Ye Ni: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss the Arakan Army (AA)'s attacks on four border police outposts in northern Rakhine State on Jan. 4, Myanmar's Independence Day, and their impact on politics and the peace process of the country. Political analyst U Maung Maung Soe joins me to discuss this. I'm Ye Ni, editor of The Irrawaddy Burmese edition.
As you know, the AA launched attacks on four border police outposts in northern Rakhine State on Jan. 4, Independence Day. Thirteen police were killed in the attacks, and the AA briefly held 18 persons prisoner. There have been many clashes since the AA took steps in 2014 and 2015 to establish a stronghold in its homeland of Rakhine State. But my personal view is that the AA has raised the stakes by launching its latest attacks on Jan. 4. What do you think is the AA's goal? What message does it want to send through its latest attacks?
Maung Maung Soe: The AA was founded in 2009 on the Myanmar-China border. It seems that it took lessons from previous [Arakanese] organizations such as the AIA [Arakan Independence Army] and ALP [Arakan Liberation Party], which came into existence in 1968. At that time, the ALP was founded in Karen State. After assembling hundreds of troops by around 1975, it marched from Karen to Shan State, then to Kachin State and to Chin through the Naga mountain range. There they were surrounded and annihilated by Tatmadaw troops. Similarly, the AIA led by U San Kyaw Kyaw Tun was founded with the support of the KIA [Kachin Independence Army], and it too was annihilated by Tatmadaw troops as it marched from Kachin State to Chin State. It seems the AA learned a lesson from them, and took its time to build a strong army on the Myanmar-China border. First, it apparently chose to infiltrate into Rakhine rather than marching its troops in there. Second, it chose to base itself in the thickly forested area of Chin State's Paletwa, upstream from northern Rakhine State. The AA started participating in the peace process around 2014, 2015. It joined the UNFC [United Nationalities Federal Council]. But when [former] President U Thein Sein met the UNFC leaders on Sept. 9, 2015, the AA, TNLA [Ta'ang National Liberation Army] and MNDAA [Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army] were barred [from participating in] the peace process. This was followed by the attacks of the AA. Clashes broke out in northern Rakhine State in 2015. There were sporadic clashes in 2016 and 2017, especially in Chin State's Paletwa, toward the end of 2017. But at the same time, some AA troops remain in northeastern areas of the country, and have participated in joint military operations with the KIA, the TNLA and the MNDAA. AA troops have infiltrated gradually, and their activities intensified in Rakhine and Paletwa in 2018. And around the end of 2018 they came down to the outskirts of four townships—Buthidaung, Rathedaung, Ponnagyun and Kyauktaw—in northern Rakhine State. There were attacks on convoys, and clashes with the Myanmar Army in the forest. There were allegations that the Tatmadaw used helicopters in the clashes. The Tatmadaw on Dec. 21 declared a ceasefire in five military regions on the Myanmar-China border [to further the] peace process. The truce covers areas in Kachin and Shan states, but it does not cover the area overseen by the Western Command. The Tatmadaw said it could not implement a ceasefire there due to ARSA [the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army]. But in my opinion, it is because of the infiltration of AA troops in northern Rakhine State. If the Tatmadaw were to halt its operations there, it would amount to an acceptance of [the AA's] existence there. The Tatmadaw already has a policy to negotiate with the AA, but it is hard for it to halt its operations in the absence of an agreement. For this reason, I expected [the Tatmadaw] would hold talks promptly to solve the problem. But that didn't happen. The AA has concerns that [the Tatmadaw] will bring troops from Kachin and northern Shan State to Rakhine and launch large-scale attacks. Due to such concerns and reservations, clashes broke out and continue. On Jan. 4, the AA launched its first-ever attacks on [police] outposts. The aim of the AA since it was founded in 2009 has been to return and establish a stronghold in Rakhine. I think the AA is preparing to base itself in Paletwa and northern Rakhine State. There will be fierce clashes if the Tatmadaw doesn't accept this. You can look at the example of MNDAA troops returning to Kokang in 2015. There will be fierce clashes if the Tatmadaw doesn't accept the AA building a base in Paletwa and northern Rakhine State as part of implementing what [the AA] calls "The Way of Rakhita."
YN: At a press conference at the President's Office on Monday, [government spokesperson] U Zaw Htay said the President, the State Counselor and the Army chief held talks immediately after the Jan. 4 AA attacks. He said the President's Office has allowed the Tatmadaw to attack the AA. So it seems that clashes are inevitable. What can be done to avert or reduce the chances of fighting?
MMS: It should be noted that this is the first time the National League for Democracy-led government, since it took office, has instructed the Tatmadaw to conduct military operations, and it is in Rakhine State. The government has neither instructed nor restricted the Tatmadaw in clashes in Kachin and northern Shan State. It should be noted that this is the first time. So regarding future attacks in Rakhine State, not only the Tatmadaw but also the government has to ensure responsibility and accountability. We will monitor this. It will be interesting to see how ethnic armed organizations including the AA assess this. Because the decision to launch attacks was not made by the Tatmadaw alone. Our previous understanding was that the Tatmadaw made decisions about military matters, according to the Constitution. But this decision was made by the government. So, it will be interesting to see how other ethnic armed groups view it. But the door to peace talks remains open. U Zaw Htay said political negotiations would be held [with the AA]. And the AA said in its statement that it would continue talks. And I think China will also broker the talks despite its denunciation of the AA attacks. Skepticism will grow if clashes break out. And we need to wait and see the response of the ethnic armed organizations to the fighting waged by the government. Again, as I've said, whether or not the Tatmadaw can accept the existence of AA troops in northern Rakhine is also a very important factor.
YN: At the press conference, U Zaw Htay warned that big powers are at play in the Rakhine issue. Paletwa, where the AA is currently based, borders India and Bangladesh. And U Zaw Htay accused the AA of having two bases on the Bangladeshi side of border [where he also claimed there are] ARSA bases. And as you've said, China is a big player in Myanmar's peace process. So, it seems the President's Office views it not just as an internal issue, but a regional political chessboard. What is your assessment of this?
MMS: Western countries and others have alleged that the seven ethnic groups based in northeastern areas of Myanmar that opted out of signing the NCA [Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement] and which formed the FPNCC [Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee] did so because they are tied to China's apron strings. They accuse them of having close ties to China. But on the other hand, China is urging them to sign the NCA for the success of the peace process.
Anyway, it is indisputable that a big power is involved in our peace process. There are also accusations that China has backed the AA motivated by its own interests in Rakhine State. The AA says it is simply realizing its "Way of the Rakhita". It troops have reached the India border as it attempts to realize this. Bangladesh and the AA have denied having ties with each other. We'll wait and see on this.
However, I'm more interested in [the role of] India. India is a big power, the main rival to China in the region. It keeps an eye on China's steps. India and Japan are planning to build [an economic] corridor to counter China's Belt and Road Initiative. India is one of the countries that is particularly wary about China's steps in Myanmar.
And I found that the Indian government paid attention to border security in 2018. As far as I know, the Assam Rifles is responsible for security on the India-Myanmar border. I heard that a proposal was submitted to the Indian Parliament in 2018 to form another border guard force. I don't know if the decision has been made. Anyway, the Indian government has given attention to border security.
The Naga armed group, which the Indian government has declared an unlawful association, is based inside Myanmar. Again, India assumes that the Kuki group, which often launches attacks in Manipur, has bases inside Myanmar. There are allegations. So, we need to wait and see how the Indian government views the AA on its border. It will be interesting to see.
YN: Racial tensions are inevitable as clashes escalate. We have now seen some netizens on both sides [from the Bamar and Arakanese communities] attacking each other on social media. What is your advice to ethnic groups, especially the Arakanese politicians and civil society organizations (CSOs), as they try to handle this?
