YANGON—Tanintharyi Region Chief Minister Daw Lei Lei Maw was arrested on bribery and corruption charges in Dawei on Sunday, according to the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC).
ACC spokesperson U Kyaw Soe confirmed to The Irrawaddy that the chief minister has been detained at Dawei Myoma Police Station, together with Global Grand Services (GSS) Managing Director U Thein Htwe, Director U Aung Myat and General Manager U Thaya Ohn, right after the commission opened cases against the four under the anti-corruption law.
The arrests come after a month-long investigation in Naypyitaw, Yangon and Dawei carried out between Feb. 4 and March 6.
The commission said it has found that Chief Minister Daw Lei Lei Maw misused her position and committed corruption on a number of occasions since April 2016, just weeks after she was appointed as head of the region, in an announcement released late on Sunday evening together with its findings.
The findings include details of the chief minister's corrupt activities in awarding contracts for the construction of a pavilion for a Myanmar New Year event in 2016 and for the removal of unwanted bushes from Dawei University and outside Dawei Airport in November 2016. It stated that the chief minister allowed a budget of 400 million kyats ($263,000) for the removal of unwanted bushes outside the airport.
She also asked a director from the regional road management department in October 2018 to build a wall around two plots of land in Dawei owned by her husband but didn't pay the cost until the commission started the investigation against her, the commission said.
The commission reported that she sold her house which was valued at 32 million kyats ($21,000) for 200 million kyats ($131,000) to the GGS company. In return, the company was awarded a number of contracts including for the electricity distribution project in Dawei, the construction of a fish market, a city hall and low-cost housing.
The ACC added that it also found that GGS broke a contract made with the regional government and owes 8 billion kyats ($5.2 million) to the Ministry of Electricity and Energy for natural gas which has led to a loss of public funds.
The case against Daw Lei Lei Maw has been filed under the Anti-Corruption Law's Article 55 which carries a maximum penalty of 15 year's imprisonment and a fine if found guilty. U Thein Htwe, U Aung Myat and U Thura Ohn of GGS have been charged under the Anti-Corruption Law's Article 63.
Article 63 states that any person who instigates, attempts, conspires, manages or abets to commit any offence contained in the Anti-Corruption Law, shall be punished with the prescribed penalty for such offense.
During State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's visit to the region last month, local residents demanded the chief minister be replaced, as well as the region's planning and finance minister, U Phyo Win Tun, and U Aung Soe, who chairs the Tanintharyi regional committee for the National League for Democracy.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said she would take decisive action against officials who harm public interest.
In January this year, more than 100 local residents of Myeik and Dawei sent a complaint letter about Daw Lei Lei Maw calling for an investigation. In the following days, the regional parliament also sent a report on public complaints to President U Win Myint and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
YANGON—Lt-Col Kyi Lin, head of Rakhine State Police Force confirmed that nine policemen were killed by gunshot in an Arakan Army (AA) raid on a police station in northern Rakhine State’s Ponnagyun at midnight on Saturday.
He declined to give more details, saying he was busy with the case at 8:20 a.m. The AA acknowledged that its troops attacked Yoe Ta Yoke Police Station but spokesperson U Khine Thu Kha declined further requests for comment.
One Yoe Ta Yoke villager who requested anonymity also said that he witnessed nine dead bodies lying on the ground covered with tarpaulin. This morning, dozens of villagers arrived at the crime scene a five-minute walk from the village center. He said that one of the nine police officers was from his village.
He said the head of Yoe Ta Yoke Police Station, Saw Thein Tun, and a police constable were present at the station and that there were no signs of military presence in the area as of 9 a.m. Sunday morning. He said that the villagers heard the gunshots at about 11:30 p.m. which ceased at around 12:00 a.m.
According to him, two police officers managed to escape the AA attacks by pretending to be dead bodies alongside other corpses. Ponnagyun Township Police Maj. Nyein Chan declined to comment when contacted by phone on Sunday morning.
The Irrawaddy has seen an initial police report which says that about 100 AA rebels ordered the station to surrender and as the police refused to do so, fighting instantly broke out. The AA rebels seized all firearms and ammunition from the station.
Battle updates released by the AA show armed clashes between the AA and military troops in northern Rakhine State and Chin State’s upper Paletwa region have intensified since early March.
The AA announced that they have fought with southern Rakhine State’s Gwa Township-based Light Infantry No. 563—troops under supervision of Light Infantry Division No.5—in Paletwa Township's northern village of Pyan So and seized one dead military troop's body as well as confiscating 16 backhoe excavators, one Toyota car, a dump truck, 60 mm and 80 mm mortar shells on Saturday.
During the recent fighting, the military fired hellfire missiles at AA rebels using two helicopters. In the same remote Paletwa area, the AA also clashed with Light Infantry No.542 of Kyaukphyu on Friday and claimed to have killed at least three government troops. The AA seized one MA-1 assault rifle from Infantry N0.542 and a captain's notebook.
The AA update said they are "hunting the troops who managed to escape from the battle."
The AA previously announced that they killed at least a dozen soldiers, including one captain in fighting in upper Paletwa on Thursday. The Irrawaddy attempted to contact the spokesperson for the Office of the Commander-in-Chief for comment multiple times on Sunday morning but calls went unanswered.
Ko Ye Ni: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy. We will discuss efforts in constitutional amendments this week. A constitutional amendment committee has been formed at the Union Parliament. However, we still don't know how far the amendment will go or if it will be a waste of time and end up with the same status quo. Lawyer U Kyi Myint and political commentator U Yan Myo Thein will join me in the discussion. I am Ye Ni, editor of The Irrawaddy (Burmese Edition).
Saya U Kyi Myint and Ko Yan Myo Thein, there were disagreements at the Union Parliament this morning as the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) opposed a proposal submitted by the Constitutional Amendment Committee. We saw that (sound of) the live broadcast of criticisms made by the Tatmadaw representatives had to be omitted. The Tatmadaw has always opposed the NLD's aim to reduce the leading role of the Tatmadaw in politics. During the Tatmadaw's press conference, they made it clear that they will not relinquish their political role as long as ethnic armed organizations exist. As the Tatmadaw and the NLD hold no negotiations and have different views on constitutional amendments, is it possible to amend the Constitution? If it is possible, under what circumstances can the Constitution be amended? I would like to ask Saya U Kyi Myint to discuss this.
U Kyi Myint: The Constitution, which is also known as "mother law" or "basic law," is vital for a country. It is the "mother law" that affects the development of a country. What we see now is anarchy in which everyone is perusing their own cause amid criticisms and protests instead of making the Constitution more democratic. We, [activists] are very sad because we are not affiliated with any political party. As we fought against the military dictatorship at all stages, we were imprisoned repeatedly but we are still full of hope for our country. Whenever we raise the topic of constitutional amendment, different stakeholders—including the military, the USDP, ethnic groups, the government and so on—interpret it to their own ends. Efforts in constitutional amendment should not be treated in this way. The Constitution will be democratic only when we all keep in mind that everyone is contributing something to the country and we must do it for the interest of the country. The Constitution will be democratic only with this approach. One stakeholder says they will amend it when they are the majority in Parliament, while another says they have constitutional rights to object to constitutional amendment. Similarly, ethnic groups say they will continue their armed struggle if their demands are not met and they instigate hatred towards the Bamar. Under such circumstances, it is impossible to make the Constitution more democratic. As a result, only some articles of little importance are likely to be amended. Efforts in constitutional amendment should not be treated as a propaganda campaign.
YN: What's your opinion, Ko Yan Myo Thein? The NLD collected 5 million signatures from the public during their signature campaign to amend the Constitution in 2013. However, nothing has materialized from the campaigns for constitutional amendment.
Ko Yan Myo Thein: In 2013, about 5 million signatures were collected during a campaign calling for the amendment of Article 436 and they were submitted to Parliament. The Parliament also tried to amend the Constitution. As far as I know, there is no official record of the 5 million signatures to amend Article 436 in the documents of the Parliament, in which 37 representatives of the NLD were sitting.
They failed to point it out and raise questions for discussions. It was not even mentioned when the NLD submitted the proposal for constitutional amendments recently. In reality, all Myanmar people deeply believe in their hearts that the entire 2008 Constitution must be amended. To realize that belief, it is necessary to build trust among the political leaders, the military and ethnic groups through tripartite negotiations. We cannot ignore the fact that constitutional amendment is possible only when their differences can be settled and an agreement is reached. To amend the Constitution in Parliament, more than 75 percent of representatives must vote for it. It means that no article can be amended without the support of the Tatmadaw. Therefore, in the amendment process in 2019, it is essential for political leaders, Tatmadaw leaders and ethnic leaders to build trust among themselves through comprehensive negotiations.
YN: What is interesting about your discussion is the tripartite negotiations. One article ethnic groups are interested in amending is Article 261. As far as we know, the Tatmadaw, the USDP and ethnic parties like the ANP (Arakan National Party) support the amendment of the article. It is a topic for discussion. If it is to be amended, some point out that it would be good for the decentralization of power of the central government. On the other hand, others point out the expansion of the role of the Tatmadaw in states and regions. What is your opinion, Saya U Kyi Myint?
KM: Recently, the United Nationalities Alliance, with members from all ethnic groups in the entire country, held a two-day conference at the Green Hotel. They have no objection to the amendment of Article 261. There is no problem with the amendment of Article 261 as ethnic groups, the USDP and the NLD support it. The problem lies in the manner of proposing it. They are arguing about who was first to propose it. Ethnic groups pointed out that the amendment of the article alone is not sufficient and it is necessary to amend other related articles. For example, it is contradictory if a chief minister is to be elected by the regional parliament but regional ministers are to be appointed by the president. It is necessary for ethnic groups to amend the complete set of related articles. The NLD said it also intends to do so. The USDP agreed and said they had submitted their own proposed amendment of Article 261. As I said, they are trying to get ahead of one another even while working in the interest of the country. The manner they are doing it in is annoying for the public and ethnic groups. The situation is confusing because of their manners of promoting their personal popularity and party interests rather than making the Constitution more democratic. There is no problem in amending the article. They are not united. I am not asking them to be united forcefully but it is a common goal in the interest of the country. It appears difficult to amend the article because of their personal and political grudges. It is not a problem.
YN: I would like to ask Ko Yan Myo Thein: which articles are likely to be amended through negotiations as a common goal?
YMT: Every stakeholder including the ruling party, ethnic groups, the USDP and the Tatmadaw has agreed to amend the Constitution but they disagree on the extent of the amendment. To bridge their differences, it is important to negotiate through political means. It is important to approach constitutional amendment more from the political point of view rather than from a legal one. When you ask me which articles are likely to be amended, it is necessary to make a reference to the Union Agreement reached during the 21st Century Panglong Conference. Terms of the agreement signed by the president, Parliament speakers, the state counsellor, the commander-in-chief, ethnic leaders and leaders of EAOs must be integrated into the constitutional amendment. Some of the terms are concerned with the basic principles of the Union. As these terms are agreed on in the Union Agreement, it is necessary to amend the Constitution based on them. The Union Agreement states that the Union shall be built on a democratic federal system while the Constitution pushes for a unitary state. Terms of the agreement must be integrated into the constitutional amendment process in 2019-20. If we can’t do this, it will have an impact on the peace process by undermining the trust of ethnic leaders. So it is necessary for political leaders, Tatmadaw leaders and ethnic leaders to treat this issue seriously.
