the law. The law will continue to have negative impacts unless its original definition is changed. There have been 62 cases of people being charged under the Telecommunications Law, even after it was amended. There have been that many cases within one year. It is found that in over half of those cases, the charges were pressed by the government and lawmakers. Therefore, it's questionable whether they have chosen not to amend the law in order to use it as a deterrent to criticism. This law is targeted at those who criticize the government and the military online. Similarly, there is peaceful assembly and procession law that can restrict protest marches and assemblies. That law should in fact be formulated by the government in order to protect demonstrators and ensure the people's right to protest. But if it provides allowances to restrict protests at any time, it is not a democratic law at all. Currently, 17 youths including Ma Thinzar Shunlei Yi and I are facing trial at Bahan Township Court for demonstrations that called for the rescue of civilians trapped by fighting in Kachin State. From this, we can say that freedom of expression is seriously at risk. Overall, it is clear that the government failed to do certain things despite having the authority to do so. It is not that we are impatient, we have just continued to make demands in response to the government's ignorance.
YN: Ma Thinzar, what do you think of the youth policy of the NLD government, and what would you want to say about ethnic youth affairs?
TSY: In my experience, many youth organizations made preparations when the new government took office. We have been demanding a youth policy since the previous government and there were confrontations over our demands. We staged protests and the previous government arrested students. We warned the previous government that we would not communicate with it. We had high hopes when the new government took office. We hoped it would appreciate our efforts. In early 2016, when he held talks with the new union minister for social welfare, relief and resettlement of the new government, unbelievably he showed respect for us. He said he has to learn from youths. He showed us respect for our experiences and we also showed our respect to him. It is sufficed to say that we could draft the youth policy in a democratic way. We could convince the ministry to hold consultations with the youth and include their voices in the policy. The youth policy was officially adopted in 2018. There is a problem in designing any new policy or law regarding federalism. Though we have been widely talking about building a federal union, the constitution has yet to be changed. We have a lot of difficulties in considering under which framework we should adopt laws and policies. Though the youths made preparations in consideration of federalism, the policy–when it was approved–was not federal. It also can't be federal due to the existing structure of the country so we had real difficulties. The youth policy, as aspired by the ethnic youths, is different from the policy that the government can approve.
YN: There were always demonstrations in support of democracy and human rights under U Thein Sein's government, but under the new government, only a few people like you continue demonstrations. I have seen on social media that you are criticized for criticizing The Lady, and you are labeled dollar-earners [who benefit from western agencies] and stooges. How do you deal with those criticisms?
SK: Stooges, supporters of western countries, dollar-earners and puppets of the western countries—all are the very words once used by the military regime and those who resist the change against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Why do we continue with our democracy demonstrations? Firstly, we don't do it out of personal interest, we do it because of our belief in principles, rights, human rights and democratic values. If we don't honor those values, we will lose all of them. The mainstream [view] of Myanmar politics is that everything depends on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and she is also criticized for anything that goes wrong. We don't want to participate in that mainstream. Why do we continue our demonstrations? Some people, even including my own friends, said that they accept freedom of expression, but they don't like criticizing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. This concept of people in Myanmar is wrong. When we talk about freedom of expression, we should have greater freedom of expression and criticism, especially regarding the state leaders. Sometimes, if people have real grievances, they will use strong language. This is the right enshrined by freedom of expression. But there are limits. There is a fine line between freedom of expression and hate speech. We can't allow people to use hate speech under the cover of freedom of expression. It is quite complicated. I think the path to democracy will be smoother if these can be handled effectively.
YANGON—A traveling exhibition promoting the virtues of "upcycling" is making a two-week stop in Yangon.
As opposed to recycling, which takes paper, plastic, glass and other material and breaks them down into components from which to make new—often low-quality or similarly disposable—consumer products, upcycling takes discarded items and attempts to fashion them into something enduringly useful or beautiful.
Aiming to raise ecological awareness, the local version of the exhibition, "Pure Gold Myanmar", showcases a collection of upcycled objects created by international and Myanmar designers.
The exhibition opens Saturday at the iconic Secretariat Yangon.
"The major purpose is…to raise this ecological awareness. At the same time, I want to give a platform to local artists and for the local NGOs who are dealing with this topic—upcycling, [or] transforming waste into something valuable and beautiful," said Franz Xaver Augustin, the organizer of the exhibition and director of Goethe Institut Myanmar.
The exhibit features 76 upcycled objects by 53 designers from all over the world, alongside works by Myanmar artists, artisans and designers.
"Upcycling finds a natural home in Myanmar, where many people are already transforming trash into useful, beautiful objects. We've seen a children's playground built entirely out of old tires, deco-lamps from beer bottles, shopping baskets from candy wrappers, and many more remarkable creations that show the ingenuity of the local people," said lead curator Volker Albus at a press event on Friday.
What sets this exhibit apart is that the designers' objects are all made from items that would ordinarily be thrown away.
"Upcycling is different from recycling. Upcycling means transforming waste. Things we can recycle—objects of glass, plastic, paper, etc.—[are transformed] into [something] more precious, which is beautiful and functional at the same time," Augustin said.
Brought to Myanmar from Germany by the Goethe Institut, the exhibition is a major undertaking featuring 76 pieces, which were transported on a container ship. Yangon is the fourth city to host the exhibition following Hamburg, London and Bangkok.
One of the upcycled objects on display at the iconic Secretariat Yangon / Htein Lin
"I have the impression that people are quite aware of the problem of garbage, too much garbage. Consumerism has reached [Myanmar] in the past five, six years," Augustin said.
"Supermarkets are full of things and goods, usually packed in plastic or in glass," he said, adding that the event's organizers aim to "create awareness about the problem of garbage … that will be thrown away. That is one intention of this exhibition."
From decorative sculptures made out of discarded industrial materials to a shelf made of old water heaters, "Pure Gold" showcases the diverse culture and creativity of designers using everyday waste products.
"The objects exhibited at this exhibition are on the way between art and design. Some things are pure art, some things are pure design, and useable objects which could be used anywhere," Augustin said.
Well-known Myanmar artists Ko Htein Lin and Arker Kyaw will join the exhibition, supported by local colleagues Yadanar Win, Aung Myat Htay, Zun Ei, Ma Ei, Ko Latt, Ko Ye, Nge Nge, Kaung Myat Thu, Thiri Wai Maung, Pau San, Sen Sen, Suan Huai, Aye Lwin, Nang Hseng Noon and Sai Puen Kur.
"When I first saw the exhibits, all I can say is, it's so awesome. Every piece is useful and beautiful," said Arker Kyaw.
Arker Kyaw created one of the highlights of "Pure Gold Myanmar," a giant "nagar" installation made of bamboo sticks, reused rice sacks and plastic sheeting.
"In our Myanmar folklore, the nagar is a snake- or dragon-like being with super powers. With this public art, we want to capture the imagination of the people and inspire them to upcycle rubbish," he said.
Upcycling workshops will be held on Dec. 16-19 under the guidance of Prof. Axel Kufus from the Berlin University of the Arts, with support from the artisans and designers of Chu Chu and Hla Day.
The exhibition will held daily from Dec. 15 to Jan. 6, from 10:30 a.m. to 4.30 p.m. daily. The exhibition is open to the public, free-of-charge.
The wife of a man allegedly killed by a Myanmar Army officer seven months ago came face to face with the suspect for the first time in a court in Moulmein, the capital of Mon State, on Dec. 10.
Tin Soe Myint was allegedly killed by Captain Aung Ko Min of Light Infantry Battalion 587 based in Ye Township.
The victim's wife, 36-year-old mother of three Khin Swe Tit, said she wanted to fight for justice for her husband, but could not afford to hire her own lawyer. She had been told she would be provided a government-appointed lawyer but had yet to meet the person, she said.
Khin Swe Tit told The Irrawaddy on Friday she had tried hard to bring the case to a civilian court, even writing letters to the Union president and the Myanmar Human Rights Commission.
She said she initially wanted to summon village authorities allegedly involved in the crime, but they are serving as defense witnesses.