MMS: [The government], if it has the will, should easily be able to overcome the [Arakanese] displaced persons crisis, which needs urgent attention. If the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement, the Rakhine State government and Arakanese CSOs work together, they will be able to solve the problem of some 5,000 displaced persons, and of any new displaced persons. At the press conference on Monday, [government spokesperson] U Zaw Htay urged political organizations and CSOs [to help displaced persons]. This is not enough. The government has accused the AA of having ties to ARSA. The AA has denied it, and Bangladesh has also denied that the AA has bases on its side of the border. On this problem, we will have to wait and see. But the Arakanese people don't accept that the AA has links to ARSA. Even if the AA has ties to ARSA, [the government] should separate internal issues and handle them separately. If the two problems are combined, it will become more difficult to solve not only the problem of AA, but also the refugee crisis. We have yet to solve the [Rohingya] refugee crisis. If the government doesn't cooperate with the community, either with Arakanese CSOs or political parties, and if there is hatred between the two communities, it will be hard for the government to solve the refugee crisis. Besides that, there is talk that sanctions will be imposed against Myanmar. This will put the country into deeper trouble. So, in my view, it is not enough for the government just to urge Arakanese political organizations and CSOs [to take action]. It has to invite them and cooperate with them. It also important that [the government] broaden the federal framework. Only then can this problem be solved.
MYEIK, Tanintharyi Region—With its pristine natural islands and Moken "sea gypsy" tribes—whose way of life is rapidly disappearing—the Mergui Archipelago has long held a special fascination as a travel destination for outsiders.
Myeik town itself is famous for its pearl shops, edible-nest swiftlet, fish, shrimp and crab farms, as well its British colonial-era structures. A walk around downtown and along the Strand Road will let you admire the architecture and allow you to enjoy the local attractions.
Myanmar pearls are available at the Royal Pearl Shop in downtown Myeik, an area with many old colonial-era buildings. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy
Beyond Myeik lie the islands of the archipelago, which were long closed to outsiders, especially foreigners, but reopened about five years ago.
Since the tourism business in the region took off in 2014, travelers have been able to take package tours to some 20 islands out of more than 800 in the archipelago. You can take a day trip or stay overnight to enjoy the natural surroundings. Travelers can also observe the way of life of the local people.
The tourism industry provides hundreds of locals with employment as tour guides, travel agency staff and boat workers. Some 40 travel agencies are currently operating, according to U Khin Maung Nyo, the secretary of the Myeik Tourism Entrepreneurs Association (MTEA).
Myeik's tourism sector has also opened up opportunities for niche businesses like boat-makers and is providing skills training for locals to become tour guides. It has also seen the development of community-based and other forms of responsible tourism.
But as the industry develops, it faces the challenge of how to sustain growth without damaging the natural environment.
The marine life of the Mergui Archipelago region has long been under threat due to overfishing and blast fishing. These days, another challenge has emerged: plastic waste.
As part of efforts to protect the local ecosystem and preserve marine biodiversity, the MTEA has urged its members to follow a list of rules for maintaining a clean environment.
"We instruct staff and tour guides not to throw litter on the islands or into the sea, and to pick up litter from the islands whenever we are there," said U Khin Maung Nyo.
This writer encountered plastic waste both on the islands and in the sea during a recent visit. On one occasion, the tour boat had to stop in the middle of the sea as plastic waste had gotten caught in the propeller; after it was removed, the trip continued.
"In December we started to use glass bottles for drinking water, instead of plastic ones, in order to reduce the amount of plastic waste in the sea," explained U Myint Than, marketing manager of the Mergui Dolphins Travel and Tour company. His company introduced the idea of providing reusable bottles for drinking water and eco-friendly food packaging, and has encouraged other companies to follow suit.
Locals are trying to promote responsible tourism, while also being eager to move forward with building permanent bungalows and hotel resorts for travelers on the islands.
Yet, despite entering the business four years ago, they still have not obtained permission to do so, said U Aung San, assistant manager of Blue Ocean Star Resort and Travel Company.
Currently, only a few islands in the south of the archipelago, near Kawthaung Township in the deep south of Myanmar, have hotels and resorts.
U Aung San said the company he works for was permitted to run eco-tourism activities, camping, a restaurant and eco-friendly buildings on Marcus Island (also known as Lay Kyun, or Harris Island), but they are not yet allowed to build hotels or permanent buildings on it.
Tourists play football on the beach at Lay Kyun (also known as Marcus Island or Harris Island). / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy
On day trips, the tour boats drop travelers off for a few hours on Lay Kyun, where they can enjoy snorkeling, kayaking, resting on the pristine white sands and exploring the island. It takes about one hour from the jetty in Myeik to reach this island by speedboat.
It is the only island on which foreigners are currently allowed to stay overnight, with government permission.
What I love about Lay Kyun is that all the facilities on the island are made from natural materials. This encourages travelers to practice eco-tourism. The restaurant on the island is clean and the local food is delicious. Moreover, all of its structures are made from environmentally friendly materials such as bamboo and timber.
Part of the restaurant building on Lay Kyun / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy
To properly explore Myeik's various islands and the local people's way of life, you'll need at least three days. The islands are about 15 minutes to two hours' ride away by speedboat. There are two or three islands that can be reached for a day trip, which is enough to get a brief experience of the archipelago's amazing natural scenery. Travelers can also take cruises to the islands, but locals prefer to take smaller boats on day trips.
There are several other islands where tour boats take visitors for snorkeling around coral reef and sea grass areas, and to enjoy the waterfalls on islands where fresh water runs into the sea, and observe fish farms. Tours of pearl-producing operations on some islands can also be booked.
Tourists enjoy a white sandy beach in a cove on Smart Island. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy
If you're looking purely to relax and enjoy the beach, Smart Island is another option. It has two beaches; on one side is a beach with pure white sand, while the other has a stony shore. Locals enjoy camping on this island, but permission has not yet been granted for bathroom facilities to be built here. Tour agencies are pushing to secure permission.
Another island travelers should not miss is Drakes Island (or Daung Kyun). Tour operators can arrange a lunch of local dishes on the island at Done Nyaung Hmine village.
The village has ethnic Moken, Bamar and Karen residents and community-based tourism is practiced.
This area, too, has a white sandy beach, which is a good spot to relax on and meet Moken families (also known as Salone or "sea gypsies"). The village is home to some 70 Moken people. Tourists can meet and chat with them and learn a little bit about their way of life. It can be hard to meet the adult men, however, as they stay out at sea fishing for months.
Every boat that docks on the islands must pay 5,000 kyats to the island committees. The funds support Moken children's education, health and vocational skills training, according to tour guide Ko Zay Yar Min.
YANGON—A number of key witnesses surrounding the assassination of National League for Democracy's legal advisor U Ko Ni are yet to testify in court despite the 100th hearing having taken place on Friday.
The 63-year-old lawyer was gunned down at Yangon International Airport two years ago this month. So far, four suspects—Kyi Lin, Aung Win Zaw, Aung Win Tun and Zeya Phyo—have been arrested and brought to trial though Aung Win Khaing, believed to be the mastermind behind the conspiracy, remains at large. He was last seen in Naypyitaw in February 2017.
Since the beginning of the trial in March 2017, almost all witnesses for the plaintiff have testified in court. Despite witnesses for the defendant beginning their testimonies in July 2018, some key witnesses are yet to testify—including the police colonel who was chief of airport security at the time U Ko Ni was gunned down. Another is the wife of the accused Zeya Phyo.
Police Col. Win Min Thein, deputy chief of the Yangon Police Force, has yet to appear in court despite being summoned three times, each time giving the excuse that he is too busy to attend court. One of the accused, Aung Win Zaw, revealed in his testimony last year that he and his brother, Aung Win Khaing, had met with the police colonel for "some business" shortly before the lawyer's assassination on Jan. 29, 2017.