YN: A final question for Saya U Kyi Myint: how can constitutional amendments benefit the public?
KM: I believe that the NLD, as an elected government, proposed constitutional amendments as it is the wish of the people. However, the Tatmadaw said they didn’t know about it because they were not invited for negotiations. They held a press conference and said that a total of 48 articles must not be amended. These articles are important and related to the role of the Tatmadaw. They said these articles must not be amended. How can we build a democratic federal Union with these articles? If we are to amend the Constitution without touching on the 48 articles, it will be just a superficial amendment. It will be a waste of time and bring no benefit to the country. It has been a decade since the Constitution was enacted and it doesn’t work. It says the population of Myanmar is 57 million but it is only 52 million in reality. It is wrong. A referendum should be held on whether the Constitution should continue to be in place or whether it is in accord with the democratic federal system. If more than half of the votes at the referendum support the Constitution, it will go on. If not, leaders should find a solution through negotiations.
The Lower House approved a proposed amendment to the Penal Code addressing the rape of young girls. The amendment, which has already been approved by the Upper House, would raise the punishment for the rape of girls under the age of 12 to between 20 years and life in prison.
Tuesday (Mar. 5)
Lawmakers representing the military and the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) objected to a recommendation from Bill Committee Secretary U Myat Nyana Soe to discuss the USDP’s proposal to amend Article 261 of the Constitution in the new committee drafting amendments to the charter rather than at a full session of Parliament.
In February, Parliament approved a proposal by the ruling National League for Democracy to form the drafting committee over objections from the military and USDP. The USDP then put forward a bill proposing a single amendment to the Constitution that would see region and state chief ministers elected by local legislatures rather than appointed by the president.
Wednesday (Mar. 6)
The Women and Children’s Rights Committee submitted a report on the Child Law recommending that it be amended.
Thursday (Mar. 7)
The Lower House approved lawmaker Daw Khin San Hlaing's proposal to review private businesses and enterprises operating on state-owned property to make sure government resources are being utilized in the public interest.
Friday (Mar.8)
Parliament approved the appointment of eight new members to the Union Election Commission, which now has 15 members.
On this day in 1955, Sir Joseph Augustus Maung Gyi, the only Burmese to serve as governor of British Burma, died.
Maung Gyi (b. 1871) was an Oxford-educated barrister and a leading political figure in the 1920s and 1930s. He served as a minister and later a Home Member in the dyarchy government introduced by the British to allow for a measure of self-rule. He was also a judge of the High Court and the leader of the conservative Independent Party (also known as the "Golden Valley Party" after the neighborhood in Rangoon that was home to most of its leaders).
He was knighted by the colonial government in 1927, and served as acting governor for several months in 1930-31 when Governor Sir Charles Innes was on sick leave in the U.K. During his tenure as acting governor, Saya San led an uprising against the colonial government by Burman peasants who were frustrated by high land taxes. Saya San was hanged the following year, though the popular rebellion is now recognized as one of the earliest nationalist movements leading to independence.
Dr. Maung Maung, Myanmar's seventh president and a prolific author, would later write that "Sir J. A. Maung Gyi is honest and dares to take on tasks. But he does not know well about Myanmar's affairs, not to mention farmers' affairs. He was not close to the people as he got high positions without the vote."
However, in his autobiography "My Burma", Dr. Ba Oo, the country's second president, defended Maung Gyi, saying he had no choice but to refuse the call for lower taxes. He called Maung Gyi "a strong patriot" who was not in a position to defy the British.
Had he been free to act, Dr. Ba Oo wrote, Maung Gyi would have done anything within his power for Myanmar citizens.
On the other hand, Maung Gyi is remembered positively for his lead role in establishing Rangoon University, his research on traditional Myanmar drama and his efforts to publish the Tripitaka, or Buddhist scriptures.
Maung Gyi died at the age of 83 at his residence in Golden Valley.
YANGON—Two grandsons of Myanmar's ex-dictator Ne Win may be at risk of being sued by a local bank for failing to repay hire-purchase loans obtained to acquire buses for a transport company they own.
The bus company, Omni Focus, and two of its affiliates—Central Yangon Network Company and Keen Support Company—took out a loan of 56 billion kyats (US$36.8 million) from AYA Bank in 2017 to buy 500 new buses to be operated by Yangon Bus Service (YBS). The loan was sought at the recommendation of Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein.
In a statement released on Friday, the bank said it is planning to sue the companies for failing to repay the loans. The bank said it had attempted to communicate with the companies for several months, including sending bank notices and legal notices requesting repayment, as per the bank's procedures.
U Myint Zaw, managing director of AYA Bank, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that the three companies failed to make at least 50 billion kyats in repayments, including interest and late penalties, over the past 17 months.
"As a bank, we gave them loan within the bank compliance and procedures. And now they have missed the deadline to make the repayment. We would like to urge them to repay the loan," he said.
U Kyaw Ne Win of the Omni Focus Company and officials from AYA Bank met separately with the Yangon Regional Parliament's Finance, Planning and Economy Committee on Thursday to discuss the dispute.
Regional lawmaker U Kyaw Zeya, who is a member of the committee, told The Irrawaddy that the loans were provided because the regional government told the bank to do so. He said the bank officials said that while other companies repay their loans regularly, the three companies, which are all under Omni Focus, failed to pay. He added that U Kyaw Ne Win acknowledged receiving notices from the bank.
During the meeting, U Kyaw Ne Win complained of the difficulties that his company is facing, including the fact that the bus lines are losing money; what he described as the Yangon Region Transport Authority's failure to keep its promise to offer assistance to bus companies operating under the YBS; and a delay in the implementation of a cash payment system.
"He said he doesn't mind the lawsuit. If he is sued, he will disclose his difficulties to the public," U Kyaw Zeya quoted U Kyaw Ne Win as saying.
A few hours after AYA Bank released its press statement, the bus company responded, saying it informed the bank on Jan. 31 that it would attempt to meet the repayment deadline.
However, U Myint Zaw said AYA Bank had no knowledge of the company's claim.
YANGON—The CEO of the company developing the controversial New City project on the west bank of the Yangon River has defended the involvement of a Chinese firm with an international reputation for engaging in bribery and corruption.
The Yangon government-backed New Yangon Development Company (NYDC) last year signed a US$1.5-billion (about 2.3 trillion kyats) framework agreement with Beijing-based China Construction and Communication Company (CCCC) under which the latter will build infrastructure for the new city. The project, slated to be developed on 20,000 acres of land, is part of China's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative in Myanmar.
However, the project has been a source of controversy due to its flood-prone location as well as CCCC's involvement. The Hong Kong-listed, Chinese state-owned company has been accused of engaging in corruption and bribery relating to development deals in at least 10 countries in Africa and Asia, from the Philippines to Bangladesh to Tanzania, according to international media reports.
At a public consultation meeting about the project in Yangon on Wednesday, NYDC's CEO Serge Pun was bombarded with questions on topics including the project's location, financial model, environmental feasibility, job creation and the controversial Chinese firm's involvement, among others. Audience members wondered aloud whether the New City project would have a negative impact on Yangon and expressed concerns over Chinese influence over the New City once it is completed.
When asked if NYDC had done a background check on CCCC before signing the framework agreement, the CEO said it had. He acknowledged that the Chinese company had once been blacklisted by the World Bank along with internationally known U.S. and Canadian companies, but insisted that "the situation has changed".
"I don't want to comment on CCCC's past. But they have to stay on the right track when working with us," he said, adding that if it didn't the outcome would be poor.
"My responsibility is to keep it on the right track," he said.
Serge Pun told the audience that since the formation of NYDC last year, many international firms had approached it about investing in the New City, but they had failed to meet NYDC's basic conditions for the project, under which it will provide the land while its partners must bankroll all the infrastructure projects.
"So in the end only one was left: CCCC," he said.
Though CCCC has yet to be given the green light to proceed with the project, the framework agreement between NYDC and the Chinese company says NYDC will provide 28 sq.km of land for use by CCCC, which will invest $1.5 billion in building six infrastructure works including bridges, roads and power and water treatment plants.
During the town hall meeting, U Win Myo Thu, the chairman of the Advancing Life and Regenerating Motherland (ALARM) group, said the agreement was "too good to be true".
"Other investors have turned their backs [due to the huge investment required], but CCCC is still around. Why? Do they have a hidden agenda?" he asked.
U Win Myo Thu cited examples in other countries where Chinese state banks have poured huge amount of cash into projects. Not only do the subcontracts all go to Chinese companies, he said, but when the project fails to generate sufficient profit to repay the loans, the Chinese developers seize the land.
"China is known for playing this trick all over the world," he said.
"If something goes wrong [with the New Yangon City project], we won't have much bargaining power with China either," he warned, while questioning whether the new city would become a Chinese enclave.
Serge Pun's audience and co-panelists appeared less than impressed by his failure to provide concrete answers to some of their questions relating to the project.
When the moderator asked why a flood-prone location was chosen for the project he replied, "It's difficult to answer."
"I was assigned to take care of the project after they [the government] chose the location. I wasn't involved in the location selection process," he said.
When another member of the audience asked whether the project had been submitted to the Myanmar Investment Commission (any project with an investment value larger than $5 million requires the investment body's approval), the CEO said simply that they were awaiting permission "from Naypyitaw".
"People 'upstairs' are now in discussions. The Union Attorney General's Office is reviewing the Pre-Project Document [a set of documents including technical specifications, a financial proposal and a business model] submitted by CCCC. I think it will happen soon," Serge Pun said.
YANGON—More than a dozen Myanmar Army soldiers, including a captain, were killed during a battle with the Arakan Army (AA) in Chin State's Paletwa Township on Thursday.
Captain Aung Chan Moe was among the troops from Light Infantry Battalion No. 542, based in southern Rakhine State's Kyaukphyu Township, who were killed in the clash.
The AA released an update via its official website on Friday afternoon displaying a number of soldiers' ID cards, including that of Capt. Aung Chan Moe, along with badges, epaulettes and a 9-mm pistol. The AA said at least 15 government soldiers were killed.
It also displayed photos of three dead Army troops as well as a number of pieces of military equipment including binoculars, mine detectors, three MA assault rifles, more than 20 mortar rounds of different sizes, and six RPG rounds. In the AA handout, the ID of another captain, Saw Maung Maung Nyein, and an epaulette with three stars were also displayed, but it remains unclear whether the officer was among a group of soldiers who managed to escape, or if he was freed by the AA.
Since March 3, the AA has occasionally released battle updates via its website and that of its political wing, the United League for Arakan (ULA). The AA recently announced that it killed more than 30 Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) soldiers in a March 4 attack in Mrauk-U Township.
The AA said its fighters claimed to have ambushed two wooden motorboats carrying dozens of Tatmadaw soldiers who were part of reinforcements for an Army offensive in Mrauk-U. It said the soldiers drowned when the boats sank. The Irrawaddy could not independently verify this claim.
Two Myanmar Army captain's epaulettes and one pistol are displayed in images released by the AA on March 8, 2019. / AA info desk
According to the AA, the Tatmadaw's Light Infantry Division (LID) No. 55 has been pouring more troops into the frontline in Paletwa, and troops from LIDs No. 22, 33, 66 and 99 are also being deployed to battlefields in northern Rakhine. The AA estimates that the Tatmadaw has dispatched not less than 10,000 soldiers to Rakhine since armed clashes there escalated in December. The AA predicted the fighting would only intensify as long as the military continues to send in reinforcements.