"They [some village authorities] were involved in helping the captain kill my husband. I am worried about how I can win this case, as they act as witnesses for him," Khin Swe Tit said.
She runs a small shop selling gasoline in Thanbyuzayat town, Mon State, to support her two children's education. She earns 4,000 to 6,000 kyats a day. Her youngest is 4 years old, and she is not sure if she can afford to send the child to school, she said.
She said her family lives mostly in Kalegauk Island, Ye Township, but sometimes in Thanbyuzayat Township. Residents of the island are sometimes asked to show ID cards to Myanmar Army personnel, according to the woman.
On May 16, her husband was stopped by Army personnel and asked for his ID card, but he had left it at their home in Thanbyuzayat. So, according to Khin Swe Tit, Captain Aung Ko Min arrested and later tortured and killed him.
At the time of his arrest, Tin Soe Myint was accompanied by his father-in-law, Nai Chan Aye. He is serving as a witness on behalf of Khin Swe Tit. When Capt. Aung Ko Min took the victim to the Army base, he ordered Nai Chan Aye to go home.
Nai Chan Aye told Moulmein-based Mon News Agency that he eventually returned to the Army base where he planned to present a letter from the village head to prove the victim was indeed a resident. However, the victim was already dead, and his body had numerous bullet wounds, including on his legs. By this time, the captain himself had been detained by two senior Army officers and handcuffed to a piece of furniture, said Nai Chan Aye.
Khin Swe Tit said her husband did not know the captain, and had never had any personal problems with him. The captain killed her husband over a missing ID card, she said.
The next court hearing will be on Dec. 18 in Moulmein. The court will hear from the defense first.
"I want to see justice for my husband. [The suspect] is charged with murder. I want him to go to prison," she said.
YANGON—The Myanmar Amy reportedly forced local boat owners to transport troops to the conflict zone in northern Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township, where civilians have been caught in the crossfire in recent clashes with the Arakan Army (AA).
Government soldiers were ambushed by AA guerillas while traveling in five boats from Myo Ma Chaung village to a location on the upper Sai Din River in Buthidaung Township. The area is a popular destination among locals visiting the Sai Din waterfall. Some residents of neighboring Kyar Nyo Pyin village told The Irrawaddy over the phone that a high-ranking officer commandeered five vessels, three owned by Muslims and two belonging to Arakanese.
Arakanese boat driver Aung Kyaw Tun was shot in the hand. Farmer U Thein Maung from Lay Myo village, who spends most of his time farming and working on a plantation near the Sai Din River, said the fighting occurred near his hut. He said 50 soldiers were patrolling the Sai Din River in the five boats. He saw at least three or four soldiers being carried by Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) troops, but it was unclear whether they had been killed. The wounded boat driver has been receiving medical treatment since early this week.
"I have never seen this kind of fighting before," U Thein Maung said. "The artillery explosions were very loud; I just lay on the floor of my hut."
The clash occurred a few miles from Buthidaung Township's Military Operation Command (15) based in Da Pyu Chaung. The Army announced last week that some high-ranking officers and soldiers had been killed in recent clashes with the AA in Buthidaung Township without elaborating.
Adul Wahid, a Muslim resident of Buthidaung's Du Oe Thei Ma village, said Muslim boat owners were forced to transport military personnel to the battlefield. Unconfirmed reports spread among Muslim residents that a military commander had been killed in the fighting with the AA on Monday. Since then, according to the reports, an Army artillery unit had been randomly firing into the mountains.
"As the skirmishes happened in the mountains, villagers were ordered to stay away from the forest," Adul Wahid said.
While the armed clashes broke out near ethnic Rakhine villages, some of the Rohingya villages in the area that were spared during the military's 2017 clearance operations are now frightened of further attacks, Adul Wahid said. Border police and Army troops ordered the Muslim villagers not to visit neighboring Arakanese villages for any reason for a period of time. A curfew has been imposed banning locals from going out at night and gathering.
Army troops and AA rebels fought again the next day near Kan Pyin village, and more than 200 villagers fled to neighboring Say Taung village as shells exploded nearby. U Maung Kyaw Khine from Say Taung told The Irrawaddy over the phone that more than 200 villagers took shelter at Say Taung monastery, but had left by Thursday after being ordered to go home by border police.
Based in Kachin State's Laiza, the AA in early 2015 entered Rakhine State and since established a secure foothold in areas on Myanmar's western border. The AA and two allied non-signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, the Ta'ang Nationalities Liberation Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army announced after meeting with members of the government's Peace Commission on Wednesday in China's Yunnan Province that they are willing to stop fighting the military and re-enter peace talks led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
YANGON—The US House of Representatives declared crimes committed against the Rohingya Muslim minority as genocide on Wednesday, in a resolution which received an overwhelming bipartisan vote of 394 to one.
This comes just months after the US State Department in September released a report documenting widespread acts of violence against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine State in western Myanmar which stopped short of labeling the atrocities as genocide.
"With this resolution, the House will take the important step of naming the atrocities committed against the Rohingya people in Burma what they are: genocide," said Chairman Ed Royce to the House earlier this week.
More than 700,000 Rohingya people fled Rakhine to neighboring Bangladesh last year amid clearance operations by government security forces following Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army's (ARSA's) serial attacks on police outposts. The Myanmar government has denounced ARSA as a terrorist organization. Those who made it to refugee camps in Cox's Bazaar, Bangladesh accused the security forces of rape, arbitrary killings and arson.
Ed Royce told the Voice of America about the importance of this resolution and the need to hold Burmese military and security leaders accountable for their atrocities.
"We want to send the message with one voice to those who are involved in this that 'you will be held accountable.' And we want to put things in motion so that the international community understands the gravity of it," he said.
A UN fact-finding mission in August said Myanmar's military carried out mass killings and gang rapes of Rohingya with "genocidal intent" and the military chief and five generals should be prosecuted for orchestrating the gravest crimes under law.
International human rights organizations, including Amnesty International, also called for the referral of the generals to the International Criminal Court.
The Myanmar military has denied all accusations, saying their troops followed the rules of engagement.
The Myanmar government has set up an independent commission led by international experts to investigate whether human rights abuses were committed as accused. The commission on Wednesday made a public request for evidence of atrocities to be submitted to them.
NAYPYITAW—The Union Parliament on Thursday voted down the government's proposal to receive loans worth 70 million euros ($79.3 million) from the French Development Agency (AFD).
Just 34 votes were in favor of the proposal and 497 against, with six abstentions despite the deputy minister for planning and finance attempting to convince lawmakers that the project would ultimately benefit Yangon residents and saying that the government has already spent almost two years preparing the project.
The loans, according to the Yangon Region government, was to be used to upgrade parks and markets, build car parking facilities, develop riverfront areas, conserve cultural heritage sites and dredge the Nga Moe Yeik Creek, an undeveloped waterway in Yangon that the regional government believes could be used for public transport.
With the interest rate being low and the country getting 32 years before having to repay the debt, the loan seems to be attractive, but lawmakers have opposed the proposal because the Yangon regional government could not clarify details of how funds from the loan would be used, said Lower House lawmaker Daw Khin San Hlaing.
Lawmakers have complained that the Yangon regional government failed to provide in its proposal details about the breakdown of the budget and timeframe to be applied to each project, or their advantages.
"We need to be very careful about loans. We already have been bearing the heavy burden of debt. Some of the projects were successful, but many projects barely had an impact in spite of large sums of money spent on them," said Daw Khin San Hlaing.
"We turned it down because [the Yangon regional government] could not present the precise data and information requested by the Parliament," said another lawmaker Daw Yin Min Hlaing.
Lawmakers were critical of the five-year project (2019-2023) since the deputy minister for planning and finance gave details about what was to be called the Transport, Waterways and Urban Heritage Project in November.
Yangon Region lawmaker U Khin Maung Maung of the ruling National League for Democracy then complained that Yangon doesn't even have enough street lights and that roads are potholed and become flooded when the rains come due to a failing drainage system.