In Friday's hearing, another three witnesses submitted by Zeya Phyo didn't appear in court, causing the judge to remove their names from the witness list. If the remaining major witnesses, including Win Min Thein, fail to show up for hearings in the coming weeks, they are also likely to be dropped from the list.
If there are no more witnesses to testify, counter-claims from both sides will be heard before a verdict is reached.
One of the plaintiff lawyers U Nay La told the media that he expected the case will be concluded within the next month.
As for Aung Win Khaing, the suspect still at large, plaintiff lawyer U Khin Maung Htay said that if the suspect is arrested later he would testify separately.
YANGON—The political objective of the Arakan Army (AA), an Arakanese ethnic armed group currently clashing with the Myanmar Army, is to obtain confederate status for Rakhine State, AA chief Major-General Tun Myat Naing told The Irrawaddy.
"We prefer [a confederation of states] like Wa State, which has a larger share of power in line with the Constitution," said Maj-Gen Tun Myat Naing, referring to the status of the AA's ally, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), adding that a confederation is "better" than federalism.
"And we think it [a confederation] is more appropriate to the history of Rakhine State and the hopes of the Arakanese people," he said.
"In a confederation, we have the authority to make decisions on our own. But there would be a common defense system. And there would be cooperation on market regulation and foreign affairs. To have control over our own destiny—self-determination—is the aspiration of every ethnic group. We can try," he said.
Resource-rich Rakhine State is home to a number of strategic projects, but the Arakanese people do not benefit from them and live in poverty, he said.
The armed group has come under the spotlight after staging deadly attacks on border police outposts in Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township on Jan. 4, prompting the President's Office to instruct the Defence Ministry, which oversees the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw), to launch attacks on it, including air strikes if necessary.
Maj-Gen Tun Myat Naing said the AA, which has won popular support among the Arakanese people both inside and outside Rakhine State, upholds the general policy drafted by the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), a bloc of seven ethnic armed groups based on Myanmar's northeastern border and led by the UWSA.
The FPNCC has put forward its general policy as an alternative to the government-proposed Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement as an instrument for joining the peace process. It details 15 demands and proposes a confederate system as the future structure of the state.
It calls for allowing ethnic states to maintain their own armies, whereas the Tatmadaw insists there can only be one army. It also calls for granting complete authority to local governments regarding independent jurisdiction, legislation, resource exploitation and taxation.
Regarding the AA's operations in Chin State's Paletwa on the Myanmar-India border, Maj-Gen Tun Myat Naing said he is working to reassure the Indian government that it need not be concerned by its activities.
Ethnic affairs analyst U Maung Maung Soe said, "It is true that ethnic armed groups like the Wa and Mongla have autonomy. They think they will be able to develop their areas if they have such autonomy."
The armed clashes will intensify if the Tatmadaw refuses to accept the confederate goal of the ethnic armed groups, he said.
"The Wa and Mongla are existing problems. If the same problem occurs in a new place, I think heavy fighting will recur. I don't want to comment on whether it is right or wrong. Everyone has his own opinion about federation versus confederation," he said.
Daw Aye Nu Sein, the vice chairperson of the Arakan National Party, declined to comment on the political objective of the AA.
However, she pointed out that when the ANP submitted a paper detailing the demands and aspirations of the Arakanese people to the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference, it was criticized as having exceeded the boundaries of federalism.
"We have abundant resources we can utilize to develop our region. But due to the [current] system of government, Rakhine State is the least [developed] among the 14 regions and states," Daw Aye Nu Sein said.
NAYPYITAW—Myanmar's President's Office has demanded that the BBC publish an official apology for using effects while broadcasting live a press conference from the President's Office on Monday.
The President's Office on Wednesday sent a letter to Myanmar Press Council, asking them to ask the BBC to issue a formal apology. The council has said it would discuss what steps to take and reply to them, deputy director general of the President's Office U Tint Swe told The Irrawaddy.
"As a branded media agency, they should not make such a mistake. They should be very careful because [they are] respected. We can't accept them calling it an error or oversight. It is fine if they apologize. They can apologize on their official page," he said.
As the BBC livestreamed the press conference on Monday evening at which the President's Office spokesperson U Zaw Htay spoke about Jan. 4 attacks carried out by the Arakan Army, the government spokesperson appeared with video effects applied to his face.
Nearly an hour later, the BBC said it was very sorry for the incident and that it stopped the livestream immediately after it spotted the mistake.
However, officials at the President's Office said that saying sorry is not enough of an apology. The BBC reporter who was responsible for the livestreaming of the press conference wrote a sorry note and posted it on his Facebook page.
The Press Council confirmed that it received the letter from the President's Office, and will mediate on the situation.
YANGON—The Yangon High Court on Friday rejected the appeal of two Reuters reporters sentenced to seven years in jail on charges of breaking the Official Secrets Act, saying the defense had not provided sufficient evidence to show they were innocent.
Ko Wa Lone, 32, and Ko Kyaw Soe Oo, 28, were convicted by a lower court in September in a landmark case that has raised questions about Myanmar's progress toward democracy and sparked an outcry from diplomats and human rights advocates.
"It was a suitable punishment," said Judge Aung Naing, referring to the seven-year prison term meted out by the lower court.
The defense has the option of making a further appeal to the Supreme Court in Naypyitaw.
"Today's ruling is yet another injustice among many inflicted upon Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo. They remain behind bars for one reason: Those in power sought to silence the truth," Reuters editor-in-chief Stephen J. Adler said in a statement.
"Reporting is not a crime, and until Myanmar rights this terrible wrong, the press in Myanmar is not free, and Myanmar's commitment to rule of law and democracy remains in doubt."
In their appeal arguments made last month, defense lawyers had cited evidence of a police set-up and lack of proof of a crime. They told the appeal court that the lower court that tried the case had wrongly placed the burden of proof on the defendants.
The defense also said prosecutors had failed to prove the reporters gathered and collected secret information, sent information to an enemy of Myanmar or intended to harm national security.
The judge said the defendants did not follow journalistic ethics and that the court could not determine whether the arrest of the reporters was a trap.
Khine Khine Soe, a legal officer representing the government, told the appeal hearing the evidence showed the reporters had collected and kept confidential documents. He said they intended to harm national security and the national interest.
Before their arrest, the reporters had been working on a Reuters investigation into the killing of 10 Rohingya men and boys by security forces and civilians in Rakhine State during an Army crackdown that began in August 2017.
The operation sent more than 730,000 Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh, according to UN estimates.
Famous actors and actress will perform the comedy show directed by Mg Myo Min (Yin Twin Pyit).
Jan. 11 and 12 | 7 p.m. | Taw Win Garden Hotel | No.45 Pyay Road | Tickets 30,000 – 50,000 kyats, 100,000 kyats(VIP)
Yangon Farmer's Market
A growing community of farmers and producers come together weekly to sell fresh, local, healthy products including bread, veggies, eggs, plants, honey, coffee, tea, juice, salad and more.
The second solo art show of painter Thett Naing Win is held to commemorate his 55-year artist career.
Jan. 12-15 | 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. | Gallery 65 | No. 65, Yaw Min Gyi Road, Dagon Township
Maker's Market
Meet the makers and designers behind Amazing Grace Souvenirs, Charlotte Bijou Design, E.B. Eco Candles and many more and enjoy craft activities, food vendors and music.