After learning that the Tatmadaw was using private boats and vehicles to transport troops, the AA recently warned boat owners not to transport soldiers to contested zones.
A spokesman for the Office of the Commander-in-Chief did not respond to The Irrawaddy's calls on Friday.
Local relief groups estimate that nearly 10,000 civilians have been displaced across Rakhine due to the intense fighting in the northern of the state. Most of the IDPs are sheltering in poor conditions and are relying mainly on donations from the local groups.
YANGON—Chinese tissue culture banana plantations, banned from Laos and Thailand, came to war-torn Kachin State in 2007. For more than two years, controversial China-backed banana plantations have been facing backlash from local residents in Kachin State, where operators are accused of unfairly taking over lands previously leased from the authorities by locals, many of whom were displaced by conflict.
As the plantations expand, villagers displaced by fighting and living in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) are increasingly concerned that their land may be occupied, and that they will not be able to farm when they return home.
The area occupied by tissue culture banana plantations has been expanding rapidly in Kachin State, particularly in Waimaw Township close to the state capital of Myitkyina, and most of the plantations are operated by Chinese companies.
According to the State's agriculture ministry, there are more than 60,000 acres of banana plantations. However, civil society organizations have recorded more than 170,000 acres across Waimaw, Bhamo, Shwegu, Mansi, Momauk and Dokphoneyan townships in Kachin State. Local lawmakers have also pointed out the discrepancy between government data and information on the ground and are calling for action to be taken against those behind the cultivation of tissue-culture bananas.
According to a 2017 environmental study by the Lisu Civil Society Organization, Chinese companies have been planting tissue culture bananas since 2012 in Kachin State's Special Region 1, which is under the control of the government-allied New Democratic Army-Kachin militia. It said the plantations have been gradually expanding to the other townships.
More than 50 farmers from multiple villages in two townships of Myitkyina District on Wednesday told the media how the China-backed plantations were causing suffering among the local communities. The famers also said they have been threatened by the Chinese companies for opposing the bananas plantation near their villages.
According to environmental reports by civil society organizations, the companies are using insecticides, weed killers and fertilizers and disposing of them carelessly. This has led to the pollution of water supplies in these areas, in turn causing soil damage and killing fish and livestock.
Here, The Irrawaddy illustrates and maps the expansion of banana plantations in Kachin State.
(This data is based on information from Myanmar's Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation, the 2018-2019 Land Security and Environmental Conservation report conducted by a coalition of 11 civil society organizations and a 2017 environmental report by the Lisu Civil Society Organization.)
NAYPYITAW — Vice President Henry Van Thio vowed to ensure that women make up 30 percent of the participants in every sector during an event marking International Women’s Day in Naypyitaw on Friday.
"It has been set out in the political framework of the Union Accord to guarantee at least 30 percent women's participation in all sectors," he said.
The government, he added, was implementing 2013-2022 national strategic plan for advancement of women that targets 12 for gender equality, in line with the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Beijing Declaration and its Platform for Action.
The priority areas laid out in the plan are livelihoods and poverty reduction; education and training; health; violence against women; emergencies; the economy; decision making; institutional mechanisms; human rights; the media; the environment; and girls.
Task forces have been formed as part of the plan to prevent violence against women and girls, help them participate in politics and business, promote gender equality in all sectors, and ensure peace and security for women.
At the event, representatives of Myanmar Women's Organization Network said there was also much work left to do to educate men about respecting women.
The Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement has opened “one stop women’s support center” to help women who experience violence in Yangon, Mandalay, Lashio in Shan State, and Mawlamyine in Mon State. Minister U Win Myat Aye said centers were also planned for Irrawaddy Region, Kayah State and Karen State.
"Though 30 percent women's participation is granted, it is important that they have decision-making positions. Women's participation is very low in every sector," said Upper House lawmaker and women’s rights activist Naw Hla Hla Soe.
She said seminars on women's rights, practical help for victims, legal support and the rule of law were all important factors.
The slogan for this year’s Women's Day is, “Think equal, build smart, innovate for change.”
Henry Van Thio urged women, who account for more than half the national population, to unlock their potential and work shoulder to shoulder with their male counterparts in establishing the rule of law, promoting socio-economic development, and building peace and federalism.
The event was attended by First Lay Daw Cho Cho, Union ministers, and representatives of women's rights groups and other local and international non-governmental organizations.
SITTWE, Rakhine State — A landmine killed a 68-year-old man in Rakhine State’s Mrauk-U Township on Wednesday, bringing to five the number of civilians killed by landmines or unexploded ordnance in northern Rakhine and the neighboring township of Paletwa in Chin State since February.
The Myanmar military and Arakan Army have been fighting in the area since late last year.
On Tuesday, the Chin Human Rights Organization said U Aung Lun, a resident of Shin Ma Dein Village in Paletwa, was forced to guide the military’s Light Infantry Battalion 544 at the head of the column and was killed after stepping on a mine near the Bangladesh border on Feb. 25.
A captain and other soldiers were also seriously injured by the blast, the rights group said in a report, adding that the military promised to compensate the victim's family in line with ethnic Chin traditions.
On Dec. 29, an ethnic Mro villager from Leik Hpa Village, also in Ponnagyun, was injured after stepping on a landmine.
These figures exclude deaths from accidental shootings or assassination.
In the latest incident, three residents of Auk Tha Kan Village were on their way home from the forest at about 6 a.m. on Wednesday when one of them stepped on a landmine, according to police Capt. Aung Thu Myo of the Mrauk-U Township police force.
The man, a 68-year-old war veteran, lost his leg below the knee from the blast and bled to death on the way to the hospital in Mrauk-U.
"The two others were slightly injured," U Tun Than Sein, a state lawmaker who represents Mrauk-U, told The Irrawaddy.
The military and Arakan Army clashed near the site of the mine blast on Feb. 19 and 20, according to locals.
Ta'ang rights groups have accused the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) of detaining 10 ethnic Ta'ang residents of Mann Lee village in northern Shan State's Namtu Township.
The 10 went missing after fighting broke out between rival ethnic armed groups in Mann Lee on March 1. According to the groups, a phone memory card found at the scene of the clash contained images of the missing villagers.
A family member of one of the missing found the card in a phone that had been left in the village and took it to the Ta'ang Women's Organization (TWO).
Lway Poe Jae, joint secretary of the Ta’ang Students and Youth Union (TSYU), told The Irrawaddy on Friday that, "Our evidence is mainly from the villager who came to give the memory card to us. When we checked the memory card, we found they [the RCSS] had detained those 10 people."
The images show the missing villagers sitting down with their hands tied by rope and blindfolded. Armed men dressed in civilian clothes stand behind the victims, she said.
The TSYU and the TWO issued a joint statement announcing the discovery of the photos and accusing the RCSS of detaining the 10. It demanded that they be released.
Lway Poe Jae said local residents had identified the armed men in the photos as RCSS members.
The 10 disappeared on March 1 after the village became caught in fighting between the RCSS and a joint force of Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP) troops. The fighting caused the population of the village to flee. Two people who had stayed behind to take care of property and another eight villagers who were among those who fled were all later reported missing.
The TSYU and TWO said they would ask other rights groups including those from the Shan and international communities to lobby the RCSS to release the villagers.
Colonel Sai Oo, a spokesperson for the RCSS, denied the group is holding the missing villagers.
"We did not arrest them," he said. He added that he had read the statement by the TSYU and TWO, but found the account of finding a memory card hard to believe.
"Their armed group [the TNLA] sometimes arrests its own people but blames us," he said.
No one benefits from arresting civilians, he said, before calling on armed groups to help local residents.
Col. Sai Oo added that if his group had arrested any civilians, and if they were found to have done nothing wrong, the group would release them.
The fighting between ethnic armed groups in northern Shan State has inflamed tensions between ethnic Shan and Ta'ang in the region. At least 40 people have disappeared in Namtu Township since fighting broke out between the TNLA and the RCSS in the area, according to Ta'ang rights groups.
The RCSS is an ethnic Shan armed group historically based in Loi Tai Lang, southern Shan State. However, it has begun to exert control in areas in northern Shan since signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement with the Myanmar government in 2015.
The TNLA has been the RCSS' main rival among the ethnic groups in the area, but the SSPP, a Shan ethnic armed group based in northern Shan State, has staged attacks against the RCSS of late too.
The TNLA and SSPP are members of the Northern Alliance bloc of armed groups. They have joined forces to attack the RCSS and defend their areas of control. Both the TNLA and SSPP accuse the RCSS of occupying their areas of control.
The two armed groups are trying to kick the RCSS out of northern Shan State. The RCSS retains small areas of control in Namtu and Hsipaw townships. Over 2,000 IDPs have fled villages in Namtu and Hsipaw amid ongoing clashes in the area.
NAYPYITAW — The parliamentary committee drafting amendments to the Constitution met on Thursday in Naypyitaw for the first time since it was established over two weeks ago and discussed the first 14 articles covering the basic principles of the Union.
Lawmakers for the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and those appointed by the military, or Tatmadaw, who opposed the committee’s formation, showed up but did not join in the discussion.
Lawmakers “from the Tatmadaw and the USDP didn't take part in the discussion, but they took notes on the discussion among the other parties," U Aung Kyaw Zan of the Arakan National Party (ANP) told reporters.
The ANP proposed restructuring Myanmar’s regions and state in such a way that would help put the main ethnic groups on equal footing.
USDP lawmakers declined to be interviewed after the meeting. Military-appointed lawmakers spoke only to Myawady Television, the military-owned broadcaster.
"I am not authorized to reveal what was discussed at the meeting because it is graded classified information," USDP lawmaker U Sai Kyaw Moe said.
Committee Secretary U Myat Nyana Soe said all the member parties except the Wa Democratic Party attended the meeting and participated actively.
The other parties in the committee are the ruling National League for Democracy and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, Zomi Congress for Democracy, Pa-O National Organization, Palang National Party, Kokang Democracy and Unity Party, United National Democracy Party, Mon National Party, National Unity Party, Kachin State Democracy Party, and Lisu National Development Party.
There are a total of 48 clauses in the first 14 articles of the Constitution. Committee members declined to say what was said about Article 6 (f), which allows the military to “participate in the national political leadership of the state.”
Any amendment to the Constitution requires the approval of more than 75 percent of lawmakers in the Union Parliament, where the military controls 25 percent of the seats as per the Constitution.
CHIANG MAI—Karen National Union (KNU) Chairperson Gen. Mutu Say Poe and Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) Chairperson Yawd Serk have stepped down from their respective positions as chairperson and vice-chairperson of the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST), a group representing 10 ethnic armed group signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).
The PPST held a series of meetings in Thailand's Chiang Mai from Tuesday to Thursday this week.
A new chairperson and vice-chairperson will be elected formally at the next summit, though the two outgoing leaders delegated authority to KNU General Secretary Padoh Saw Ta Doh Moo and RCSS Deputy Chief of Staff Brig-Gen Pao Khay.
Negotiations with the government and military on moving Myanmar toward a federal and democratic system that guaranteed equality and self-determination for ethnic minorities had "deviated" from the path set out by the NCA, the delegates said at the meeting.