As a result, the plan was shelved. Later, the Yangon Region government discussed the plans with the Joint Public Accounts Committee of the Union Parliament, which also endorsed the suspension.
YANGON — Myanmar's economic growth is expected to slow from 6.8 percent in 2017-18 to 6.2 percent in 2018-19 and face potential risks to recovery, according to the World Bank's latest country report, released Thursday.
Growth is projected to recover to 6.6 percent by 2020-21, “helped by recent policy changes such as the adoption of the Myanmar Sustainable Development Plan, liberalization of wholesale and retail trade, implementation of the Myanmar Companies Law and large investments in infrastructure projects including those related to the Belt and Road Initiative,” the bank said.
But it warned that it foresaw risks from intensifying impacts of the Rakhine crisis, domestic macroeconomic imbalances and the possible repeal of the Generalized Scheme of Preferences by the European Union and a possible slowdown in global growth.
The World Bank said that from April through October macroeconomic volatility intensified in Myanmar. The kyat depreciated significantly — by 18 percent against the U.S. dollar — having an impact on inflation, which, the report said, “is expected to climb from 5.5 percent in 2017-18 to 8.8 percent in 2018-19, driven by exchange rate pass-through and rising food prices.”
According to the World Bank, “depreciation was triggered by global factors such as the possibility of faster-than-anticipated monetary policy normalization in the US. The depreciation was accelerated by Myanmar specific factors such as the continued reliance on FDI [Foreign Direct Investment] flows for financing the current account deficit and a thin foreign exchange market that means that few and relatively small transactions can significantly move the exchange rate.”
It said industrial growth was also “expected to moderate to 8.2 percent in 2018-19 from 9.4 percent in 2017-18, on the back of softening consumption, slowing investment including FDI, and rising production cost pressure from fuel price increases and the depreciation of the kyat.”
“Services sector growth is expected to moderate to 7.6 percent in 2018-19 from 8.3 percent in 2017-18. A slowdown in the tourism and transport sectors is offsetting continued robust growth in telecommunications services and wholesale and retail trade. Despite seasonal floods and landslides, agriculture output is projected to grow at 1.2 percent in 2018-19 with strong external demand driving up paddy prices.”
According to the World Bank, Myanmar’s “current account deficit has improved, supported by rising garment exports but also a slowdown in growth of imports. The current account deficit declined from 5.5 percent of GDP (US$ 3.5 billion) in 2016-17 to 2.6 percent of GDP (US$ 1.7 billion) in 2017-18 and is projected to narrow further in 2018-19. The trade deficit narrowed from 8.5 percent of GDP in 2016-17 to 5.7 percent of GDP in 2017-18, driven by rapid increase in exports from 16.8 percent of GDP to 20.2 percent of GDP, driven by rapid growth of garment exports.
“Imports increased marginally in the same period, with investment goods imports declining by 6 percent in 2017-18 due to declining industrial investment and moderation in construction activity, while the value of imports of petroleum products increased by 43 percent in 2017-18 due to higher fuel prices. Lower profit repatriation and higher (recorded) workers' remittances also helped narrow the current account deficit.”
The World Bank said “new FDI commitments declined by 14 percent in 2017-18 compared to 2016-17, and by over 50 percent in the first half of 2018-19 as compared to the same period in 2017-18.” However, it added that it was too early to conclude that FDI commitments were in sustained decline.
“Investors and observers believe that the recent slowdown in commitments may reflect uncertainty in the investment climate related to the Rakhine crisis and weak reform momentum,” the report said.
However, the World Bank also predicted a medium-term macroeconomic recovery by 2020-21 “driven by an expected pickup in foreign and domestic investment responding to recent policy measures such as the opening of retail and wholesale sectors, services sector liberalization, loosening restrictions on foreign bank lending and continued implementation of the Companies Act.
“Construction activity is also expected to accelerate in response to a pickup in Belt and Road Initiative-related project activities.”
A recent survey by the European Chamber of Commerce in Myanmar found that 81 percent of responding firms had lost confidence in the government's management of the economy.
According to World Bank's latest ease of doing business index, Myanmar showed no improvement in its overall ranking, retaining the No. 171 spot it held last year and remaining the least favorable ASEAN member country in which to conduct business.
According to a second-quarter 2018 survey by the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry, most of the businesses that responded said they were performing significantly worse than the year before. It also found that business confidence had dropped 25 percent over the past year.
The survey listed 10 main factors in the decline: higher taxation and tariffs; restrictions on financing and banking; depreciation of the kyat; unstable economic rules and regulations; lack of market demand; delays in import and export procedures; increases in local costs and inflation; foreign competition; a lack of skilled human resources; and poor infrastructure.
BEIJING — Canadian businessman Michael Spavor, who worked with North Korea, is being investigated on suspicion of harming China’s security, China said on Thursday, days after a former Canadian diplomat was detained in an escalating diplomatic row.
The state security bureau in the northeastern Chinese city of Dandong, which borders North Korea, has been investigating Spavor since Dec. 10, an official news site for the Liaoning Province government said.
It gave no further details.
The announcement follows the detention in Beijing on Monday of former diplomat Michael Kovrig, who works for the International Crisis Group (ICG).
State media in China has reported Kovrig is being investigated on the same charges.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Lu Kang, asked about Spavor’s detention, said both he and Kovrig were suspected of harming national security, reiterating state media announcements.
“The legal rights and interests of these two Canadians have been safeguarded,” Lu told a daily news briefing. “These two cases are in the process of being investigated separately.”
The Canadian Embassy has been notified of the detentions, he added, declining to provide further details of the investigations.
Lu said he had not heard of any other cases of Canadians being investigated.
China has reacted angrily to Canada’s arrest on Dec. 1 of Chinese executive Meng Wanzhou, the chief financial officer of Huawei Technologies, and Spavor’s investigation is likely to escalate the diplomatic row.
Meng’s arrest was made at Washington’s request. She has been accused by U.S. prosecutors of misleading banks about transactions linked to Iran, putting the banks at risk of violating sanctions.
Officials say China had not tied Kovrig’s detention to Meng’s arrest, though Canadian diplomatic experts have said they have no doubt the two cases are linked.
Asked if Meng’s release would see the two Canadians released, Lu reiterated that Meng’s arrest was mistaken action and Canada should immediately let her go.
He said authorities had taken measures “according to the law” in the Canadians’ cases, and China welcomed foreign visitors, and they had nothing to fear so long as they obeyed the law.
Hu Xijin, editor of the state-backed Global Times, a nationalistic tabloid, said on the Weibo social media platform the Chinese government would never concede that the Canadians’ detentions were related to Meng’s case.
“But the use of a complete set of laws to prove the rationale for arrest is one and the same as what the U.S. and Canada did to Meng Wanzhou,” he wrote.
Phone calls, messages and emails to Spavor went unanswered.
North Korea links
Friends of Spavor told Reuters he was due to fly out of Dalian, in Liaoning Province, on a Korean Air flight to South Korea at 2:05 p.m. on Monday but had not arrived.
Kovrig and Spavor were acquainted, according to people who know them, although there has been no official indication from China that their cases are linked or are related to North Korea.
Kovrig had carried out research on China’s diplomatic ties to North Korea in his work on security issues for the ICG, a think-tank focusing on conflict resolution.
Spavor, who is based in Dandong, is the head of Paektu Cultural Exchange, a China- and UK-based non-profit social enterprise.
The group says on its website it is “dedicated to facilitating sustainable cooperation, cross-cultural exchanges, activities, trade, and investment” with North Korea.
It also says it maintains an “array of contacts” within North Korea and is “nonpolitical.”
Spavor has acted as a translator and facilitator for former U.S. National Basketball Association star Dennis Rodman on trips to North Korea and shared Long Island Iced Teas with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un on board one of his private boats after they went jet-skiing in 2013.
More recently, he has been trying to facilitate investment in North Korea in anticipation of sanctions being lifted, often hosting both North Korean officials and potential investors at his office in Dandong, as well as on trips inside North Korea, Spavor told Reuters in earlier interviews.