A discussion with Prof. Kyaw Lat, architect and urban planner, on shaping the future of an attractive and livable metropolis. Monday Jan. 14 | Goethe-Institute Myanmar | Corner of Kabar Aye Pagoda Road and Nat Mauk Street, Bahan Township
Philipp Klier Photo Exhibition
German photographer Philippe Klier (1845-1911) was one of a few to capture Myanmar soon after the invention of the camera. The exhibition opening will involve a seminar by Werner Kraus, expert on the history of Southeast Asian arts.
Tuesday Jan. 15 | 7 p.m. | Goethe-Institute Myanmar | Corner of Kabar Aye Pagoda Road and Nat Mauk Street, Bahan Township
Joint European Chambers Networking
The second edition of a networking event with seven European chambers. Registration mandatory.
NEW DELHI—India on Thursday launched a program to rein in dangerous pollution levels in more than one hundred cities where the government said it expected to improve air quality significantly.
But the plan drew immediate criticism from environmentalists, who said it lacked a clear framework to tackle toxicity levels that have led to millions of deaths.
India is home to the world’s 14 most polluted cities, according to the World Health Organization. Toxic air claimed 1.24 million lives there in 2017, a study in Lancet Planetary Health showed last month.
The National Clean Air Program (NCAP) aims to cut pollution in the 102 worst affected cities by 20-30 percent by 2024.
Launching it, Environment Minister Harsh Vardhan said he believed it would substantially improve air quality. “We need to ensure that we give clean air to our children and the generations to come,” he told a news conference.
The plan aims to push through cuts in industrial emissions and vehicular exhaust fumes, introduce stringent rules for transport fuels and biomass burning and reduce dust pollution. It will also upgrade and increase monitoring systems.
Its launch, put back from last year due to bureaucratic delays, coincides with the annual peak of pollution levels in northern India, including New Delhi.
Since October residents of the capital, home to more than 20 million people, have struggled to breathe under a thick smog.
Last week pollution surged to “emergency” levels, as the Central Pollution Control Board’s air quality index of poisonous particulate matter hit 440, more than 12 times the US government’s recommended limit.
Sunil Dahiya, senior campaigner with environmental group Greenpeace, welcomed the launch of the program but said it lacked focus and ambition.
“We hoped that the NCAL would be much stronger, would provide sector-wise targets, specific targets for the cities and mention a strong legal backing to take action against non-implementation,” he said.
“We hope that the environment ministry shows more seriousness in implementing and strengthening the plan.”
As pollution spiked in New Delhi in October and November, the government adopted measures ranging from a temporary ban on construction activities and garbage burning to a clampdown on coal-fired power stations.
But the measures were inadequate and poorly implemented, largely because of a lack of resources and political will.
KOCHI/NEW DELHI—Two women who made history by becoming the first in centuries to enter a hill temple in southern India are in hiding after threats by hardline Hindu groups.
The Sabarimala temple in the state of Kerala has been the site of tension since India’s Supreme Court ruled in late September to end a ban on women of menstruating age entering it.
There have since been sporadic outbreaks of violence between the authorities and protesters attempting to prevent women from entering, setting off a cultural battle in what is still a deeply religious country.
Bindu Ammini, 40, a law lecturer at Kerala’s Kannur University and Kanakadurga, 39, a civil servant, told Reuters they were determined to enter despite threats of violence.
“A lot of people tried to dissuade us and make us turn back—police officers, our friends… because they knew we were facing a lot of backlash,” Kanakadurga said.
After the Supreme Court’s judgment, the women made an unsuccessful attempt to enter the temple on Dec. 24, before finally succeeding on Jan. 2.
A third woman aged 46 has since entered the site, the office of the chief minister of Kerala said on Jan. 4.
“We felt no fear. We had only one aim: we wanted to go to that shrine,” Bindu said.
Their entry sparked widespread protests and a day-long strike in Kerala led in part by members of India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
“This BJP government has a duty to regulate and control their members,” Bindu said.
The women—speaking in an undisclosed location on the outskirts of the city of Kochi—say they have since faced threats from protesters, but that they trusted the authorities to keep them safe and plan to return home next week.
“I always say that I trust the police persons, the state government of Kerala and also our democratic society of Kerala,” Bindu said.
LOS ANGELES—Michael Jackson’s estate on Thursday condemned an upcoming documentary about alleged child sexual abuse by the late singer as another “outrageous and pathetic attempt” to cash in on his fame.
The documentary “Leaving Neverland” will be screened at the Sundance independent film festival later this month and will be shown on cable channel HBO and Britain’s Channel 4 television network this spring, festival organizers and HBO said.
It features interviews with two men, now in their 30s, who say they were befriended by the singer and sexually abused by him when they were young boys, according to the filmmakers.
The “Thriller” singer, who died in 2009, was acquitted at a 2005 criminal trial in California on charges of molesting a different 13-year-old boy at his Neverland ranch.
The documentary focuses on the experiences of Wade Robson and James Safechuck. Both men filed lawsuits against the Jackson estate alleging sexual misconduct after the singer’s death and both cases were dismissed. Robson had testified at Jackson’s 2005 trial in the singer’s defense.
“This so called 'documentary' is just another rehash of dated and discredited allegations,” Jackson’s estate said in a statement. “This is yet another lurid production in an outrageous and pathetic attempt to exploit and cash in on Michael Jackson.”
Director Dan Reed said he had no question about the validity of the stories of the two men.
“If there's anything we've learned during this time in our history, it's that sexual abuse is complicated, and survivors' voices need to be listened to,” he said in a statement.
Jackson’s sudden death at age 50 of an overdose of the anesthetic that he was using as a sleep aid triggered worldwide grief and a surge in record sales.
According to an annual Forbes survey, Jackson has been the top earning dead celebrity for the past six years. In 2018, Forbes estimated he earned $400 million, thanks to the sale of his stake in EMI Music Publishing and other ventures including a television special and the Las Vegas Cirque du Soleil show “One.”
A small, roofless light-truck loaded with large loudspeakers drives around the town of Sittwe, capital of Rakhine State. The truck is surrounded by youths who walk by house after house holding silver bowls for the collection of money. The gigantic speakers are playing songs in the Arakanese language on repeat. One of the songs called "People Who Sacrificed" praises those who have given up their lives for the "fatherland."
Many such groups of self-motivated youths have independently organized fundraising drives to collect money for the people recently displaced by fighting between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army (AA) in four townships of northern Rakhine. They receive many in-kind donations and send them up to groups of internally displaced persons (IDPs) via local networks. The networks are frequently facing deterrence from local authorities along the way.
But their actions amount to much more than raising funds—they are conveying messages which they cannot openly speak. What are the messages they are bringing? How do local Arakanese interpret those messages? And the authorities? How do people from other parts of Myanmar take their message heard through mainstream media? What will the implications be?
The recent outbreak of conflict in Rakhine State indicates an increasing trend of political violence. The AA, with steadily increasing mobility, is expanding geographically in Rakhine State with the intention to consolidate its bargaining power through rising public support which it gains through a systematic psyche-war on social media. So far, 4,500 locals have been displaced from their homes due to the recent clashes.
What message is the Arakan Army bringing?
The AA's messages, rhetoric in style, are heard across social media, the tool of free speech. Over the last year, the AA has been gaining momentum with their crafty use of social media in spreading an online campaign called "Arakan Dream 2020." This flagship strategy drew many sympathizers, not only among poor rural youths but also from the educated and the politicians. And the AA has succeeded in mobilizing youths from the region which has been engulfed in poverty and inequality for decades.
Arakan Dream 2020 is an initiative, according to AA chief Gen. Twan Mrat Naing, that 2020 will be the start of struggles in the name of "The Way of Rakhita," a concept with self-determination at its core. There has not yet been any explicit mentioned of how "The Way of Rakhita" will be materialized but the AA is positioning itself as a leading agency for carrying out the movement. One extreme interpretation of "The Way of Rakhita" could be that the Arakanese are pursuing an independent state and this provokes concern among the Burmese elite who largely hold onto a paternalistic view on guarding sovereignty.