The leadership change is aimed at putting the process back on the right track and continuing peace talks with the government based on the common ground reached at the meeting, said Saw Ta Doh Moo.
RCSS Chairman Gen. Yawd Serk and Deputy Chief of Staff Brig. Gen. Pao Khay. / Aung Moe Myint
"This is to replace [the PPST leadership] with younger generations who appear to be able to debate and negotiate more effectively," Saw Ta Doh Moo said in a press conference on Thursday.
Delegates of the KNU and the RCSS, the two biggest groups among the 10 NCA signatories, said that the leadership change would not impact peace talks, though some delegates of the smaller signatory groups expressed concerns that there would be a negative impact on talks.
"We don't think it will have an impact because our argument will be framed by policies and not on personality, so it won't have an impact," RCSS Second Secretary Col. Sai Ngin said at the press conference.
During the meeting, delegates discussed the current peace process framework, discussing ways to make it more inclusive, and tried to reach a consensus on a timeframe for future talks with the government and military.
The PPST summit is scheduled to be held on May 14 when a proposal will be submitted to change its name to the Peace Process Consultative Meeting as well as the formal election of the chairperson and the vice-chairperson.
The PPST was formed by eight original signatories of the NCA in 2017 in Thailand's Chiang Mai in order to facilitate peace talks with the government and Tatmadaw.
The PPST suspended all formal meetings following arguments over the concept of "single army" and "non-secession from the Union" brought up at exclusive meetings between the government, Tatmadaw and NCA signatories last October in Naypyitaw.
Today we celebrate International Women's Day, a day in which we mark the key role that women play in our societies, in Myanmar, in the Netherlands and all around the world.
Much has been accomplished in securing equal rights for women, ensuring equal opportunity for women and ensuring that women everywhere around the world can participate in all aspects of society. With the #SheDecides initiative, the Netherlands contributes to promoting sexual and reproductive rights for women and girls, creating a movement that is vibrant and active.
Much has been accomplished, but many challenges remain. Therefore we must aim for #BalanceforBetter, the theme of WWD2019. It makes clear that a better balance is not only needed but that we all stand to benefit if we are able to accomplish this goal. A balanced world is a better world.
In Myanmar many people, women and men, look up to your picture on their wall. They look up to you as you embody the hope that people have for a better future in Myanmar. However, as you have said yourself, a better future requires peace in Myanmar. While women are usually not the cause of conflict, they should be part of the solution. There can be no sustainable peace without the input and participation of women.
Women should be given the opportunity to express what they need from the peace process, how they want peace to be shaped. Women represent half of Myanmar's population. Their voice cannot be excluded. And they should not only speak on “women's issues” or “gender equality.” Their perspective counts on any topic. Just as much, we need to hear men speak on all issues, including about gender and women's issues.
You have fought for democracy and human rights for the better part of your life. You are a role model for many women in Myanmar. As state counselor and chair of the Union Peace Conference, you are in a position to set an example for a Myanmar based on diversity and inclusion. So if we want #BalanceforBetter in the peace process, then let's not just talk about quotas but amplify powerful female voices, give them a platform, a seat at the table. All of Myanmar will benefit.
Wouter Jurgnes is the Netherlands’ ambassador to Myanmar.
On this day in 1942, Rangoon came under the control of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) and the Imperial Japanese Army. British Governor Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith had withdrawn his forces from Rangoon on March 1, knowing that the two armies were marching on the city. Formed in Bangkok by the "30 Comrades" led by General Aung San, the BIA had entered Myanmar in three columns with the Japanese Army and arrived in Rangoon in early March.
On March 5, the BIA made the decision to take control of Rangoon. The army's Dawei column marched from Hmawbi Township at dusk on March 7 and occupied Rangoon at around 10 am on the following day after encountering some resistance.
Formed with only 100 or so troops, the BIA's ranks swelled to some 40,000 in Rangoon. It was Myanmar's first national army since the abdication of the country's last monarch, Thibaw, in 1885.
BANGKOK—As more Asian nations consider laws to promote social enterprises, analysts on Thursday warned that legislation could hold back, not help the growing number of ethical businesses.
Thailand last week passed a social enterprise act that gives tax breaks and other incentives to registered ventures that aim to deliver a positive social impact while turning a profit.
Such ventures can register if they generate half their revenues from the business, and reinvest 70 percent of profits.
“The law makes it possible for social enterprises—and their supporters—to receive various benefits,” said Vichit Charadsooksawad, director of the industry law division of the government’s advisory council, who helped draft the law.
“It recognizes the role that social enterprises can play in solving social, economic and environmental challenges,” he said on Thursday at a regional conference in Bangkok.
Across Southeast Asia, social enterprises are helping narrow inequality and create livelihood opportunities.
Thailand is among the few countries in the region with legislation aimed at such ventures.
Vietnam revised its enterprise law in 2014 to provide a legal definition of social enterprise, while Myanmar set up a committee to promote inclusive businesses and impact investing.
Malaysia had a three-year strategy to promote social ventures that ended last year, while the Philippines had drafted a bill to reduce poverty through social entrepreneurship.
But regulation is not always needed or desired, Tristan Ace, who heads the British Council’s social enterprise program, said on the sidelines of the conference.
“There is a difference between recognition and regulation. Recognition sends an important signal to the market that it is being taken seriously,” he said.
“But when you have a sector in a nascent stage of growth, you don’t want to restrict it too much. Regulation can come later,” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
Instead, governments must first help the sector develop talent, and improve access to finance, said Ace.
This view was echoed by Alfie Othman, who heads the Singapore Centre for Social Enterprise, which provides training and other resources for ethical entrepreneurs.
“We are opposed to regulation—it would kill innovation in the sector,” he said. “The tax breaks are not that important—we want the sector to grow first.”
Meanwhile in Indonesia, there is a discussion on whether a new law is needed, said Romy Cahyadi, chief executive at Instella, which supports social enterprises.
“Some social enterprises want greater clarity and recognition as legal entities,” he said.
“The government plans to include social enterprise in the five-year national plan. We believe that’s a good approach.”
Thailand has a long history of social enterprises, with the quirky Cabbages and Condoms restaurant set up in 1975 to fund AIDS projects and sexual-health education programs.
It has since grown into a chain of restaurants and resorts in Thailand and overseas.
“When we began, even the term ‘social enterprise’ was not used. We made good money without any government support, and paid tax like any company,” said founder Mechai Viravaidya, known as the “godfather” of Thai social business.
“More than legislation, what we need is awareness and education,” he said.
PATHUM THANI, Thailand — A clothing and cosmetics model and a former monk are campaigning together for Thailand’s election at a market outside Bangkok. The message: Buddhism is under threat.
Their politics marks a new trend in traditionally tolerant Thailand, where Buddhist nationalist movements have never taken root in the same way as in countries such as Myanmar and Sri Lanka.
Buddhism is one of the traditional pillars of Thai society and underpins many aspects of Thai life, but monks have little influence over the state compared to the monarchy and military.
The emergence of the Pandin Dharma Party to contest the March 24 election points to the rise of a fringe of Thai society that is at odds with the royalist-military establishment over religion and expresses growing antipathy to Islam.
“I joined this party because of its policy to protect the religion,” said Sirima “Grace” Sarakul, 36, the model, who is contesting a seat in Parliament as a Pandin Dharma Party candidate.
The threat to Buddhism, Pandin Dharma’s supporters believe, is from secular authorities they accuse of harassing monks and of caring more about Thailand’s tiny Muslim minority than the religion followed by more than 90 percent of Thais.
“Monks have been dealt with heavy-handedly by the state,” complains former monk Korn Medee, 47, leader of the party whose name means Land of Buddhist Teaching. “The government has overtly favored the other religion over Buddhism,” he told Reuters.
The government’s National Office of Buddhism declined to comment on the allegations or the rise of Buddhist nationalism, saying it was a matter of national security.
Two other avowedly Buddhist parties in the election are aligned with the junta, which has imposed measures to bring Thailand’s 40,000 temples under control in the name of tackling scandals ranging from corruption to sex to murder.
Paiboon Nititawan, 65, of the pro-military People’s Reform Party, dismissed Pandin Dharma as “not real Buddhists.”
“Our party is not even talking about religion per se, but rather about applying the teaching of the Buddha,” he said.
Division
Thailand’s longstanding political fracture between the establishment and the populism of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra is mirrored in religion.
Thai Buddhism itself is divided into two fraternities: the Mahanikaya of the masses and the more conservative Thammayut, bound to the establishment and more influential since its founding by a 19th century king.
“There has been a conflict of interests between factions within the monkhood and the military government,” said Buddhist scholar Somrit Luechai. “As long as the monkhood remains under the centralized control of the state, this conflict will not end and could even intensify.”
Religion has not been among the top issues ahead of a ballot that is largely shaping up as a contest between parties that support establishment-backed junta leader Prayuth Chan-ocha and allies of Thaksin.
But an electoral system designed to help smaller parties — 81 are standing for election — has given greater room for interest groups.
Dressed in white to mark themselves out as devout lay followers of Buddhism, Sirima and another former monk, Boonyatilert Sara, 45, found a ready reception in Pathum Thani Province, where northern Bangkok’s sprawl gives way to rice fields.
“Buddhism has been decaying in this country,” said Yuttana Suksa-ard, 66. “A party like this can help purify the religion.”
Pandin Dharma accuses the military government of unfairly targeting senior monks — raiding prominent temples such as the giant Dhammakaya complex in Pathum Thani — over alleged scandals.
The party wants to formally make Buddhism the state religion and give more support for temples.
“I want to protect the religion and to do that we need legislative power,” said Boonyatilert. “In neighboring Myanmar, the Buddhists there know truly what their religion is and they can defend it. Not here.”
Muslims under fire
Although Pandin Dharma strongly rejects accusations of being anti-Muslim, it complains that Muslims get too much state help.
It wants state-sponsored Buddhist settlements in Muslim-majority southern provinces to aid the return of Buddhists who left because of a decades-old insurgency.
One of the party’s candidates for prime minister, Banjob Bannaruji, has praised hardline Myanmar monk Wirathu and in a 2015 post asked: “will we all succumb and allow Islam to take over the country or do we need Myanmar monks to help us?”
Thai authorities have been tough on monks who express anti-Muslim views, defrocking one in 2016.
But some fear that Buddhist nationalism could also become a threat to centuries-old Muslim communities.
“Before, it was just a bunch of personal animosities against Islam expressed online, but now these scattered movements are becoming more defined,” said Zakee Pitakumpol, an academic at Prince of Songkla University and deputy secretary to the Sheikhul Islam, Thailand’s Islamic spiritual leader.
The Pandin Dharma Party is contesting only 145 out of 350 seats this time and Korn played down expectations of great success, saying the party did not have enough money for posters and was relying on social media and door-to-door campaigning.
“Even if we don’t get any seats, then at least now we have a platform,” he said.
YANGON—More than 670 women are contributing to peace building in Myanmar, representing nearly 400 organizations, but only about one quarter of them serve as delegates to the formal Union Peace Conference process, according to the "Women Contributing to Peace" map released on Wednesday.
The study, conducted by Nonviolent Peaceforce and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), collected data from August 2018 to January 2019. The map, intended as a quick guide, lists 674 women from 383 organizations who contribute to peace building.