A U.S.-based friend of his told Reuters that Spavor was involved in a few projects in North Korea, including sporting exchanges and trying to broker investment, though given U.N. sanctions that was a challenge.
“It was as far as I know pretty anodyne stuff,” the friend said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
“He is a very gregarious, affable guy and Korea watchers know him and like him. North Koreans seem to like him a lot too. I’m not sure what he could have done to get in this sort of situation.”
China’s Foreign Ministry suggested on Wednesday that Kovrig might have broken laws on non-governmental organizations if he was conducting work in China for the ICG, which is not registered.
Reuters could not find a registration for Spavor’s group on government databases for NGOs or social enterprises.
WASHINGTON — The U.S. House of Representatives called nearly unanimously on Thursday for the government of Myanmar to release Reuters journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, who were imprisoned one year ago in a landmark free speech case.
House members voted by 394 to 1 for a resolution calling for the release of Wa Lone, 32, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 28, who were found guilty in September of violating Myanmar’s Official Secrets Act and sentenced to seven years in prison. The case has raised questions among a number of political leaders in the United States and Europe, human rights advocates and the United Nations about Myanmar’s progress towards democracy.
The measure is non-binding, but intended as a strong message to the government of Myanmar, also known as Burma, as well as to President Donald Trump’s administration that members of the U.S. Congress want the two men released.
The resolution also calls the Myanmar military’s campaign against the country’s Rohingya Muslim minority a genocide. In a report issued on Aug. 27, U.N. investigators said Myanmar's military carried out mass killings and gang rapes of Rohingya with “genocidal intent” and for the first time explicitly called for Myanmar officials to face genocide charges over their campaign.
The U.S. Department of State, which would make an official determination, has not made that official designation using the term genocide.
The Myanmar Embassy in Washington did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the House of Representatives vote.
The military in Myanmar, where Buddhism is the main religion, has denied past accusations that it had committed genocide against the Rohingya and says its actions were part of a fight against terrorism.
The one “no” vote came from Representative Andy Biggs, a Republican from Arizona. Asked to comment on Biggs' vote, Daniel Stefanski, a spokesman for the congressman, did not directly address the question but said the Myanmar military's “continuing oppression of the Rohingya is inhumane” and called on the Trump administration “to use maximum diplomatic pressure to end the genocide and demand the release of the two journalists.”
The reporters, who pleaded not guilty, said they were handed papers by police shortly before they were detained, and a police witness testified that they had been set up. They had been investigating the killing of 10 Rohingya men and boys as part of a military response to insurgent attacks.
Lawyers for the two Reuters reporters have lodged an appeal against their conviction and sentence. An appeal hearing is scheduled for Dec. 24.
Among other things, the House resolution also condemns attacks against civilians by the Burmese military and calls on Trump to impose additional sanctions on senior members of the Burmese military and security forces it says are responsible for human rights abuses.
The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
NEW YORK — A near-record number of journalists around the world are behind bars for their work, including two Reuters reporters whose imprisonment in Myanmar has drawn international criticism, according to a report released on Thursday.
There were 251 journalists jailed for doing their jobs as of Dec. 1, the Committee to Protect Journalists said in an annual study. For the third consecutive year, more than half are in Turkey, China and Egypt, where authorities have accused reporters of anti-governmental activities.
“It looks like a trend now,” the report’s author, Elana Beiser, said in an interview. “It looks like the new normal.”
The number of journalists imprisoned on charges of “false news” rose to 28, up from 21 last year and nine in 2016, according to the CPJ, a U.S.-based nonprofit that promotes press freedom.
The report criticized U.S. President Donald Trump for frequently characterizing negative media coverage as “fake news,” a phrase that is also used by leaders against their critics in countries like the Philippines and Turkey.
The study was published the same week that Time magazine named several journalists as its annual “Person of the Year.”
That group included Reuters reporters Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, who were imprisoned one year ago on Wednesday, and Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, who was killed at the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul two months ago.
Wa Lone, 32, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 28, were found guilty in September of violating Myanmar’s Official Secrets Act and sentenced to seven years in prison. They had been investigating the massacre of 10 Rohingya Muslim men and boys amid an army crackdown that has driven hundreds of thousands of refugees into Bangladesh.
Lawyers for the two Reuters reporters have lodged an appeal against their conviction and sentence.
Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi has said the jailing of the reporters had nothing to do with freedom of expression. In comments made the week after their conviction, she said they were sentenced for handling official secrets and “were not jailed because they were journalists.”
Turkey remains the world’s worst offender against press freedom, the CPJ said, with at least 68 journalists imprisoned for anti-state charges. At least 25 journalists are in prison in Egypt.
Turkey has previously said its crackdown is justified because of an attempted coup to overthrow the government in 2016. Egypt has said its actions to limit dissent are directed at militants trying to undermine the state, which saw a popular uprising in 2011 topple the county’s longtime leader Hosni Mubarak.
Asked about journalists being jailed, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Lu Kang said: “Legal measures are not taken because of these suspects’ or criminals’ professions. This is unrelated.”
The overall number of jailed journalists is down 8 percent from last year’s record high of 272, the CPJ said.
The total does not take into account journalists who have disappeared or are being held by non-state actors. The CPJ said there are dozens of reporters missing or kidnapped in the Middle East and North Africa, including several held by Houthi rebels in Yemen.
YANGON—American sculptor Jim McNails still remembers the moment he was thrown into the street by security guards at the Myanmar Embassy in Bangkok after a staffer behind the counter rejected his visa application.
It was 2006. The trip he had planned was not his first; he had been visiting the country since 1998.
This time, however, the embassy official snapped, "No visa!" When the sculptor asked him why, the man behind the counter said simply, "Problem!"
Before he had time to realize that he had been blacklisted by the military regime, McNails was escorted out into the street by security guards.
A caricature sculpture of former Myanmar dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe by Jim McNails. / Photo supplied
"I didn't expect that kind of friendly welcome," he jokingly recalled 12 years later. The reason for the visa denial was a very unflattering caricature sculpture McNails had made of Myanmar's then junta supremo Senior General Than Shwe.
The 77-year-old American artist has long been an advocate of Myanmar's democracy movement. Among the movement's supporters outside the country he is best known for his sculpture series "Democracy Heroes of Burma", which features personalities like Daw Aung San Suu Kyi; veteran journalist and democracy activist U Win Tin; Dr. Cynthia Maung, director of the Mae Tao Clinic on the Thai-Myanmar border; and student leader Min Ko Naing. At the same time, he has developed a reputation as a caricaturist, creating sculptures that ridicule dictators like Snr-Gen Than Shwe and North Korea's Kim Jong Il.
He first became interested in Myanmar in 1989 when he stumbled into a refugee camp in Mae Hong Son near the Thai-Myanmar border. He was amazed by what he witnessed there and has been interested in Myanmar issues ever since.
Jim McNails' sculpture of former North Korean leader Kim Jong Il on his DIC (Defensive Inter Continental) missile. / Photo supplied
It wasn't until he visited the country for the first time in 1998 that he realized how awful the regime was and how it impacted people's lives. When he first saw Snr-Gen Than Shwe's picture, the sculptor recognized in his features what he describes as the arrogance all dictators have: The belief that, "This is my country. I'll do what I want with it."
"The last thing they'd ever experience is humiliation or being ridiculed. That's where I came in," he said.
McNails started working on his caricature of the then dictator in around 2000 or 2001. He believes that caricature has the power to grab people's attention.
"And then if you can invest humor in it, they will carry it away with them," he added.
As it turned out, however, his subject failed to see the beauty, or get much joy, from McNail's creations.
Jim McNails' other works include caricatures of former US President Barack Obama and Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama. / Photo supplied
One portrayed Snr-Gen Than Shwe as a pig wearing a cap emblazoned with an SS-like skull. The other showed him as a horned figure clad in a uniform festooned with a chest full of medals engraved with initials like B, C, E and M. (As McNails explains, that's B for Brutality, C for Consigned and Child Labor, E for Evils yet to be committed and M for Murder.) To complete the image, the dictator sports cloven hooves and a tail. The title of the work is "Than Satan".