In the deep psyches of many Arakanese, stories of the Burmese occupation of the once mighty Arakanese Kingdom in the late 18th century are still vivid. It may be felt that they remain enslaved in terms of their lack of self-determination and their marginalization from political processes. The notion of Rakhita is re-evoking that psyche. Historical facts are carried as hurtful and painful experiences. In that sense, the Arakan Dream is not a new concept but rather a revival of the wishes of their ancestors to rebuild a sovereign state.
An ethnic Rakhine scholar once wrote, "They aren't inspired by the words of Aung San Suu Kyi on catching up with other countries (Singapore). They don't trust Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's speeches on peace. But they do care about every word spoken by Gen. Htun Mrat Naing. His speeches inspire the Rakhine public. Arakanese people are excited about Rakhita."
Why do the Arakanese hold so tightly these messages?
This historical grievance, the Burmese occupation of Arakan, has never been fully put to rest by successive governments. Upon that, the Arakanese construct their racial identity that narrowly encompasses the Buddhist Rakhine. In his latest book, "Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment" political scientist Francis Fukuyama argues that liberal democracies—as in the nominal democracy of Myanmar—have not fully solved the problem of "thymos," a term referring the part of the soul that craves recognition of dignity. In the case of the Arakanese people, they have both "isothymia," the desire to be respected equally to others, and "megalothymia," the want to be recognized as superior.
Similar to other ethnic groups, the prevailing argument of the Arakanese is that they have economic inequality and are lagging behind in development despite having plenty of natural resources. A political transition in Myanmar creates uncertainty. Populists have used the transition and the democratic election to gain strength. They reawaken the dream of greatness. They raise Arakanese concerns that they are neglected and their dignity is disregarded.
When intercommunal violence broke out in 2012, the Rohingya community, which had been facing severe human rights violations, received the sympathy of the international community. Support from the international community mounted when the fresh exodus of refugees occurred in 2017. When the central government tries to steer a conflict situation, the Arakanese are not able to meaningfully participate. A perception of exclusion takes root. This perceived voicelessness has been made stronger by recent political developments.
The NLD government refused to share executive power at state level after the Arakan National Party won a majority of votes in Rakhine State in the 2015 election. The Arakanese repeatedly complain that their proposals in parliament are frequently rejected or not addressed. At the Rakhine state parliament, members of parliament are not influenced by any actions of the government. The only success has been the removal of a state minister on the grounds of poor performance. Apart from that, all they can do is denounce the government's actions. In addition to that, weak leadership and internal conflicts within the leading Arakan party upsets the public. There is a vacuum of leadership in Rakhine politics.
Negative sentiment towards the central government, weak local political leadership and no visible improvement in the daily lives of the Arakanese have all converged. Arakanese trust in democratic institutions has sharply fallen. The AA is making a timely emergence, even under the democratic government, as an aspiration for the Arakanese. While this is a real opportunity for the Arakanese, it is also an option borne out of what they see as a failing democratic system. If democracy cannot provide them with better options, they cannot be blamed for wanting to do something about it. Addressing economic issues will not guarantee a resolution yet. It is still too early to say whether leaders from the AA will lead Rakhine politics, but it is difficult to deny that they are going to play an important part.
How do the government and other Myanmar citizens interpret the situation?
Any violent fighting is unwelcome but the people will fight with words which hurt less than bullets and bombs. The Independence Day attack drew the attention of the public—mainly the Burmese majority—and cried out for being attack police posts on this special day. Government is also promptly responded by branding the AA as "a terrorist group." U Zaw Htay, spokesperson for the President's Office warned the Arakanese not to support the AA and this drew backlash from the Arakanese. U Zaw Htay blamed the AA of "taking advantage" while the military and government are trying their best to protect Rakhine from terrorists and international pressure. This comes from many people from Myanmar thinking of the Rohingya community as outsiders and that the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) is a legitimate threat to national sovereignty and territory. Most of the mainstream media also reflects the majoritarian view.
U Zaw Htay's speech ignited public reprisal at a local level but drew popular support from the majorities who see themselves as thinking on behalf of the pyidaunsu, or the Union. This pulls an already divided society apart along the racial line. There are deep divisions between the Arakanese and other majority ethnic groups. Both sides point fingers at the other. Words do hurt people to some extent. The government also interpreted, as authoritarian regimes have done in the past, that the situation must be responded to with more forces and troops. Even Ma Ba Tha, a nationalist Burmese group with strong anti-Muslim sentiments, denounced the AA's attacks. The escalation of conflict will benefit no one.
If political leaders believe that peace is not just the signing of a truce but cohesive living between different segments of society, they should refrain from the use of words and physical forces. The Arakanese should think twice before going to war or supporting armed groups because war itself brings destruction. Civilians in the war zone have already suffered. Burmese hegemonic views should also be self-critical rather than easily falling to the trick of words. They should be willing to listen to the minority rather than supporting militarization. This situation also calls for a speedier and more inclusive peace process which reforms power structures and ensures equal rights and respect. If not, history will repeat itself. We don't want the vicious cycle of civil war unfolding in new locations.
YANGON—U Min Thu, minister for the Office of the Union Government, has urged General Administration Department (GAD) staff to change their mindset and shed old habits when carrying out their duties, according to the Ministry of Information.
The minister held a meeting on Wednesday with GAD staff working at the township, district and state levels in Kachin State to explain policy and other changes in the wake of the formerly military-run department's transfer to the Ministry of the Office of the Union Government.
U Min Thu said the reason for the transfer was to establish an administrative mechanism that is in line with the political system the country is working towards, and to ensure good governance.
Formerly overseen by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MOHA), the GAD has for more than 30 years formed the backbone of Myanmar's public administration. Under the 2008 Constitution, MOHA is one of three ministries led by major-generals appointed by the commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
GAD is authorized to support government security efforts, the rule of law and stability, and enforce some civil laws. Its duties also include reporting on population movements, security incidents and basic demographic data, and conveying relevant information back to Naypyitaw.
U Min Thu instructed the civil servants to follow the policies and processes of the Ministry of the Office of the Union Government.
He said GAD staff at all levels must ensure that the administrative system is smooth, fair, just, free of corruption and transparent.
The Union minister also encouraged GAD staff not to be overly concerned about the department's transfer, urging them to continue working as normal and to fulfill their duties.
He instructed them to implement any reforms in line with changing policies and instructions.
GAD officials should always be ready to address the needs of the public, he said, adding that they had a special responsibility because they worked closely with the people, who placed a lot of trust in them.
The Ministry of the Office of the Union Government was created by the current administration. In November, U Min Thu, a retired colonel and former Air Force pilot, was appointed as its minister. Last week, a senior Home Affairs Ministry official who serves as director general of the GAD, U Tin Myint, was appointed as a deputy minister at the Ministry of the Office of the Union Government.
YANGON—Amid continued armed conflict in northern Rakhine State which has shaken up the stability of the region, a courthouse—located a stone's throw away from the main Rakhine State police headquarters in the state capital Sittwe—was set alight late on Wednesday night.
Lance Cpl. Maung Maung Aye from Sittwe Fire Services Department confirmed to The Irrawaddy over the phone on Thursday morning that the mysterious fire razed 46 motorbikes and one trishaw which are believed to be pieces of evidence in ongoing cases in the court.
According to the officer, the fire caused more than 2.7 million kyats ($1,800) in damages and officers are still investigating the cause of the incident. He acknowledged that the police building and courthouse compound are just 90 meters (300 feet) apart.