The maps, compiled for each state and region of the country, include well-known women leaders as well as peace advocates who are less visible. They include government officials, parliamentarians (of both the Union and state parliaments), representatives of civil society organizations, political parties, ethnic armed organizations, and the media and private sectors. Most of them participate in peace negotiations in five key sectors: economics, land and environment, politics, security and the social sector.
The map is, by necessity, incomplete, and will be updated gradually. They are designed to help peace process observers understand who is engaged, but the authors do not claim that it includes everybody.
"I hope you will treat this map as a tool, not as artwork," said Teresa McGhie, the director of USAID Mission in Myanmar, at the map's release.
The joint release by USAID and Nonviolent Peaceforce highlighted that, "By illustrating the wide range of women and organizations engaged in peace-related activities across the country, these maps counter the claim that there are no women in Myanmar with the expertise needed to resolve longstanding conflicts."
During the launch, there was a panel discussion focusing on the next steps for peace and security in Myanmar involving women with expertise on security, peace and gender and ethnic affairs.
A screenshot of the infographic 'Women Contributing to Peace'. / ISP-Myanmar
Daw Khin Ma Ma Myo, the director of the Myanmar Institute for Gender Studies, who also participated as a delegate to the security sector discussion in the Union Peace Conference sessions, said the current peace process needs to be reviewed in order to overcome the current deadlock and to draft genuine basic principles that actually reflect the democratic federal Constitution.
She said, "The current deadlock will be slowly overcome, as everyone understands that peace is necessary for the country, but what the stakeholders need to do is to rethink how and by when they are to achieve peace."
Sharing her own experience of being a UPC delegate, she said the key stakeholders, including the armed forces (the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, and the EAOs) and the political parties are upholding their position papers and defending them, so that is another factor contributing to the deadlock.
"Thus, the dialogues in those multi-stakeholder conferences [UPC] are not actual negotiations," she said, adding that the back-channel or sideline talks, or small-scale talks prior to the main conference, are important in peace talks.
Countering the claim that Myanmar has few women who have the capacity and skills to take part in the peace talks, other panelists highlighted that mindsets need to be changed to acknowledge that there are many resourceful women in the field.
U.S. Ambassador Scott Marciel told the audience during his closing remarks that as Myanmar has a lot of women with "knowledge, expertise and willingness to contribute to the process," it is important to include those women in the formal peace process and in all the discussions and dialogues.
"Around the world, research has shown that including women in the peace process greatly increases the chance that it succeeds and lasts," the ambassador said.
YANGON — An Upper House lawmaker on Thursday called on the government to reckon with the fallout from the partnerships the Union Civil Service Board (UCSB) struck with two unaccredited foreign universities and to prevent such incidents in the future.
During a Union Parliament discussion on a bill submitted by the UCSB to amend the Union Civil Service Board Law in December, Upper House lawmaker U Myo Win said it was important to vet training programs carefully in light of the many bogus universities and diploma mills handing out fake degrees.
The following month, the President's Office announced that the UCSB had ended its partnerships with two such foreign universities — Hawaii-based Akamai University and an affiliated institution, Malaysia's EDS Business School — following a recent scandal.
The UCSB, a government agency responsible for recruiting and training civil servants, worked with Akamai and EDS in providing several courses since 2017 and a master's degree program in 2018 for high-ranking government officials.
Following the President's Office announcement, the UCSB has vowed to work only with legitimate universities in the future. But further details, or any explanation of how the relationships with Akamai and EBS were formed, have yet to emerged.
U Myo Win, who has a history of calling for civil service reform, said in Parliament on Thursday that the agency chose to partner with the two institutions without proper checks.
"How many people in Myanmar hold certificates from those universities? Will the government recognize those certificates? What about the public money spent on them? The government needs to take action on that. Lawmakers also need to enact legislation to prevent such cases from happening again," he said.
He suggested adding language to the UCSB Law amendment bill requiring the agency to announce in advance any plans to partner with foreign universities and institutions on training programs and provide an estimated budget to the government and Parliament for approval.
U Myo Win also suggested that the government approve all UCSB plans to hire foreign experts of consultants.
Last month, a UCSB spokesperson said no public money had been wasted in the Akamai and EBS tie-ups but refused to say how much was spent.
Following Thursday’s discussion, the Parliament speaker said the Upper House's Bill Committee would hold a hearing on U Myo Win’s proposals.
Ko Nay Yan Oo, who is studying at Oxford University in England and broke the scandal via Facebook, has petitioned the President's Office, State Counselor's Office and Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) to investigate the UCSB. The ACC could not be reached on Thursday for comment.
YANGON – A Ukrainian military import/export agency and the Myanmar Army recently signed a joint venture agreement to construct an assembly plant to build armored personal carriers (APCs) and self-propelled howitzers by 2020.
Defense Blog reported on Wednesday that Great Export Import Company had confirmed an initial delivery of equipment and machinery for use in the plant.
Defense Blog published a list of items, including descriptions and value figures, imported by the Ukspecexport agency. The total value was more than US$4.2 million, or more than 6 billion kyats.
The list includes components for a production line to assemble BTR-4U eight-wheeled APCs and 2S1U self-propelled howitzers, based on the MT-LBu multi-purpose chassis. These are different from the BTR-3U eight-wheeled armored vehicles seen in military parades, combat drills and military blogs in Myanmar.
The Irrawaddy phoned Brigadier-General Zaw Min Tun, spokesman for the Office of the Commander-in-Chief, for comment on the Defense Blog report multiple times Thursday, but the calls went unanswered.
According to some Burmese-language military blogs, the Army used BTR-3U armored vehicle in Shan State's Laukai in operations against the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in 2016, alongside Chinese Type 92 light APCs. Some pro-military commenters said on Facebook that the BTR-4U is an upgraded version of the BTR-3U and can carry an additional eight soldiers.
The BTR-4U APC was launched in March 2014 by the Ukraine Army's Kharkiv Morozov Machine Building Design Bureau. The vehicle is equipped with a 30mm cannon, coaxial machine gun (7.62mm) and four Konkurs or Baryer anti-tank (AT) missiles. It can also be armed with a 30mm automatic grenade launcher instead of two AT missiles.
Defense Blog reported in May 2016 that Myanmar bought 10 BTR-3Us from Ukraine in 2003 and that in 2010 the military began acquiring spare parts for the vehicles from Ukraine.
The Myanmar military has also bought about 20 Mi-17 helicopters in various versions since 1995. Since then the Ukraine Army has been supplying parts and training provided by foreign specialists for Myanmar. The Mi-17 chopper can carry up to 30 troops. They are used by the Myanmar military for transportation.
In January 2018 after a visit to Myanmar, Russian Deputy Defense Minister Lieutenant-General Alexander Fomin revealed that Myanmar planned to purchase six Sukhoi Su-30 twin-engine fighter aircraft. The Myanmar Army has never publicly announced what version of the Sukhoi SU-30 it plans to buy from Russia.
Art, Nature & Heritage of Inle: Artist Residency Exhibition
After completing residency programs at Inle Lake in January, four Myanmar artists are displaying the artwork they created at the lake. See the paintings, sculpture and photography of Sai Htin Linn, Htet Myo Htut Aung (Pinky), Pyae Phyo Thet Paing and Aung Thu Phyo who were asked to represent the natural landscape, culture and traditions of Inle through their work. This event is held in conjunction with My Yangon My Home, The Loft Hotel and Inle Lake View Resort and Spa.
March 1 to 9 | The Loft Hotel | No. 33, Yaw Min Gyi Street, Dagon Township
Saudades Art Exhibition
Four artists from across the world will exhibit their work at Gallery 65 for four days. The collective works of artists Ardy Timmer-Cuijpers (Netherlands), Mafi Espirito Santo (Portugal/ S Africa), Sandar Khaing (Myanmar), and Zun Ei Phyu (Myanmar) will be shown. Saudade in Portuguese is a key emotion word that conveys "a deep emotional state of nostalgic or profound melancholic longing for an absent something or someone that one loves." The four artists explore, recollect, re-enact and retrace what has since passed but remains alive in their consciousness.
March 7 to 10 | Gallery 65 | No. 65, Yaw Min Gyi Road, Dagon Township
Live Music with New Direction
Atlas Rooftop Bar and Lounge continues to keep us entertained and relaxed on Friday evenings when we have the chance to wind down after the busy week and clink glasses with friends to toast to the weekend. Live music will be provided by New Direction who will play pop hits in this breezy rooftop setting.
March 8 | 8 p.m. | Atlas Rooftop Bar & Lounge | Uniteam Building, 84 Pan Hlaing Street, Sanchaung Township |
Korea Day
For those of you who love everything Korean, get yourselves to Lotte Hotel this weekend. This event organized by the Myanmar-Korea Tourism Development Working Group is all about promoting Korea's food, culture and tourism. There will be a photo booth with traditional Korean outfits all weekend and live performance by Project K, Rose Quartz and Key on Saturday morning from 9 a.m. Famous Myanmar travel blogger May Zune Win of I Love Traveling will be there to give tips on traveling to Korea and Nu Myat Theingi Oo of Nu Myat Around the World travel blog will give a talk about why you should travel to Korea on Sunday afternoon.
March 9 and 10 | Sapphire Ballroom | Lotte Hotel Yangon, 6½ Mile, Pyay Road, Hlaing Township
Women's Rights Week Outdoor Screening
To conclude the French Institute's week-long event schedule as part of International Women's Day, there will be a screening of the French film "The One" which is about the challenges women face in their professional lives. The film is in French with English subtitles.
March 9 | 6:30 p.m. | Institut Français de Birmanie | 340, Pyay Road, Sanchaung Township
'Bent Nails' Performance Art
The performance art scene in Yangon is certainly growing and is supported in no small part by independent contemporary art gallery Myanm/art. Well-established artist Zoncy will collaborate with the Thinkers for a final performance before jetting to Germany for her next artist residency program. The image of "bent nails" offsets the theme of mistakes and perhaps even regret: "Bent nails make me think of mistakes, or that which cannot be corrected again without a time machine."
Union Bar & Grill will be the venue for live music on Saturday evening by a trio of musicians who are well-known in the Yangon live music and open-mic scene. They play jazzy funk music with a smattering of blues that will have you tapping your toes, shaking your hips or taking to the floor to dance the evening away.
March 9 | 8 p.m. | Union Bar & Grill | 42 Strand Road, Botahtaung Township
Level 2 Sessions House & Techno
Level 2 Sessions is a regular club night which showcases the best house and techno DJ talent in Yangon. This Saturday night, Karl Ross, Lion Grünenberg and Yu KT will play "eclectic and underground-oriented music" at Level 2, a Yangon nightclub with top quality sound and lighting and a true underground club atmosphere. Tickets are 8,000 kyats and include a free beer.
March 9 | 11 p.m. | Level 2 | Compound of Yangon International Hotel, Corner of Ahlone Road and Pyay Road, Dagon Township
3 Issues 3 Acts
Students of Parami Institute will perform three short plays which they have also written and directed themselves. The plays deal with real issues facing young adults like themselves and others in Myanmar today. Titled "Slash and Burn," "Phantom Coercion" and "Legacy," the students developed their scripts through research and interviews, and workshops with professional performers and directors.
March 10 | 7 p.m. | Parami Institute of Liberal Arts & Sciences | Shwe Gone Plaza, Intersection of Kabar Aye Pagoda Road and Shwe Gone Daing Road, Bahan Township
G Talk: Little by Little
Julie Garnier, founder of Lilla clothing company, will give a talk about "slow fashion," discussing why and how our clothing choices make a difference to the environment. This is the third session of G Talk, a regular seminar event which is organized to share knowledge and inspire people of Yangon.