"All that tells the story. If you turn it around, you see he holds a blade behind his back. You know… it's deceitful," he explained.
When the sculptures were complete, he took pictures of them and emailed them to the military, government agencies and major businesses run by military cronies in Myanmar. The pictures appeared in The Irrawaddy Magazine in the early 2000s and were then secretly reprinted elsewhere in Myanmar, and also appeared in the U.S. and in Europe, calling attention to the bigger story behind the caricatures. This was too much for the military regime, which banned McNails from the country.
"Most people think caricatures are cartoons for children. [But] it's really powerful and it can get you blacklisted by a country," he said.
Caricatures of famous Myanmar comedians the Moustache Brothers. / Photo supplied
The "Democracy Heroes of Burma" series began with a sculpture of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. He started it in 1998 after his first trip to the country because he found her interesting and inspiring as an imprisoned woman facing down a most brutal military dictatorship.
"That's worth investing all my time and talent, to see if I can capture her [likeness] and make it a benefit to her and Burma and anybody else. That's what I had in mind and heart what I was doing that," he recalled, using the country's former name. McNails got the chance to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in person in 2011, and had the honor of installing his bust of her in the living room of her Yangon home the following year.
The "Democracy Heroes of Burma" sculptures are occasionally put on display outside Myanmar, and McNails uses them as a way to educate people about the country. When people come into his studio in Florida to see Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's sculpture, they ask about her.
"Then I get to tell them about her and Burma, rather than getting out and saying, 'You've got to listen to me! This is important!'" he said.
McNails sees all the dictators and democracy heroes he has sculpted and caricatured—from Myanmar and elsewhere, including North Korea and Russia—as illustrations of good and evil.
Jim McNails in Yangon in December 2018. / Myo Min Soe
"Oil and water are completely different, but the common denominator is power and the impact they have," he explained.
"I can't imagine what goes through somebody like Than Shwe or somebody hideous. They have no empathy for you and your family. And it's just amazing how [another person] can make us better than we are, like…Daw Aung San Suu Kyi…the Dalai Lama… By being exposed to them and how they think, you have improved as a person," he explained.
McNails has just finished a book, "Nobility of the Human Spirit", about his discovery of who Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is, what inspired him to make that sculpture and the impact it had on him, and his meeting with her.
When it comes to the international criticism she is now facing for failing to use her moral authority to speak out about the Rohingya issue, he said he feels a great sympathy for the position she is in today, as people outside don't have a deep understanding of Myanmar.
Currently, the military-drafted Constitution gives armed forces members control of key ministries and a quarter of the seats in Parliament.
"The outside world thinks [Myanmar has] a civilian government [that is] democratically elected, [and that] Suu Kyi is in charge… You know, it's basically a military regime!" he said.
Many observers of the peace process were pleased by the Myanmar Peace Commission's announcement that an alliance of three ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) would join the process.
The peace deal between the Myanmar Army and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), Arakan Army (AA) and the Kokang-based Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) is the result of about two years of negotiations in China. The talks were stalled for a long time over the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw)'s insistence on using the word "disarm" in the final statement.
The three EAOs have a genuine desire to participate in the peace process—instead of using arms—to solve political conflicts, according to the commission's statement, which was published after the three groups issued their own joint statement saying they welcomed the Union government's positive steps toward peace and national reconciliation.
Their statement said the three groups wished to solve political conflict through dialogue. They said they would halt military operations, and hoped the Myanmar Army would do the same in order to work for peace.
Some peace observers are puzzled by the Myanmar Army's decision to sign an agreement with these three groups. The Army has been bitterly opposed to them for a long time. Many government troops have died fighting them, especially in the Kokang region and in northern Shan State, in recent years. The Myanmar Army earlier called them terrorists.
The three EAOs were formed after Myanmar embarked on political reforms under the democratically elected government. The Myanmar Army refused to recognize the three armed groups, rejecting the idea that they needed to fight for ethnic rights under a democratic government.
There are several reasons for the Army's reluctance over the years to recognize these groups. One is that it would not be simple for them to return to their ethnic regions if they were recognized by the Myanmar Army. For example, the AA might one day be able to return to the Arakan region, but they are currently based in Laiza, Kachin State.
Also, the three armed groups are militarily strong. For example, the TNLA has about 6,000 armed forces, while the AA has about 4,000.
And while they formed relatively recently, their ground fighting skills are good; the Myanmar Army suffers a lot of casualties whenever it fights against them. Bringing them back to the negotiating table is a positive development, but it remains to be seen whether the fighting can be brought to an end any time soon in northern Shan and Arakan State.
The peace process in Myanmar depends heavily on the approval of the Myanmar Army, despite the lead role played by the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government at peace talks. We all should welcome the Peace Commission's move, however.
There are many things the Myanmar Army will need to change if it wants peace. But the peace process is almost at a standstill now that the Karen National Union has suspended its participation. Tensions mounted recently when the Myanmar Army told the ethnic armed groups they need to promise not to secede from the Union, and that there can be only one army in the country.
The KNU is unhappy with the Tatmadaw's influence over peace negotiations. The Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) has also announced that it will not attend Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee meetings, as it feels there is not a level playing field when it comes to negotiating peace.
Many ethnic armed groups have been asking the Myanmar Army for a long time to let the three armed groups participate in the peace process. The Peace Commission's acceptance of the three could be good for the peace process as a whole, as it may encourage the KNU to return. However, there could be political issues behind the acceptance of the three groups.
Fighting has been frequent recently in northern Shan State between rival ethnic armed groups; the Tatmadaw has stayed away from this fighting. The RCSS has fought with an alliance of the TNLA and the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP). Fighting between rival EAOs boosts the Myanmar Army's image, as in the past most clashes have involved the Tatmadaw fighting with one or more EAOs.
If the TNLA reaches a bilateral agreement and signs the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement with the Myanmar government, there will likely be even more fighting between the TNLA and the RCSS over territory. In this way, the Myanmar Army may not have to fight their enemies, but can simply allow rival ethnic armed groups to kill each other; but this looks bad for the country.
Another reason for the Tatmadaw's past reluctance is that these three armed groups are members of the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), led by the United Wa State Army. The FPNCC has seven members including the Kachin Independence Army, the National Democratic Alliance Army and the SSPP. If the three armed groups are allowed to participate in the peace process, the Myanmar Army and the government may think that the rest of the FPNCC members will automatically follow.
NAYPYITAW—Myanmar's army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has warned that internal and external opposition elements and some organizations are resorting to various ways of restricting the role the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) is playing in the country.
"They are even attempting to break up the Tatmadaw," said the army chief in his address at the graduation of the 20th intake of students at the Defense Services Technological Academy in Mandalay Region's Pyin Oo Lwin on Wednesday.
He did not, however, clarify which particular organizations are doing so.
The Tatmadaw has had to take a role in the politics of the country, the army chief said, due to the stances of armed organizations that were born with independence in Myanmar in 1948.
"The Tatmadaw has to take part in the political leadership role to prevent the multi-party democracy, which is desired by the people, from getting lost as the country has not been able to fully restore rule of law and stability," he said.
Reiterating his ambition of establishing a standard army, he also highlighted the military's role in national defense.
There have been international examples that show military break-ups always lead to political, economic and social failures, thereby contributing to insecurity in the lives and property of the public as well as in national sovereignty and territorial integrity, added the army chief.
Military-civil relations analyst U Khin Zaw Win said that the army chief's speech was just a formality which successive military leaders have been giving since the time of the late dictator Gen. Ne Win who staged the 1962 coup.
"They are used to speaking like that. In my view, nobody inside or outside the country is trying to break [the Tatmadaw] up. I don't think so. Myanmar is confronted by many challenges, but I don't think any of them are targeted at the Tatmadaw," he said.
However, there have been calls from international rights groups to refer Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to the International Criminal Court in response to allegations of human rights violations committed by the military in northern Rakhine State.
"The Tatmadaw has concerns. It is concerned that a new civil war may break out. They have concerns because of past events. That's the reason behind such a speech," said U Thein Tun Oo, executive director of Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, a think-tank formed by ex-Tatmadaw members.