Also coincidentally, the fire occurred on the night before the final decision was to be made on the appeal of prominent Arakanese politician U Aye Maung. The founder of the Arakan National Party (ANP) and an elected Union lawmaker, was arrested in January 2018 accused of high treason for speaking up in support of the armed struggle of the Arakan Army (AA) in a public talk along with a young Arakanese Ko Wai Han Aung.
Satellite imagery shows the close proximity of the state police building to the courthouse. / Google Maps
Sittwe resident Ko Min Bar Chay told The Irrawaddy that some locals are speculating that someone may have intentionally torched the courthouse in order to destabilize the situation in the state capital ahead of U Aye Maung's court hearing. When it was decided to proceed with U Aye Maung's trial on Thursday morning, his appeal to the State High Court was thrown out.
Ko Min Bar Chay said that as the incident had taken place in the courthouse compound, which is right next to the state police building, it shows there is a lack of rule of law and poor security in the state capital.
"The state police building is located merely yards away from the court, which is a very questionable point in this case," said Ko Min Bar Chay.
Google satellite images show that the Sittwe courthouse is located near the new clock tower and right behind its compound is the Rakhine State Police Force building as well as the local General Administration Department offices, the department which was recently transferred from the control of the military's Home Affairs Ministry to the civilian-controlled Office of the Union Government.
Ko Min Bar Chay expected that authorities could identify the suspect by checking footage from surveillance cameras. Last December, Rakhine State authorities installed almost 1 billion kyats ($657,000) worth of CCTV cameras in the capital with the purpose of the prevention of crime and traffic incidents.
Locals residents are seeking to block the construction of a branch office of the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA) in Loikaw, saying it would require the felling of old trees in a small forest near Naung Yar Lake, a well-known tourist attraction.
The Kayah State Chief Minister serves as the chair of the Kayah State Investment Committee. The state cabinet approved the construction last year without proper written authorization.
On Wednesday residents demanded a halt to the cutting down of some 21 large trees including 11 teak trees in an 80 ft x 80 ft area. But the state government insisted that the construction would continue and started marking trees to be cut.
Ko Kyaw Htin Aung, a member of a technical support group called Lobbyists, Advocators, Innovators and Negotiator (LAIN) based in Loikaw, said the area should be kept as a forest garden next to the famous Naung Yar Lake. The area of less than an acre was regarded as a forest garden under the military regime and was left alone under the previous government too. However, Ko Kyaw Htin Aung said, the lands recently came under the state government's management.
"Naung Yar Lake is a well-known place in our state. If those trees are cut and the small forest is destroyed, we are very concerned about the sustainability of the lake. It would further dry up the water sources for the lake, which are already dwindling," he said.
DICA's Kayah State office was established in Loikaw a couple of years ago. It wants to open an office downtown and has rejected two locations to the south and east of the town, according to U Tee Reh, the state minister for natural resources and environment.
He said DICA wants the office building located in an area with trees, adding that the cabinet had already approved the site.
The minister does not support cutting down the trees; however, he was outnumbered by his cabinet colleagues, he said.
He said, "There is a need for the government to [build the office], but there are also concerns about the environmental cost.”
Ko Kyaw Htin Aung said the local residents and environmental advocates raised their voices as soon as they heard that the chief minister planned to take action, and saw that the trees had been marked for cutting.
"The chief minister does not respect the locals' concerns and made his decision, thus we are objecting to those actions," he added.
When The Irrawaddy contacted Chief Minister L Phaung Sho, he refused to comment and referred the call to relevant officials.
DICA Director-General U Aung Naing Oo said his agency is preparing to build a new office on a government-allocated land plot and that as part of the site clearance, 11 teak and 10 other trees needed to be removed. He said his office officially reported this to the Forest Department, with which it was cooperating.
Ko Kyaw Htin Aung added that although he can understand that DICA doesn't want to build its office south of the town, some 2-3 miles from downtown, they could use the second option: to build their office inside the state trading zone next to Loikaw Airport, which is just two furlongs from the government office and state parliament buildings.
DHAKA, Bangladesh—Fearing they will be sent to Myanmar, scores of Rohingya people have fled India for Bangladesh in recent weeks, officials here said.
At least 74 Rohingya who had been living in Hyderabad as well as locations in the Indian states of Jammu-Kashmir, Rajasthan and Punjab for several years are now in Cumilla and Feni after entering Bangladesh via the Indian state of Tripura.
About half of the refugees are children, including infants and toddlers, the officials said, adding that the Rohingya were sent to the UNHCR transit camp at Gundum, in the Naikhongchari sub-district of Bandarban district, adjacent to Cox's Bazar, which is currently home to a huge Rohingya refugee population.
Police in Cumilla district said they had detained 48 Rohingya at Brammanpara and Cumilla district headquarters on Jan. 1 alone. They had come from Jammu-Kashmir, Rajasthan, Hyderabad and Punjab through the northeast Indian state of Tripura.
Mohammad Rezaul Karim, the chief of the largest of the Rohingya camps, Kutupalong in Ukhiya sub-district of Cox's Bazar, said the Rohingya were trafficked to India six or seven years ago, and were now afraid of being deported to Myanmar. Indian authorities have recently begun sending Rohingya back to Myanmar.
Officials of Bangladesh's Refugee, Relief and Repatriation Commission said they have started working on the issue. All of the recently arrived Rohingya are now under the supervision of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Cox's Bazar.
Shahjahan Kabir, officer-in-charge at Brammanpara Police Station in Cumilla, said the detained Rohingya had been living Indian cities for six to seven years, where they were employed in various menial jobs.
According to local media, India, which is not a signatory to the UN Refugee Convention, arrested 230 Rohingya in 2018. Rohingya in India fear deportation to Myanmar, so the Indian police crackdown had prompted an exodus to Bangladesh, Shahjahan Kabir said.
He said the influx in recent weeks was not the first. Two dozen Rohingya traveled to the Brammanpara area via Tripura in two phases in 2018, the police officer said, adding that all were detained and handed over to authorities in Cox's Bazar.
Bangladeshi police officials said the Rohingya had been able to enter the country due to poor policing by border security officials during Bangladesh's elections on Dec. 30, 2018. Borders Guard Bangladesh (BGB) officials based in Cumilla said they had instructed their officers to tighten security along the border. "We have asked our troops to be more vigilant to prevent any trespassing," said a senior BGB officer based in the Sarail region. He spoke on condition of anonymity, as he is not an authorized spokesperson.
Amnesty International (AI), among other rights groups, has blasted India for forcibly repatriating Rohingya to Myanmar while persecution of the group is ongoing in Rakhine State. AI India said in a statement on Monday that the Indian government's expulsion of Rohingya asylum-seekers to Myanmar showed a disdain for international law.
On Jan. 4, UNHCR stated that a Rohingya family of five sent back to Myanmar the previous day were asylum-seekers registered with the agency in India. "The fact that the government ignored UNHCR's requests for access to the family, who were registered as asylum-seekers, is deeply concerning. The government's actions indicate a blatant disregard for the international refugee protection mechanism and the mandate of the UN Refugee Agency," Abhirr V P, AI India's senior campaigner, said in the Jan. 7 statement.
He added: "The expulsion of asylum-seekers and refugees amounts to a violation of India's obligations under customary international law, which prohibits governments from returning people to a territory where they are at risk of serious human rights violations."
Since August 2017, over 700,000 Rohingya women, men and children have fled a campaign of violence by the Myanmar security forces and sought refuge in Bangladesh. According to UNHCR, there are an estimated 18,000 Rohingya refugees and asylum seekers registered with the agency in India. UNHCR issues ID cards to registered refugees and documents to asylum-seekers in India, which are meant to help prevent arbitrary arrests, detention and deportation.