March 11 | 5 p.m. | Hotel G | 5 Alan Pya Pagoda Street, Dagon Township
Wathann Animation Workshop
Organized by the Wathann Filmfest and The Japan Foundation, this workshop in Burmese language takes place over five full days and offers a unique chance to learn about animation for children's cartoons. Three top Japanese animators will share their skills with budding animation artists and incorporating culture into cartoons will be a central theme.
March 13 to 17 | Film Development Center | No. 50, Golden Valley Road, Bahan Township
BANGKOK—A Thai court on Thursday ordered the dissolution of an opposition party for nominating the king’s sister as its candidate for prime minister in a March 24 election, the first since the military seized power in a 2014 coup.
Banning the Thai Raksa Chart party just over two weeks before the general election struck a blow to opposition parties’ chances of defeating parties allied to the military junta that has ruled for nearly five years.
“The court has ordered that the party be dissolved,” Judge Taweekiet Meenakanit said in the Constitutional Court ruling, which also banned the party’s executive board members from politics for 10 years.
Thai Raksa Chart is one of several parties loyal to ousted former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in an election that broadly pits his supporters against establishment parties, including one that has junta leader Prayuth Chan-ocha as its prime ministerial candidate.
Opposition parties say Prayuth’s candidacy, combined with electoral laws allowing the junta to appoint the 250-seat upper house Senate, could result in an elected government that extends military influence.
Police had deployed more than 1,000 officers in and around the court and cordoned off the surrounding area ahead of the ruling.
Party leader Preechapol Pongpanich, who was visibly emotional, told reporters outside the court the party accepted the ruling.
“We all had good intentions for the country,” he said.
Supporters were seen crying, saying they would vote instead for other opposition parties.
The Election Commission asked the court to dissolve the party after it nominated Princess Ubolratana Rajakanya Sirivadhana Barnavadi for prime minister, which the commission described as “antagonistic toward the constitutional monarchy.”
The princess relinquished her royal titles in 1972 but is still officially treated as a senior member of the royal family, which is highly revered in Thailand.
King Maha Vajiralongkorn strongly opposed his sister’s nomination, calling it “inappropriate” and unconstitutional and her candidacy was swiftly disqualified by the Election Commission.
While Thai Raksa Chart is not the largest pro-Thaksin party, dissolving it would weaken his supporters’ strategy of fielding several separate parties in the hope of securing more seats for Thaksin loyalists.
'Moving forward'
Parties aligned to Thaksin’s populist policies have won every election since 2001, but changes in electoral laws have effectively diluted the popular vote, in a bid that his loyalists say is aimed at banishing his influence.
New rules put in place by the outgoing military government benefit smaller parties at the expense of the top vote-winning parties through a complex formula when 150 “party-list seats” are shared out in the 500-seat House of Representatives.
The other 350 seats are directly elected.
Because the main pro-Thaksin Pheu Thai party will be limited in party-list seats, Thai Raksa Chart and other allied parties were formed to reap the benefits awarded to smaller parties.
“Thai Raksa Chart is deployed tactically to mop up party-list seats to complement Pheu Thai,” Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political scientist at Chulalongkorn University, told Reuters before the ruling.
“It was plausible in view of the princess’s short-lived candidacy that the Thaksin-aligned parties even had a shot at a simple majority had her nomination not been nullified.”
Thaksin lives in self-exile to avoid a graft conviction he says was politically motivated.
His opponents have sought to portray his movement as insufficiently loyal to the monarchy – which he vehemently denies – and Thai Raksa Chart’s nomination of the king’s sister was intended to refute that assertion.
With Thai Raksa Chart banned, its voters will likely switch to another pro-Thaksin party, Thitinan said, though the ruling clearly hurt his supporters’ chances.
The princess, who broke with royal tradition by attempting to enter politics, is in Germany, according to her posts on Instagram.
“It’s a very sad and depressing story,” the princess said in an Instagram comment, replying to supporters informing her of the news.
It is clear to see that Myanmar authorities had a great deal of influence on the Myanmar Opium Survey the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) released in January.
Many of us know who really grows the opium, and their ties to the authorities. Instead, the UNODC has put most of the blame on the ethnic armed groups fighting the Myanmar military.
The report was a joint effort of the UNODC and Myanmar government. The UNODC and the government’s Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control would have each written a draft and then combined them.
The result reflects the way Myanmar authorities regularly accuse the ethnic armed groups they are fighting of growing opium and using the profits to buy weapons. The report reads less like a product of the UNODC than of the government.
Of course the UNODC could not have released the report without the government’s approval, so it must be biased.
The UNODC accused the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), a mostly ethnic Kachin armed group that engaged in heavy fighting with the military last year in northern Myanmar. Though the rivals have met several times in China for talks, sporadic fighting has continued.
Kachin State accounts for 15 percent of the opium produced in Myanmar. The rest comes from neighboring Shan State. We all know where the 15 percent in Kachin is grown.
According to the Transnational Institute, a research and advocacy group based in the Netherlands, most of the poppy cultivation in Kachin takes place it two locations: in Sadung Township bordering China and inside a tiger reserve in Tanai Township, which are effectively under military and government control.
Why did the UNODC fail to mention that a local border guard force under the military’s supervision is the one growing poppy in Sadung? The military clearly did not want fingers pointed at one of its allies.
The UNODC could cooperate with the KIA in many ways to combat opium production in Kachin State. But this report sullies the KIA’s reputation, so it may now be unwilling to cooperate. The KIA advocates against drugs and has even cracked down on production, but the UNODC failed to mention this. It also failed to mention the work of Pat Jasan, a vigilante group that detains drug users and destroys poppy crops.
In northern Shan State, meanwhile, the Pansay militia allows locals to grow poppy in area under its control and then takes a cut of their revenue, all while fighting with the Ta’ang National Liberation Army, another ethnic armed group in conflict with the military. Why did the UNODC not mention that?
Instead, the UNODC also accused the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army — yet another ethnic armed group fighting the military — which has a small area of control in Shan State’s Kokang region near the Chinese border.
But the government does not dare to blame the United Wa State Army (UWSA). The powerful ethnic armed group claims it has stopped growing poppy, but some still believe it continues to cultivate crops in a few remote areas in northern Shan. Again, the UNODC failed to accuse the UWSA.
The government and military have been blaming the country’s drug trade on their most hated enemies for a long time. The UNODC should get wise to the ruse. Otherwise, it will continue to be their tool.
YANGON—Wednesday night was an occasion to honor the most talented people in Myanmar's dining, nightlife and travel industries. The annual Myanmore Awards, now in their sixth year, saw 17 coveted awards handed out at a glamorous gala event held at Novotel Hotel.
"I was a bit shocked when they announced the winner of the Restaurant of the Year award," said Orng Joitamoi, head chef and owner of Orng Kitchen who won Chef of the Year in 2018.
"Last year, when we won Chef of the Year there was a huge pressure on me. We kept trying harder and working harder and I think our food and our restaurant improved about ten fold in the process. This award means a lot for me personally and for the whole kitchen: we have worked so hard for this."
In the bar scene, Bar of the Year was awarded to Penthouse and Sanchaung institution Win Star beer shop took home the Myanmar Beer Outlet of the Year award. Nikki Barltrop, chief operating officer of the 57Below group of restaurants which include Gekko, Union Bar and Grill and Parami Pizza, was commended for constantly raising the bar in the food and beverage industry through her commitment to quality and was awarded Special Award for Contribution to Excellence.
Previously awarded to Isabel Sway Htin and Htet Myet Oo of Rangoon Tea House fame, this year the KBZ Entrepreneur of the Year award went to another foodie, Myat Phoo Wai of NooDi noodle shop.
After plans to hold a separate hospitality and tourism awards event in December fell through, Myanmore instead added a new travel category to the awards this year. The Best Experience award went to the well-established Balloons Over Bagan, an operation owned by Memories Group, while Tourism Industry Figure of the Year was awarded to the hard-working May Myat Mon Win for her tireless efforts in promoting tourism in Myanmar. Hotel of the Year went to Sofitel Inle Lake Myat Min.
YANGON — More than half of the 7,000-plus Muslim Rohingya who have applied for citizenship in Rakhine State over the past three years have now been accepted following a wave of approvals in just the last few months, according to the Ministry of Labor, Population and Immigration.
U Shein Win, deputy director general of the ministry’s National Registration and Citizenship Department, said most of them failed to qualify for full citizenship because they lacked the necessary family records going back seven decades.
In any case, the recent wave of citizenship cards has been raising both hopes and old grievances across the strife-torn region. It has drawn a mixed reaction among Rohingya in Maungdaw Township and the more than 700,000 who have fled to Bangladesh since late 2017 to escape a military crackdown in northern Rakhine.
Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed in early 2018 to repatriate the refugees, but the process has yet to begin in earnest. Only a few dozen have returned to Myanmar to date, mostly outside of official channels.
Recently, authorities in Rakhine have issued more than 100 green cards granting partial citizenship to Rohingya who stayed in Maungdaw as an incentive to entice more of the refugees back.
According to Maungdaw residents, more than 400 applicants are still awaiting decisions on what sort of citizenship they will receive — if any.
Myanmar's Citizenship Law was enacted in 1982 under the Ne Win regime, creating three categories of citizenship with varying privileges: full, associate and naturalized. The accompanying cards are colored pink, blue and green, respectively. The laws stipulates that anyone whose ancestors arrived Myanmar before Jan. 4, 1948, the day Myanmar gained independence from Britain, is eligible for one of the three.
All applications are vetted in Naypyitaw by the Central Body, made up of top officials from several government ministries.
People walk between stalls at a market in Maungdaw town in northern Arakan State on November 11, 2014. / Reuters
Thousands of cards issued
U Shein Win said the “program” was initiated in 2016, a few months after the national elections that swept the National League for Democracy to power.
He said the majority of the applicants were those with National Verification Cards (NVCs), which grant Rohingya residence in Myanmar while they apply for citizenship.
The NVCs were thought up by the previous administration, headed by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party, to replace the so-called white cards. The white cards had allowed holders to vote in the 2010 general elections but were revoked after the communal riots that swept across the country two years later, disenfranchising many Rohingya in the process.
U Shein Win said the government had issued 14,000 NVCs in Rakhine, and at least half the holders have applied for citizenship. He said the government handed out citizenship cards to those applicants in two groups earlier this year and had only one group left to vet.
"Most of the applications have been approved; I just don't know the specific number…. I think there is only one batch to be completed." he said.
U Shein Win said most of them have received green and blue cards. A few pink cards went to those with the most complete family records. "Pink cards appear to be the fewest,” he said.
More rights
Some Rohingya applicants say the Central Body recently approved 74 green cards.
Abdul Rashid (name changed for his safety), from Maungdaw, said his family was among the lucky few granted pink cards because they had records going back seven generations.
He said many applicants thought they would get full citizenship, but added that most could not produce the necessary family documents dating back to 1948 or beyond and received green or blue cards instead. He said some of those granted green cards were dissatisfied and have appealed the decision, while others have refused to even take them.
Amir Hamza (name changed) is still awaiting a decision on his application.