MANDALAY — In September Myanmar signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with China to establish the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor, part of Beijing’s sprawling Belt and Road Initiative.
The initiative will link China with some 65 other countries that together account for more than 30 percent of global GDP and 62 percent of the world’s population.
While the Chinese government calls the initiative a bid to enhance regional connectivity, critics see it as a push for Chinese dominance in global affairs and for a China-centered trading network.
Mandalay Region Finance and Planning Minister U Myat Thu is a member of a joint committee established to oversee the corridor’s development. The Irrawaddy’s Myat Pyae Phyo spoke with him about what Myanmar was doing to manage the potential risks and rewards.
What is the Myanmar government doing regarding China's Belt and Road Initiative?
The China-Myanmar Economic Corridor is part of the initiative. The Myanmar government has formed a central committee as well as a joint committee to establish the economic corridor. The committee consists of Union-level ministers as well as the planning and finance ministers of the five regions and states — Yangon, Mandalay, Shan, Rakhine and Irrawaddy — that the corridor will pass through.
The Union [planning and finance] minister last week discussed with us the proposed rail and motor road projects of the economic corridor project. He said China proposed implementing about 40 projects, but finally the two sides tentatively agreed to implement about nine projects as part of the economic corridor project.
One of the important projects is the Muse-Mandalay railroad and motor road that will pass through northern Shan State and Mandalay. A memorandum of understanding has been signed for it. It is likely to be implemented before 2020, after a feasibility study is conducted. Other projects still need detailed discussions.
What are those nine projects?
The minister didn't tell us the details. But I guess they are mainly about infrastructure. It seems to me that the government doesn't want to place a debt burden on younger generations.
Again, the giver gives us grants and low-interest-rate loans because it will benefit in the future. So I think the leaders have chosen the nine projects that are most appropriate for us in consideration of that. It is important that we don't act hastily. So detailed discussions will be had before memoranda of understanding are signed to implement those projects according to order of priority.
What is China's focus in its proposal to the Myanmar government about the economic corridor project?
Mainly it wants to have ocean exits for its landlocked provinces. And it wants to trade the products of those landlocked provinces through us. And it will also bring the energy it bought from international countries through this route as well as the Kyaukphyu deep-sea port [in Rakhine State]. From a political point of view, it wants to have access to the Indian Ocean.
How should the government and local businessmen prepare for this project?
Local businessmen have to improve themselves. For example, take a look at the industry sector. Most of the industries are not well organized. Those who can innovate technically lack capital. There is no businessman to fund technical innovation. Those who have capital are satisfied with manufacturing for domestic production and do not bother to improve their products to be able to export. If they are to compete with others, they have to be strong themselves. And there is room for improvement in market research. They also need to improve their communication with the media.
What has the Myanmar government done to assess the possible environmental and social impacts of the project?
China has a poor record in that regard. So we will be very careful about the environmental impact and social impact assessments and will carefully monitor corporate social responsibility.
But the MoU signed by the state counselor covers land utilization, regional development and environmental conservation. So the concerns are not necessary.
Therefore we have only agreed on establishing the railroad from Muse to Mandalay for the time being, and not to Kyaukphyu. And the cultural heritage draft law, which aims to conserve cultural heritage across the country, has been submitted to Parliament and it will be promulgated next year.
Observers say Myanmar risks falling into a debt trap if it fails to handle the initiative properly. What do you say as a member of the joint committee for the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor?
The Union government is acting with much consideration. It does not borrow just because the loans have low interest. It makes sure the loan project can benefit the country in the long run.
The Myanmar government checks if the proposed projects in the economic corridor project comply with the Myanmar Sustainable Development Plan. It is careful not to choose projects that do not comply with it.
I studied the MoU and found that it adequately protects locals against the possible impacts of the rights given to China to use the land across the corridor, and provides opportunities for employment, education, health, and social and economic development for locals.
The MoU ensures a win-win policy for both sides. So I, on behalf of the Mandalay Region government, said at the preliminary meeting of the joint committee that we have no reason to oppose the project.
YANGON—The visiting Indian President Ram Nath Kovind has expressed his support for the Myanmar government during a state visit this week amid growing domestic and international pressure.
The president is on his first official visit to Myanmar at the invitation of President U Win Myint for a five-day trip which began on Monday and will conclude on Friday.
"In India, we are aware of the challenges Myanmar faces in taking forward the peace process, national reconciliation and economic recovery. I want to tell you that the government and people of India stand by you," said the Indian president at a dinner hosted by President U Win Myint on Tuesday.
India is in full support of Myanmar's peace process and in preserving the unity and territorial integrity of the country, he said.
"For without that, India cannot succeed in its effort to bring development, prosperity and connectivity to our citizens in the northeast, which borders Myanmar," said the Indian president.
President U Win Myint said he was grateful that India attaches a high importance to its relations with Myanmar in its foreign relations based on its "Act East Policy" and "Neighborhood First Policy."
The two presidents witnessed the signing of two memoranda of understanding between the two governments on cooperation in science and technology and in conducting judicial training and capacity building for Myanmar judges and law officers.
Late last year, the two countries signed the Rakhine State Development Programme, designed to assist the Myanmar government in building housing infrastructure in Rakhine State for the return of the displaced Rohingya. The first phase of the project is to see the construction of 250 units.
During the Indian president's visit, the Indian Ambassador to Myanmar, Vikram Misri, officially handed over 50 of 250 units of prefabricated houses to Union Minister U Win Myat Aye.
The Indian President also held talks with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, focusing on promoting ties between the two countries and cooperation in a wide range of sectors.
As of Dec. 1, the Myanmar government is offering a visa-on-arrival policy for Indian travelers to Myanmar who arrive by air.
It is however not clear if India's president will meet Myanmar's army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing.
The presidential visit follows the visit of India's prime minister Narendra Modi to Myanmar in September last year and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi visited India in January this year for the India-ASEAN Commemorative Summit.
CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Three ethnic armed groups based in northeast Myanmar said they were willing to stop fighting and enter formal negotiations after meeting with members of the government’s Peace Commission on Wednesday in China’s Yunnan Province.
The military has been reluctant to enter formal peace talks with the three groups — the Arakan Army (AA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and Ta'ang Nationalities Liberation Army (TNLA) — unless they vow to give up their armed struggle.
China has been brokering informal talks between the Peace Commission and the three groups — all part of Myanmar’s seven-member Northern Alliance — since last year, with monthly meetings since August.
"We desire to solve the ongoing war, conflict and political problems through negotiations…. We desire to take a political approach instead of a military approach and will first stop military actions in order to be able to achieve peace,” the three groups said in a joint statement after Wednesday’s meeting.
They said they hoped the military “would also make an effort to end the fighting.”
The Peace Commission welcomed the news
"Negotiations will continue with the TNLA, AA and MNDAA in order to reach bilateral ceasefire agreements and have political discussions with them,” it said in a statement of its own on Wednesday.
Commission Secretary U Khin Zaw Oo took to Facebook to express his satisfaction with their efforts since 2016 and to thank their partners.
"Our journey is not yet within reach but it is not too far," he said in a post to his page.
The military has been in recent clashes with the AA in northern Rakhine State and with the TNLA in northern Shan State, according to the two armed groups.
BANGKOK—Thailand is set to become the first Asian country to legalize medical marijuana, but a battle is brewing between local and foreign firms over control of a potentially lucrative market.
With parliament set to approve the legislation as early as next month, Thai businesses and activists have raised concerns that a raft of patent requests filed by foreign firms could allow them to dominate the market and make it harder for researchers to access marijuana extracts.
“Granting these patents is scary because it blocks innovation and stops other businesses and researchers from doing anything related with cannabis,” said Chokwan Kitty Chopaka, an activist with Highlands Network, a cannabis legalization advocacy group in Thailand.
“We were very shocked to see this because it would be like allowing them to patent water and its uses,” Chokwan said, adding that applicants are seeking patents for plant-related substances, which are not allowed under Thai law.