YANGON—Peace is nowhere in sight in Rakhine State, and clashes there are likely to intensify now that the Myanmar military has deployed large numbers of troops in the state following the Arakan Army's deadly Jan. 4 attacks on border outposts in Buthidaung Township, AA leader Major-General Tun Myat Naing said.
"We saw [more] troop deployments today too. They are coming in by air and by road, so it is very likely that future clashes will be fierce," Tun Myat Naing told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.
AA troops launched a coordinated attack on four Border Guard Police outposts in Buthidaung Township on Jan. 4, as Myanmar celebrated its 71st Independence Day.
Thirteen police were killed and nine others were injured in the attack. The AA also seized dozens of small arms and tens of thousands of rounds of ammunition.
Following the AA attacks, President U Win Myint convened a top-level coordination meeting on the afternoon of Jan. 7. It was attended by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.
"The President's Office has instructed the Defense Ministry [which oversees the Army] to increase troop deployments in the areas where the police stations were attacked on Friday and to use aircraft if necessary," government spokesperson U Zaw Htay told reporters the same day.
Maj-Gen Tun Myat Naing said the AA's attacks on the Border Guard Police outposts were justified because personnel based there had helped the Myanmar Army attack the AA in Rathedaung, Buthidaung, Kyauktaw and Ponnagyun townships in December.
He also accused the police and Myanmar Army of using civilians as human shields during their offensives against AA troops, and claimed that police were forcing civilians to serve as night guards for them.
"We've recorded the [identities of the] battalions that fired on us with artillery. We have made a detailed record of the police battalions and Border Guard Police units [that made military use of civilians]. We won't forgive them for this. We will retaliate," he said.
The AA would not let the Arakanese people be oppressed, he added.
Since clashes with the AA intensified in December, local civilians have alleged that Tatmadaw and Border Guard Police forced them to act as guides through forests, and beat them with rifle stocks. They also claim security personnel forced them to provide food.
At the press conference on Jan. 7, President's Office spokesman U Zaw Htay accused the AA of having ties to the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and of funding its own operations from the illegal drug trade.
He warned AA sympathizers to end their support for the group. "I want to tell AA supporters to think about whether the AA really can make Rakhine State better. Frankly speaking, please stop your support," he said.
The AA has denied having links to ARSA.
"I heard [government and Tatmadaw officials] say that Rakhine will be completely ruined in the next 10 years or so, and that Rakhine will meet the same fate as Syria. So I believe that if they want to destroy our land [Rakhine State], we should destroy their [the Bamars'] land," Maj-Gen Tun Myat Naing said.
"However, we are open to peace talks if our presence in Rakhine State is recognized," he added.
The Arakanese community has responded angrily to the accusation by the President's Office that the AA has ties to ARSA.
The Arakanese National Party released a statement objecting to U Zaw Htay's remarks. No Arakanese political organizations, whether operating openly or underground, have any ties to any terrorist organizations, it said in a statement.
The fighting between the Tatmadaw and the AA in Buthidaung and Kyauktaw townships has displaced over 5,000 villagers.
Founded in 2009 by 26 Arakanese youths in Kachin State's Laiza, the AA is now a 7,000-strong army. Since 2015, the ethnic armed group has been attempting to return to its homeland of Rakhine State, which has led to frequent clashes with Myanmar Army in Chin State's Paletwa and parts of Rakhine over the last year.
NAYPYITAW—The national Anti-Corruption Commission on Tuesday detained four local land-registration officials in Gwa Township, in southern Rakhine State's Thandwe District, under the Anti-Corruption Law.
The current head of the township Settlement and Land Records Department, his deputy, a clerk and a retired officer were detained, Lower House lawmaker Myint Wai of Gwa Township confirmed.
"They were arrested for allegedly taking bribes to facilitate land transactions. Locals have complained of around five incidents involving the four," U Myint Wai said.
Gwa Township police confirmed the arrests. "The commission has taken them to Thandwe," township police chief Police Captain Aye Tun told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.
Residents of Sapp Thwar and Kan Tharyar villages filed complaints with the anti-graft body both individually and collectively, U Myint Wai said.
"Land is valuable in Gwa, which is close to the sea. Sometimes the land expands naturally as sandbanks form. An acre of it is worth around 200 million kyats. According to the complaints, [the detained officials] took money to issue Form-7 certificates [for such land]," he said.
The Form-7 certificate was created under the 2012 Farm Land Law. It allows holders to engage in farming on a given piece of land.
The total amount the officials sought is unknown, but in a transaction involving a land plot in Kan Tharyar village in July last year, the department received 63 million kyats for allowing a newly formed piece of land measuring 0.63 acres to be included in the sale, said local resident U Maung Tin.
"I filed the complaint. Then the commission made inquiries to me and others," U Maung Tin said. Those cases date to between 2014 and 2018, according to Gwa residents.
The residents added that the Myanmar Army has abandoned some of the land it confiscated in Gwa when the country was under military rule. However, many original owners have yet to recover their land, as disputes between them and recent buyers, mostly private companies, have yet to be resolved.
U Kyin Ke, a farmers' rights activist, accused the department of facilitating illegal land acquisitions by private companies.
"The private companies receive more land on the ground than what is officially recorded on the documents. An acre is worth at least 70 million kyats," he said, alleging that the companies pay the authorities money to keep quiet.
Referring to the arrest of the four officials, he said, "It is only the tip of the iceberg. There are many cases that go unreported on the ground."
A girl interacts with one of the cafe’s stars, Sarah, a big yellow Burmese python. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy
With a large yellow Burmese python wrapped around her neck, a young girl smiled as she cuddled the serpent whose name is Sarah. The snake seemed to feel her love through the soft touch of her fingers and it seemed to be dancing on her shoulder and hands.
The cafe opened about two weeks ago, and its co-founder Ko Myat Sithu Aung said the creatures were all brought from Thailand.
"Before I opened this shop, my friend and I had some exotic pets at our homes. Some people were afraid of them and didn't dare to touch them. Actually, they all are so cute and they don't have intentions of attacking people. Few people know that so I want to share that knowledge and experience with many people," he said.
He added "That's why Lizzo and Mammo is here today with different species of exotic pets."
The cute and chubby pet squirrel named Shwe Htoo gets a lot of attention from visitors. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy
The bearded dragon. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy
Most of the animals at the cafe are reptiles, including iguanas, turtles, the bearded dragon, snakes, lizards and geckos. They also have frogs, a chubby and playful pet squirrel, fluffy kitties and colorful birds such as Macaw parrots.
"People love the playful Shwe Htoo (a chubby squirrel) and the fluffy kitty, Jack and the beautiful macaw, Amanda. We have more reptiles, so most of the visitors are reptile lovers," he said.
Another popular star of the cafe, a fluffy Persian cat. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy
"When you see them, their appearance may be a little scary but they are very gentle creatures."
Lizzo and Mammo has a 5,000 kyats entrance fee for people who want to touch, play with and take pictures with the creatures.
Marry, a beautiful African grey parrot. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy
"If the customers come for coffee and snacks, they don't need to pay the entrance fee. Some groups of friends include people who are afraid to touch the pets, so they can wait at a different side of the coffee shop and have a drink," Ko Myat Sithu Aung said.
The shop has zookeepers and they bring out the pets requested by the customers. Most of the pets are put in a glass tank where the owner has created the weather conditions each pet needs.
A selection of cakes available at Lizzo and Mammo. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy
"The pets can become stressed as well, so we don't allow them to be touched all the time. We have time limits," the co-owner said.
The fennec foxes and turtles are only allowed to be seen at the weekends. The other reptiles have time limits for interactions with customers.
Lizzo and Mammo, a new exotic pets cafe located in Kantawgyi Gardens, Yangon. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy
As an animal lover, Ko Myat Sithu Aung wants city folks to get up close and personal with the creatures and he wants to let the people know that the creatures are not dangerous.