He said the cards — whether pink, blue or green — label them as ethnic Bengali rather than Rohingya, which they consider themselves, but have been accepted regardless by most as a ticket to a better life. Because even as naturalized citizens, he said, they can move freely, own property, access education, vote and get passports.
"Although we prefer Rohingya over Bengali, a green or pink card is a necessity, so we exchanged our [ethnic] status to have a practical life," Amir Hamza said.
U Shein Win, the immigration official, confirmed that the new cards labeled the holders Bengali, reflecting the government’s position that they are the descendants of Bangladeshi laborers brought to Myanmar by the British before independence.
Rohingya children fly improvised kites at the Kutupalong refugee camp near Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, in December 2017. / Reuters
A tough choice
It remains unclear how many NVC holders have submitted applications nationwide as of February.
Since then, the department has distributed about 6,000 NVCs to those who surrendered their white cards.
Amir Hamza, who is on good terms with some local officials, said that about 150 green cards were handed out in Rakhine as of February.
He said that so long as Rohingya insisted on being identified as such, they would never gain citizenship.
"We lose our identity, but we have greater opportunities. I think my decision [to apply] was not wrong," he said.
Naturalized and associate citizenship is open to anyone who entered, or whose parents entered, Myanmar after 1948, or who has a Foreign Registration Card. However, those citizens are not allowed to become diplomats, members of parliament or run for president or hold other senior government positions.
Abdul Rashid and Amir Hamza said some Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh also want to apply for the citizenship cards but are afraid they may be targeted by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army. The militant group launched the attacks on police posts in Rakhine State that triggered the military crackdown in 2017, and some of its members are reported to be hiding in the camps among the refugees.
Not good enough
Al Haj U Aye Lwin, a former member of the now-defunct Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, said issuing green cards to Rohingya in Maungdaw with the requisite family records was not good enough.
As a commission member, he visited the refugee camps in Bangladesh several times and learned that many of the refugees had National Registration Cards (NRCs), which the Myanmar government started issued in 1951 to every citizen but later demanded back. Many Muslims, particularly those in Rakhine State, did not turn them in.
After a popular nationwide uprising in 1988, the government began issuing Muslims with the white cards. U Aye Lwin said many white card holders therefore likely had NRCs before. He urged authorities to consider that before granting applicants anything less than full citizenship.
"If the recipients accept green cards or associate citizenship, we have nothing to say. But once they accept the green card, it means they are being downgraded from full citizenship," said U Aye Lwin, a member of the Myanmar Interfaith Dialogue Group.
He noted, however, that the children of those getting green cards now would eventually be able to apply for full citizenship themselves.
Given the ongoing violence and persecution in Maungdaw, Amir Hamza said he may move to Yangon whatever color card he gets in hopes of starting a new life.
"Once we own that card, we can travel freely across the country," he said.
And given how many times different identity cards have been issued to Rohingya in the past only to be revoked later, many remain wary of the latest effort.
Asked about those concerns, U Shein Win laughed.
"That will never happen because this program is being carried out by the state,” he said. “Don't worry."
NAYPYITAW—A French national who was sentenced to one month in prison with hard labor after flying a drone near the Union Parliament Building completed his sentence Wednesday but remains in detention in Naypyitaw awaiting deportation.
Though he has served his time in Yamethin Prison, Arthur Desclaux now faces deportation under the Immigration Law. However, he is being held at a police station in Ottarathiri Township until someone can be found to act as surety for him, township immigration officer U Myint Zaw told reporters. He remains in detention at the police station as he faces a 10-million-kyat bill for the deportation and there is no one to cover it.
"Unfortunately, his family doesn't have friends here. So far, there is no one who can act as surety for him, so he has to stay here. The [French] Embassy can't act as surety because it needs to be done by a person," U Myint Zaw said.
According to the Immigration Law, Immigration officials are authorized to detain a foreigner for a maximum of 15 days before permission is granted for deportation. However, the Immigration Office is expected to act promptly out of consideration for the diplomatic relations between the two countries.
The counselor at the French Embassy said he believed the sentence of one month in prison was appropriate, as Desclaux flew the drone in a restricted area near Gate 2 of the Union Parliament building on Feb. 7.
Desclaux entered Myanmar through the Myawaddy border checkpoint from Mae Sot town in Thailand's Tak province on Jan. 30. He arrived in Naypyitaw by bicycle on Feb. 7. He was arrested while flying the drone on the same day, before he had even found accommodation in the city.
Arthur Desclaux's bicycle. The French national arrived in Naypyitaw by bicycle on Feb. 7. / Htet Naing Zaw / The Irrawaddy
He was charged under Article 8 of the 2012 Export and Import Law for illegally bringing a drone into the country. The law prohibits people from exporting and importing restricted materials. Violators face up to three years' imprisonment and a fine if convicted.
Desclaux said he was unaware of the need to declare the drone. He would not have been imprisoned if he had declared it.
After his release from prison on Wednesday, the French national was charged by the Civil Aviation Department and the Immigration Department with two additional offenses: violating the 1934 Burma Aircraft Act and visa regulations.
He confessed to violating both laws. The Ottarathi Township Court fined him 50,000 kyats for the first charge, and 100,000 kyats for the second charge. The French Embassy paid the fines for him.
The township judge said the court gave Desclaux a light sentence considering as he is a foreigner and not familiar with Myanmar's laws, and had already been imprisoned under the Export and Import Law.
SITTWE—An administrative official was stabbed to death in Thayet Tabin village in Rakhine State's Kyauktaw Township on Tuesday.
U Ba Saw, 47, was found dead with multiple stab wounds at his shop on a road just outside the village, said fellow village administrator U Saw Maung Thein.
"He ran a shop on the road near the village. He lived there alone, and his family lives in the village. His son found his father's body in the shop on Tuesday and informed the authorities," U Saw Maung Thein said.
The victim sustained four knife wounds; three in the chest and one in the throat, according to the police.
Kyauktaw police chief Police Captain Soe Lwin said U Ba Saw's body had been sent to the township hospital for a post-mortem examination.
"We are in the process of investigating," he told The Irrawaddy, adding that the motive was still unknown.
The victim had served as the secretary of the village administrative body under the former military regime, and was serving as an administrator responsible for 100 households in the village at the time of his death.
There has been a rash of unsolved murders in northern Rakhine State recently, and local villagers have been frightened by the latest incident, U Saw Maung Thein said.
On Feb. 12, U Maung Kyaw, a village administration official in his 50s, was shot dead by an unknown gunman in the village of Thayagon in Minbya Township.
U Maung Aye Thein, 56, a resident of Pan Myaung village in Minbya Township, met the same fate on Jan. 22.
On Dec. 24, U Khin Than Maung, a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Arakan League for Democracy, was gunned down at his house in Kya Inn Taung village, Myebon Township.
ROME — Italy is negotiating a preliminary deal to become a part of China’s giant “Belt and Road” infrastructure plan to boost trade, a government official said on Wednesday, in a move that could upset the United States.
Junior Industry Minister Michele Geraci said that if Italy did sign an accord when Chinese President Xi Jinping visits the country later this month, it would be non-binding and just “an initial framework.”
However, in a sign there is no government unity on the issue, another junior minister cautioned against any such move, saying more thought had to be given about national security.
“At this moment, I do not think we should proceed with the signature,” Foreign Ministry Undersecretary Guglielmo Picchi wrote on Twitter.
Both Picchi and Geraci represent the coalition, far-right League party.
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), championed by Xi, aims to link China by sea and land with Southeast and Central Asia, the Middle East, Europe and Africa, through an infrastructure network on the lines of the old Silk Road.
Aside from boosting trade and investment, Xi aims to advance exchanges in areas such as science, technology and culture.
Italian officials said Xi was due to visit Italy from March 22-24 and would spend at least one day in Palermo, the capital of the island of Sicily.
“We are still negotiating the details of the MOU [memorandum of understanding], and it might or might not be signed,” Geraci said. “It is an initial framework. It is not a contract. There are no commitments. There are no funds and no obligations.”
Italy fell into recession at the end of 2018 for the third time in a decade and the government is eager to find ways to boost the economy and revive the stalled construction sector.
Pressure
The Financial Times reported on Wednesday that the United States was irritated by the prospect of Italy joining the BRI, and had warned the project could significantly damage Rome’s international image.
“We view BRI as a ‘made by China, for China’ initiative,” the newspaper quoted Garrett Marquis, White House National Security Council spokesperson, as saying.
Geraci said he had not seen any sign the United States was annoyed or concerned.
“Our goal does not seem to me to be controversial,” he said. “It is about helping companies do business.”
An Italian diplomatic source told Reuters that Rome was facing “a lot of pressure” from China to sign a MOU, but added that if an accord was reached it would be “an empty box.”
Picchi, who is close to League leader Matteo Salvini, said allowing China to help build Italy’s 5G high-speed telecom network and giving it access to other infrastructure was a security issue that needed further review.
A number of European Union states have signed MOUs with China, including Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Greece, Malta, Poland and Portugal. If Italy signs, it would be the first Group of Seven major industrialized nation to do so.
An EU spokesperson in Brussels said the EU was cooperating with Beijing on the initiative, but added that this was “on the basis of China fulfilling its declared aim of making it an open platform which adheres to market rules, EU and international requirements and standards.”
Past EU optimism over dealing with China has turned to frustration over Beijing’s slowness to open up its economy and a surge of Chinese takeovers in critical sectors. There has also been pressure from the United States to shun China over espionage fears.
The surprise arrest of Huawei’s chief financial officer in December quickly turned the executive, Meng Wanzhou, into a central figure in a trade war between two economic superpowers.
U.S. President Donald Trump told Reuters he would consider intervening in her case—a potential action he alluded to again two weeks ago—if it would help close a trade deal with China.
Meng’s lawyer on Wednesday told a Canadian court that he has concerns the allegations against her have a political character, noting Trump’s comments on the case.
But U.S. probes of Huawei Technologies Co. Ltd. for allegedly evading U.S. sanctions on Iran were not rooted in Trump's trade aspirations. Long before Trump initiated a bitter trade war with China, Huawei activities were under scrutiny by U.S. authorities, according to interviews with ten people familiar with the Huawei probes and documents related to the investigations seen by Reuters.
The U.S. focus on Huawei intensified after years of investigation into smaller Chinese rival ZTE Corp., and relied in part on information collected from devices of company employees traveling through airports.
Two of the sources said a critical point took place in August 2017, when deputy U.S. Attorney General Rod Rosenstein—best known for his oversight of special counsel Robert Mueller’s probe of Russian interference in the U.S. election—handed a lead role to Brooklyn prosecutors to pursue possible bank fraud charges against Huawei.
Fifteen months later, that strategy would help land Meng in a Canadian jail.
The U.S. investigations of China’s top telecom companies were spurred by reports by Reuters over six years ago, detailing possible Iran sanctions violations by both ZTE and Huawei, as well as close ties between Huawei and Skycom Tech Co. Ltd.—a suspected front company doing business in Iran.
A spokesperson for Huawei, the world’s largest telecommunications equipment maker, has denied the charges in the sanctions case, and did not provide further comment to Reuters. Meng has said she is innocent of the charges. ZTE, which pleaded guilty in 2017 for illegally shipping U.S. goods to Iran, did not respond to requests for comment.
U.S. Justice Department spokesperson Nicole Navas Oxman said the government pursues cases “free of any political interference and follows the evidence and rule of law in pursuing criminal charges.”