Opposition to foreign firms has threatened to stall the legalization process, with researchers and civic networks threatening to sue the government if the patents are granted, according to media.
Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha has been urged to issue an executive order to end the impasse, but a national government spokesman said there were no plans to do so yet.
“We will proceed normally through the Commerce Ministry first. We must let everything proceed without harming people’s rights,” said Puttipong Punnakanta.
Thailand’s move to allow the use of marijuana for medical and research purposes follows a wave of legalization across the globe, including in Colombia, Israel, Denmark, Britain and certain US states. Uruguay and Canada have gone one step further and also legalized recreational use.
Thailand’s neighbors Malaysia and Singapore are in the early stages of debating whether to legalize medical marijuana, but it is a sensitive issue because the drug remains illegal and taboo across much of Southeast Asia.
The region has some of the world’s harshest penalties, including lengthy prison terms for possession of drugs in Thailand, and capital punishment in Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia for trafficking. In the Philippines, thousands of people have been killed since 2016 in President Rodrigo Duterte’s anti-narcotics crackdown.
Among a handful of foreign companies that are looking to enter the Thai market are British giant GW Pharmaceuticals and Japan’s Otsuka Pharmaceutical, which have jointly applied for marijuana-related patents.
Representatives for GW Pharma and Otsuka declined to comment on their applications.
“We haven’t seen progress on our patent registration maybe because many people are opposed to allowing foreign drugmakers to enter the market. I feel like we are seeing a high bar on this,” said one foreign company official, who declined to be identified because of the sensitivity of the issue.
Part of Thai culture
Thais used marijuana in traditional medicine for centuries before it was banned in 1934. Farmers were known to use it as a muscle relaxer after a day in the fields and it was reportedly used to ease women's labor pains.
In fact, the word ‘bong’, which describes a water pipe often used to smoke weed, comes from the Thai language.
Experts say Thailand, already a regional hub for medical tourism, has a combination of factors working in favor of legalization, including a tropical climate that could allow for cheaper production of marijuana than, for instance, in Canada.
Businesses want to use this to cash in on what Deloitte says could be a global legal medical cannabis market worth more than $50 billion by 2025.
For Thai Cannabis Corporation (TCC), a majority Thai-owned entity that is waiting for legalization to obtain a license to sell cannabis-derived ingredients to manufacturers, the move would be “a return to centuries-old tradition.”
“The attitude is that it’s already a part of traditional medicine … and we should ensure that Thais can control their own industry,” said Jim Plamondon, marketing head of TCC, which is currently not in business.
The government earlier this year rejected calls to decriminalize recreational use of the drug.
Instead, the new law will reclassify marijuana as a narcotic whose extracts can be used in traditional Thai medicine, and to treat drug-resistant epilepsy and pain and nausea in cancer patients.
Research will be permitted into the use of marijuana to treat Parkinson’s and Alzheimer’s disease, according to Dr. Sophorn Mekthon, chairman of the Government Pharmaceutical Organization.
“What is most important in the whole debate is the accessibility of medical marijuana to patients,” he said.
HANOI — Police in Vietnam have issued an arrest warrant for an activist accused of trying to overthrow the state by posting pro-democracy materials on Facebook.
Nguyen Van Trang, a member of the banned group Brotherhood for Democracy, posted articles, photos and videos on his Facebook account that distorted the policies of the Communist Party and state, and incited people to protest, the Ministry of Public Security said on its website.
Despite sweeping economic and social reforms in Vietnam, the ruling Communist Party retains tight media censorship and does not tolerate criticism.
Several Brotherhood members have been jailed this year since the group was formed in 2013 to “build multi-party democracy” in the Southeast Asian country.
Trang left his home in the northern province of Thanh Hoa and his whereabouts are unknown, the ministry said. The arrest warrant was issued on Dec. 5.
“Anyone has the right to arrest the suspect and escort him to the nearest police station,” it said.
Facebook is widely used in Vietnam and serves as the main platform for dissidents. The government said last month it wants 50 percent of social media users on domestic social networks by 2020 and plans to prevent “toxic information” on Facebook and Google.
ISLAMABAD, Pakistan—Pakistan on Wednesday denounced the United States for placing it on a list of countries violating religious freedoms, calling the designation politically motivated.
US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on Tuesday added mainly Muslim Pakistan to the US list of “countries of particular concern,” which have violated religious freedoms or tolerated abuses against religious groups.
The move is likely to put further strain on relations between Islamabad and Washington, which have repeatedly clashed over how to deal with Islamist militants waging war in Afghanistan.
Pakistan’s addition to the list comes despite efforts to end what in recent years has been its most controversial case involving a member of a minority religion.
The Supreme Court in October acquitted a Christian woman held on death row for more than eight years on a charge of blasphemy that she denied. The acquittal sparked days of violent protests by hardline Muslims.
Pakistan’s foreign ministry said preserving the rights of minorities was a “cardinal principle” of the constitution, and it denounced the inclusion on the US list.
“Pakistan rejects the US State Department's unilateral and politically motivated pronouncement,” the ministry said in a statement.
Last year, the United States put Pakistan on a watch-list of countries that violate religious freedom.
This year came the designation, along with Myanmar, China, Eritrea, Iran, North Korea, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan.
Pakistan was created out of Muslim-majority areas in colonial India in 1947, and for decades portrayed itself as a progressive Islamic nation.
Starting in the 1980s, however, it has drifted towards a more conservative interpretation of Islam that has reshaped the political landscape, fueled militancy and cowed champions of tolerance and members of minorities into silence.
The vast majority of Pakistan's 208 million people are Muslims, with minorities accounting for about 4 percent of the population, including Christians, Hindus, Sikhs and members of the Ahmadi Muslim sect, who say they are singled out for persecution.
Human Rights Minister Shireen Mazari said Pakistan’s inclusion on the US list was “pure political blackmailing” and an attempt by the United States to pressure Pakistan to implement US policy goals in Afghanistan.
Pompeo urged countries on the list to increase respect for religious freedom.
“In far too many places across the globe, individuals continue to face harassment, arrests, or even death for simply living their lives in accordance with their beliefs,” he said in a statement.
VANCOUVER/HONG KONG — Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou, released on bail on Tuesday to await a ruling on U.S. extradition at one of her luxury Vancouver homes, may have received welcome ammunition in court from an unlikely source — President Donald Trump.
As the hearing was winding up in a Canadian court, Trump told Reuters he would intervene in the U.S. Justice Department’s case against Meng if it would serve national security interests or help close a trade deal with China.
Legal experts and Canadian officials said the comments could allow Meng’s lawyers to contend her prosecution is politically motivated, an argument that would resonate in Canada, where judges are particularly wary of abuse of the court system.
“He has handed her lawyers an opportunity to argue that the prosecution has been politicized and the extradition proceedings should end,” said Robert Currie, a professor of international law at Dalhousie University in Halifax. A Canadian official agreed that the comments could be raised.
Currie also said, however: “It’s not a sure thing.”
U.S. prosecutors accuse Meng, the chief financial officer and daughter of the founder of Huawei Technologies Co Ltd, of misleading multinational banks about Iran-linked transactions, putting the banks at risk of violating U.S. sanctions. Meng says she is innocent.
If a Canadian judge rules the case is strong enough, Canada’s justice minister must next decide whether to extradite Meng to the United States. If so, Meng would face U.S. charges of conspiracy to defraud multiple financial institutions, with a maximum sentence of 30 years for each charge.
The Justice Department bristled at Trump’s remarks, which referred to current efforts by China and the United States to negotiate a deal to resolve their trade war.
Asked about the comments at a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on Wednesday, Assistant Attorney General John Demers said his department was not “a tool of trade.”
“What we do at the Justice Department is law enforcement. We don’t do trade,” said Demers, the department’s top national security official.
Meng’s lawyer was not reachable for comment on Wednesday. The White House did not reply immediately to a request for comment.
Canadian Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland said the legal process should not be hijacked for political purposes and that Meng’s lawyers would have the option of raising Trump’s remarks if they decided to fight extradition.