Lizzo and Mammo is open from 11 a.m. to 10 p.m. and is closed every Wednesday.
BANGKOK—Thailand on Wednesday welcomed a decision by the European Commission to drop the Southeast Asian nation from a list of countries it had warned over illegal and unregulated fishing.
In 2015, the world’s third largest exporter of seafood received a so-called “yellow card,” or warning from the European Union over unsustainable fishing practices, carrying the threat of a European ban on the exports.
That move prompted a major crackdown by Thailand’s military government on illegal fishing and an overhaul of the industry.
“There have been sacrifices and adjustments to the way fishing is conducted,” the deputy spokesman of the military government, Lt-Gen Werachon Sukhondhapatipak, told Reuters.
“Thailand’s fishing industry at all levels has a responsibility to the environment and the world through more sustainable fishing practices in line with international standards.”
The measures Thailand adopted ranged from new rules to vessel monitoring systems, as well as a satellite-based system of tracking the movements of fishing boats, enforced by the Royal Thai Navy.
It also toughened labor regulations to combat human trafficking and ill-treatment of migrant workers, improving the situation of more than 300,000 citizens of neighboring countries employed in the Thai fishing industry.
“Since the yellow card was issued, the Commission and Thailand have engaged in a constructive process of cooperation and dialogue,” the European Commission, the executive arm of the EU, said in a statement on Tuesday announcing its decision.
“This has resulted in a major upgrade of the Thai fisheries governance, in accordance with the international commitments of the country.”
The European Commission now sees Thailand as “a new committed partner” in the fight against fishing practices that deplete global fish stocks and harm people who make their living from the sea, it added.
Thai seafood exports stood at $2.1 billion in 2017, Commerce Ministry data shows, recovering to their 2014 level after a drop in 2015 to $1.8 billion following the European Union warning.
About 9.9 percent of Thai seafood exports went to the European Union last year, versus 10.3 percent in 2014, ministry data show.
Thailand’s private sector also welcomed the EU decision, saying the reforms would benefit the fishing industry.
“This will boost investment and confidence in Thai seafood exports in the international market,” Poj Aramwattananont, the vice chairman of the Board of Trade of Thailand, said in a statement.
SHANGHAI/SEOUL—Chinese President Xi Jinping said he hopes North Korea and the United States can meet each other half way as they plan a second summit between leaders Kim Jong Un and Donald Trump, China’s official Xinhua news agency said on Thursday.
The remark by Xi, during a meeting with Kim this week in Beijing, hinted at the depth of the differences that remain between Pyongyang and Washington after Trump and Kim pledged to work towards denuclearization at their landmark summit in Singapore in June.
That agreement was short on specifics and negotiations have made little headway since.
Pyongyang has demanded Washington lift sanctions, imposed because of its nuclear and missile tests, and declare an official end to the 1950-1953 Korean War.
Those demands are in response to Pyongyang’s initial, unilateral steps toward denuclearization that included dismantling its only known nuclear testing site and a key missile engine facility.
The international community expects peaceful dialogue on the fate of the Korean peninsula to continue and yield results, Xi told Kim during the North Korean leader’s fourth visit to China in the past 12 months, according to the Xinhua report.
“The political settlement of the peninsula issue faces a rare historic opportunity,” Xi said.
Beijing supports US-North Korean summits and the use of dialogue to resolve concerns, he was quoted as saying. “China hopes that North Korea and the United States will meet each other halfway,” Xi said.
Kim reiterated a pledge from his New Year’s speech that the North would try to make a second summit achieve a result that the international community would welcome, Xinhua said.
Kim’s trip to China this week followed reports of advanced negotiations for a second summit between Washington and Pyongyang aimed at resolving the standoff over North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs.
Second summit soon?
It was unclear where or when a fresh summit would take place but South Korean President Moon Jae-in said on Thursday the latest China trip signaled an imminent second summit between Kim and Trump. Moon said he expected high-level talks would take place “before long.”
The second summit would also expedite an unprecedented planned visit by Kim to Seoul, Moon said.
He said North Korea needed to take “bold steps” towards denuclearization in order to draw US concessions such as sanctions relief.
Progress between Washington and Pyongyang has long been hobbled by wide differences on how denuclearization should unfold, and under what conditions.
Wang Yiwei, a senior research fellow at the Center for China and Globalization, said he believed North Korea was becoming impatient and beginning to lose hope with the United States for asking it to make changes without in turn removing sanctions.
“The crux is how to let North Korea denuclearize and to give it security guarantees. On this, the United States and North Korea don’t have trust, so China has to act as a bridge,” Wang said.
In Beijing, Kim told Xi he hoped North Korea’s “reasonable concerns” would be taken seriously in order to achieve a comprehensive resolution on the Korean peninsula, Xinhua said.
It quoted Kim as saying North Korea would adhere to its stance of denuclearization and resolving Korean peninsula issues through dialogue, including a second summit with Trump, in order to achieve results that would be welcomed internationally.
Xi commended North Korea for its denuclearization efforts and said China supported the resolution of concerns through dialogue.
North Korea’s state news agency KCNA said both sides agreed in Beijing on the need to maintain the goal of the peaceful resolution of nuclear issues.
Kim told Xi about the “difficulties and concerns created in the process of improving North Korea-US relations and denuclearization negotiations” as well as the prospects of tackling them. The Xinhua report did not elaborate.
In Seoul, Moon said other potential measures North Korea could take included abolishing intercontinental and intermediate-range ballistic missiles and dismantling weapons production facilities and other nuclear sites.
However, he said reducing US military commitments, such as a withdrawal of troops or strategic assets from the region, would be unlikely options for Washington.
“US forces in South Korea or strategic assets in places like Guam and Japan are not linked with North Korea alone, as they exist for the stability and peace of the entire Northeast Asia," Moon told reporters at the presidential Blue House.
YANGON—The head of the United Nations in Myanmar on Wednesday expressed concern about the situation in the western state of Rakhine, where fighting between the military and the rebel Arakan Army has displaced about 4,500 people since early December.
Myanmar government leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on Monday discussed insurgent attacks on police in a rare meeting with the military chief, and her administration called for the armed forces to “crush” the rebels.
Knut Ostby, who acts as the resident coordinator for the United Nations, said in a statement he was “deeply concerned about the situation” and urged “all sides to ensure the protection of all civilians” and to respect human rights.
“Mr Ostby further appeals to all sides to intensify efforts to find a peaceful solution to the situation and to ensure humanitarian access to all people affected by the violence,” the United Nations said in a statement.
The Arakan Army wants greater autonomy for Rakhine State, where the mostly Buddhist ethnic Rakhine people make up the majority of the population.
Rakhine State saw a military-led crackdown in 2017, following attacks by Rohingya Muslim insurgents that prompted hundreds of thousands of Rohingya to flee westwards into neighboring Bangladesh.
At a meeting on Monday between government and military leaders, the office of President Win Myint said it had instructed the military to “crush the terrorists,” the government spokesman later told a news conference.
While Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is barred from being president by a military-drafted constitution, the president is a loyalist. She is seen as de facto leader of the civilian government, while the military remains in charge of security.
Arakan Army insurgents killed 13 policemen and wounded nine in attacks on four police posts on Friday, as Myanmar celebrated Independence Day, state media reported.
An Arakan Army spokesman outside Myanmar told Reuters last week the group attacked the security forces in response to a broad military offensive in the north of Rakhine State that also targeted civilians.
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said on Monday that 4,500 people were sheltering in monasteries and communal areas after being displaced by the fighting in the past month.
Myanmar governments have battled various autonomy-seeking ethnic minority insurgent groups since shortly after independence from Britain in 1948, though some have struck ceasefire agreements.