“Our extradition partners should not seek to politicize the extradition process or use it for ends other than the pursuit of justice and following the rule of law,” she said.
Bargaining chip
Meng is one of her country’s most powerful businesswomen and her father, Huawei CEO Ren Zhengfei, is a former People’s Liberation Army engineer.
The company, which builds everything from networks to handsets, is China’s largest technology company by employees, with more than 180,000 staff and revenue of $93 billion in 2017.
Bennett Gershman, a professor at Pace Law School in New York, said it was hard to see how national security or foreign policy could justify a possible intervention by Trump in the Huawei case.
“It seems like Trump is using this case as a bargaining chip in our trade deals and for financial gains,” Gershman said.
There is precedent for White House involvement in criminal cases for foreign policy reasons. The Obama administration in 2016 dismissed charges against a man based on “significant foreign policy interests” related to Iran’s nuclear program and agreed on a prisoner swap with Iran.
Earlier this year, Trump revisited penalties against Chinese company ZTE Corp for violating trade sanctions with Iran, saying the telecom maker is a big buyer for U.S. suppliers.
The case against Meng stems from a 2013 Reuters report that Huawei had close ties to a Hong Kong-based firm that attempted to sell U.S. equipment to Iran despite U.S. and European Union bans.
Ankle monitor, multimillion-dollar homes
No matter what the politics, one thing seems clear — Meng will be staying in Vancouver for a long time. It can take up to 12 years to exhaust all legal avenues in the Canadian extradition process.
Meng appeared to be settling into one of the two multimillion-dollar properties she owns in the city, a likely relief after spending 10 days in a women's prison that a former inmate described as spartan, with little privacy.
“I am in Vancouver, got back with my family,” Meng posted on her account on Chinese instant messaging platform WeChat after her release. “Thanks to everyone for your concern.”
Fitted with an ankle monitor and hampered by severe restrictions on her movements, the executive faces a dramatic comedown from the jet-set lifestyle described in court documents.
Meng’s seven passports issued by China and Hong Kong held stamps showing travels around the world including to the United States, Mauritius, South Africa, Madagascar, Ghana, Mali and Myanmar, court documents showed.
She became a Canadian permanent resident in 2001, but her status expired in 2009, according to the court hearing.
U.S. prosecutors believe she stopped traveling to the United States after Huawei learned of the criminal investigation being pursued by the Justice Department in April 2017.
Her lawyers told the court that she will spend Christmas with her husband, Liu Xiaozong, 43, her daughter and one of her sons. Liu identified himself in court documents as a venture capitalist and Meng’s lawyer said he previously worked for Huawei in Mexico.
The couple married in Hong Kong in 2007 and have the one daughter together, said Liu, in addition to Meng’s three sons from previous marriages, aged between 14 and 20. One is enrolled at Eaglebrook school in Massachusetts in the seventh grade, according to a Dec. 6 character reference from its headmaster.
“I have been working hard for 25 years and … my only simple goal would be to be with my husband and daughter,” Meng’s lawyer quoted her as saying on Tuesday. “I haven't read a novel in years.”
DHAKA—With less than a month to go to a general election, many journalists in Bangladesh say they are living in fear of ever-tightening media laws and engaging in self-censorship as a result.
While Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s administration has won plaudits globally for welcoming hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees fleeing persecution in Myanmar, critics have lashed out at it for cracking down on free speech and an increasingly authoritarian rule.
In interviews Reuters conducted with 32 journalists and editors across print, digital and broadcast media in Bangladesh, the vast majority said the recent strengthening of defamation laws with a new Digital Security Act (DSA) has spread a climate of fear in the industry.
Dozens of journalists were arrested for defamation under the earlier law, the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Act.
The DSA goes further—penalizing obtaining papers, information, or pictures from government offices without official consent, said Asif Nazrul, a professor of Law at the University of Dhaka. “It would make investigative journalism on corruption, human rights abuses and bad governance very tough, if not impossible,” he said.
Another piece of legislation, the Broadcast Act 2018, was proposed in October to regulate broadcast news portals.
Both laws restrict bail and allow arrests without a warrant.
The government has denied accusations it's trying to curb press freedom and Hasina assured a press briefing in October that “journalists who do not publish false news need not worry” about the DSA.
Journalists, however, question the timing of the laws and have staged protests in recent weeks in the capital Dhaka, particularly against the DSA, which they say will thwart their ability to report independently, especially on the upcoming election.
Critics of Hasina, who is seeking a third straight term in power, say the Dec. 30 election will be a litmus test for the strength of democracy in Bangladesh. The last election in 2014 was boycotted by the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) as unfair and shunned by international observers, with more than half the seats uncontested.
Matiur Rahman Chowdhury, editor-in-chief of Manab Zamin, a popular Bengali-language daily, said self-censorship was becoming common.
“As an editor, I feel sad when I kill a report that was the outcome of several days of exhaustive work by a reporter. But I take the decision purely to save the reporter, because I know the risks involved in publishing it,” he said. “I fight every moment with myself and with my shadow.”
"Distorting the truth"
H. T. Imam, a member of the ruling Awami League and Hasina’s political adviser, said journalists need not fear doing their jobs, and “can write on whatever is happening on the ground.”
“But they should restrain themselves from distorting the truth—that is very important,” he told Reuters. “You should not equate liberty with license.”
The government also says new licenses to operate have been issued to several media organisations under Hasina’s rule, indicating its support of an independent press.
But while Bangladesh has a bevy of news outlets, many journalists say they can’t write as freely as they once did. The case of The Daily Star, the country's most widely-circulated English newspaper, stands out:
“I used to write a column regularly and fearlessly. Now, I seldom do,” said Mahfuz Anam, who has been the editor of The Daily Star for 25 years.
Anam was charged with defamation and treason in more than 80 cases filed by Awami League workers in 2016, with damages sought exceeding $8 billion. They were filed in various lower courts across Bangladesh, forcing him to run around the country seeking bail, and he’s had to obtain periodic stays on them ever since.
Anam says his paper is barred from covering the prime minister’s events, and advertisers have privately told him that officials have pressured them to stop advertising in his paper.
Two officials at two of Bangladesh’s biggest telecom operators said the government had instructed them in 2015 to stop advertising in The Daily Star. They declined to be named for fear of reprisals.
“We never interfere or influence any private organization as it is completely their wish and right,” Information Minister Hasanul Haq told Reuters, referring to the advertisers. He said decisions on who should be allowed to attend the prime minister’s events were taken by Hasina’s security department.
Vaguely-worded laws
Government assurances that the laws won’t be used against them have failed to assuage concerns of many journalists, who point to past arrests.
While the police say they doesn’t maintain figures on detained journalists, global media watchdog Reporters Without Borders says at least 25 journalists and several hundred bloggers and Facebook users were prosecuted under the ICT Act in 2017 alone.
The new DSA has “vaguely-worded provisions that would allow authorities to clamp down even more on dissent,” the group said.
Under the proposed broadcast law, media outlets publishing or broadcasting anything deemed to be “false” or against national interest could be fined, lose licenses or see their staff jailed.
It’s unclear how the election results might impact media freedoms. The BNP says it would strike down the DSA if it wins, but it cracked down on media organisations seen as unfriendly when it was in power more than a decade ago.
Bangladesh now ranks 148th out of 180 countries on the press freedom index compiled by Reporters Without Borders, sliding from 121 in 2009 when Hasina came to power. Haq, the information minister, said the ranking was not fair as it reflected views of only private organisations. “It could be standard if it reflected both government and private views.”
Many journalists say there is a growing and conspicuous silence on public criticism of the government, especially online.
Those who speak out have faced action: On July 13, a day after Hasina told parliament it was impossible to accede to some student demands, Maidul Islam, a university professor, posted two words on Facebook “Hasi Na.” In the Bengali language, the words mean “Not Laughing.”
Days later, an activist backing the Awami League filed a complaint against Islam under the ICT Act, accusing him of defaming the prime minister. Islam was arrested and jailed for more than a month before he got bail, and if he loses the case he faces up to 14 years in prison.