Airport evidence grab
On Dec. 1, 2018, Meng was stopped at Vancouver International Airport as she walked up the jetway after her flight, according to a lawsuit she filed on Friday accusing the Canadian government of violating her rights. Border officers examined her passport and escorted her to an area for secondary screenings.
While there, she was instructed to surrender her two mobile phones, an iPad and a personal computer, along with their passwords, the suit alleges, and the officers viewed the devices’ contents.
Reuters has not been able to determine what information was found on Meng's devices, but it is not the first time she and other Chinese telecom executives have turned over such property to border patrol agents.
In the years leading up to the Huawei indictment, U.S. officials had been capturing information that would influence the investigation when telecom executives passed through U.S. airports, according to a number of sources familiar with the Huawei and ZTE investigations and the Meng indictment.
For example, Meng arrived in the United States via John F. Kennedy International Airport in early 2014. The indictment says investigators found “suggested talking points” on one of her electronic devices, stating among other things that Huawei's relationship with Skycom was “normal business cooperation.”
Meng had been pulled into a secondary screening at the airport that time as well, and her electronic devices were taken, according to a person familiar with the stop. After a couple of hours, the devices were returned and she was freed to go, the person said.
Another border search, this time on Sept. 12, 2014, of executives from rival ZTE also supported U.S. investigators long-held suspicions of how Huawei might have been doing illicit business in countries subject to U.S. sanctions, one of the sources told Reuters.
ZTE’s CFO at the time was stopped at Boston’s Logan Airport after flying in from London with an assistant, the person said.
The assistant was carrying a Lenovo laptop containing a confidential ZTE document, dated Aug. 25, 2011 and signed by four top executives, about the need to establish front companies to supply U.S. procured items needed for projects in embargoed countries.
The airport stop provided key evidence against ZTE in its legal battle with the United States, according to U.S. officials. But it also identified a company as “F7” and how it used a front company to serve as its agent for contracts in sanctioned countries. F7 was Huawei, according to the individuals familiar with the ZTE and Huawei investigations.
The document was posted on the U.S. Commerce Department website in March 2016 when ZTE was placed on a list of companies that were restricted from buying parts and components from U.S. suppliers. Shortly after the public posting, the New York Times reported that the description of F7 offered by ZTE matched Huawei.
A month later, the Commerce Department sent a subpoena to Huawei in the United States demanding information on the company’s exporting American technology to Iran, according to a court document and one of the people familiar with the Huawei probe.
From ZTE to Huawei
With the case against ZTE wrapping up, more than a dozen people from Departments of Treasury, Commerce, Homeland Security and Justice, gathered in Washington on Feb. 14, 2017 and talked about how they were moving forward against Huawei, according to a person familiar with matter.
Brooklyn prosecutors discussed the relationship between Huawei and HSBC, a bank that was required to cooperate with U.S. prosecutors in any investigation until the end of 2017 for violating U.S. anti-money laundering and sanctions laws, the person added.
In late 2016, HSBC began to conduct an internal bank probe of Huawei. In the weeks and months following the meeting, HSBC helped authorities obtain evidence of links between Skycom and Huawei, documents reviewed by Reuters show. The probe found Meng met in 2013 with a HSBC banker. She later gave him a copy of the PowerPoint presentation, which the U.S. indictment says misrepresented Huawei's control of Skycom.
HSBC told Reuters that it provided information in response to demands from the Justice Department.
The U.S. Attorney’s office in Washington D.C., meanwhile, pursued a more traditional export control investigation against Huawei, which included the accusations of attempted illegal shipments of computers to Iran disclosed in the Reuters 2012 story.
A grand jury subpoena was issued to the U.S. subsidiary of the company in April 2017, the first clear sign to Huawei that the probe had turned criminal.
Armed with that knowledge, the company moved U.S.-based Chinese employees who knew about its Iranian dealings out of the country and otherwise concealed and destroyed evidence, the prosecutors allege. Meng and other Huawei executives also began to avoid travel to the United States, prosecutors say.
In the late summer of 2017, according to two of the sources close to the Huawei investigation, Rosenstein chose Brooklyn as the venue to file charges and the Washington U.S. Attorney’s office dropped out of the case. Brooklyn was already working with a money laundering unit at the Justice Department. The national security division also merged with the Brooklyn prosecution team.
Legal experts said since most evidence of any illegal U.S. goods in Iran presumably existed outside the jurisdiction of U.S. authorities, the bank fraud route presented a potentially quicker path to indictment. They added that bank fraud charges are more likely to lead to arrest by other countries for extradition to the United States than export controls or sanctions violations, and have a longer statute of limitations.
Meng and the company were charged with bank and wire fraud. The PowerPoint presentation's "numerous misrepresentations" were central to the charges brought against Meng herself, the indictment shows.
Twelve months after Brooklyn got the case, prosecutors secretly obtained a warrant for Meng’s arrest.
Less than four months later they learned she was stopping in Vancouver en route to Mexico on Dec. 1, and asked the Canadians to detain her at the airport.
YANGON — Than Chaung was among the lucky ones when Cyclone Nargis struck Myanmar in 2008. He and his family survived the country’s worst natural disaster, fleeing to Yangon as the storm killed nearly 140,000 people and battered millions of homes.
But a decade on he was forced from his home again last December, this time by men wielding sledgehammers under orders from authorities to clear the shanty town where he lived.
The demolition of Nyaung village in Hlaing Thar Yar, an industrial zone in northwest Yangon, was the third last year, part of a government plan to relocate 440,000 slum dwellers in the city where 30 percent live in informal settlements.
Since the easing of political and economic restrictions began in 2011, demand for industrial land has surged — while natural disasters and a manufacturing boom in Yangon and Mandalay have spurred migration to these cities.
Than Chaung and other residents said they were hardly consulted or compensated for losing their homes, which they said they built on land they bought from another villager.
Last year, a court ruled that their claim was not valid because the land belonged to a factory.
“They said we have to move because this is not our land. But we paid money for it,” said Than Chaung, showing a photograph of a handwritten note that he said was a receipt for the purchase.
“We have lived here for many years. We cannot afford to go anywhere else.”
With growing migration from rural areas, Yangon’s population is forecast by the United Nations to nearly double to more than 11 million by 2040, placing an enormous strain on resources.
Many migrants come in search of jobs in factories and end up in the dozens of shanty towns built in recent years.
Authorities said residents are encroaching on private land, and relocation will improve the lives of the tens of thousands living in shanty towns that lack electricity, running water and sewage systems, and that are prone to flooding.
But human rights groups and the U.N.’s settlements agency, UN-Habitat, warned forced resettlement could make people poorer.
“There is a history of government-orchestrated forced resettlement in Myanmar and in Yangon in particular, to make way for urban development,” UN-Habitat said in a report last year.
“Development-induced forced displacement and resettlement is increasing, uprooting and impoverishing people and undermining basic human rights.”
A spokesman for Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC) did not respond to e-mails and calls seeking comment.
“Problematic”
As Asian cities expand quickly, governments have struggled to provide sufficient affordable housing as construction of luxury apartments and glitzy malls booms.
From Mumbai to Manila, the urban poor settle under bridges, along creeks and railway tracks, and beside landfills, under threat of forced evictions by authorities keen to modernize the cities and build more offices and malls.
In Myanmar’s commercial capital, Yangon, few informal settlements remain within the city, in contrast to other cities in the region, said Eben Forbes, an independent researcher.
“The historical practice has been to clear squatters from central Yangon and relocate them to new towns at the periphery,” Forbes told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
“This practice is problematic due to the trauma that eviction causes, the government’s inability to extend basic urban services to the peripheral areas, and potential political consequences.”
YCDC estimated the city will need more than 1.2 million housing units by 2040 for migrants and slum dwellers.
Yangon Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein had pledged to “solve the squatter problem” before the end of his term in 2020.
Last month he said about 130,000 households had been issued “smart cards,” and would be prioritized for relocation.
“There are problems, and we will take time and effort to solve them,” he was quoted as saying in the Myanmar Times.
Challenges
Hlaing Thar Yar, with nearly half a million residents, is the city’s largest industrial zone, crammed with export units of manufacturers of garments, car parts and processed foods.
Authorities have said slum residents will be resettled in two townships more than an hour’s drive from central Yangon. Construction was to be completed by 2020, with easy access to jobs, schools, hospitals and public transport.
But UN-Habitat, in its report, advised against forced resettlement and encouraged in-situ upgrades instead.
From a total 423 informal settlements it mapped in Yangon, about 130 were suitable for upgrading, while the rest were in hazardous areas such as river banks and railway tracks, it said.
But authorities were “skeptical about in-situ incremental upgrading and prefer resettlement at this time,” it added.
In Nyaung village, where about 600 families live, more than a dozen families, including Than Chaung’s, spent about two weeks on the streets after their homes were demolished in December.
Then they knocked down the metal barricades placed around the rubble and tried to rebuild their homes, Than Chaung said.
His neighbor, Kyaw Su, who moved to the area nearly 20 years ago in search of work, was afraid her home will be next.
She has been selling fried snacks on the street since the demolition, too afraid to go to her job in a garment factory.
“What if they come back and knock down my house? Living like this, we can never be sure there won’t be more evictions,” she said.
Mahatma Gandhi, leader of the Indian independence movement against British colonial rule, arrived in Myanmar on March 7, 1929 to collect donations from Indian nationals in Myanmar to raise funds for the Handloom Association of India, and share his experiences with Myanmar people.
He addressed the people at Jubilee Hall and Fytche Square (now Mahabandoola Park) in Yangon. He held talks with Buddhist monks at Shwedagon Pagoda and said, "I am glad to find you telling me that the hponegyis (Buddhist monks) are leading the political movement in Burma, but you have a serious responsibility upon your shoulders when you undertake leading a political battle.
"History shows that the clergy has not always interfered with the political matters to the benefit of mankind. Very often unworthy ambition has moved the clergy of the world as it has moved unscrupulous men to take part in politics, and if now you hponegyis aspire to lead the political movement of this, one of the fairest lands on the face of the earth, you are shouldering a tremendous responsibility."
In his two-week visit, he visited several towns in central and lower Myanmar. In Mandalay, he said, "In India it is a common saying that the way to swaraj (which means independence for India) is through Mandalay. The British government has taught you too a great lesson by incarcerating one of India’s great sons here."
"The way to swaraj is the way of suffering—indeed no country has come to its own without suffering."
Indian political leader Subhas Chandra Bose was imprisoned in October 1924 in Mandalay for two and half years due to his defiance of colonial rule.
During his visit, Gandhi said, "I have no other and no better guidance to offer to you than to commend to your attention the general principle of non-violence, in other words, self-purification."
He wrapped up this, his third visit to Myanmar, on March 24. Prior to the 1929 visit, he had been in Myanmar in 1902 and 1915.
Gandhi's preaching of non-violence later influenced Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in her fight for democracy. Gandhi Hall and Gandhi Hospital became significant places in Myanmar's political and healthcare systems. U Nu, who became Myanmar's first prime minister, paid a visit to Gandhi in New Delhi in 1947 before his assassination the following year.
On Feb. 12—Union Day—in Loikaw, Kayah State, police marked proceedings by firing rubber bullets into a crowd of demonstrators who were peacefully protesting against the construction of a statue of General Aung San. There has been no information on whether the government provided any assistance to those injured by police. The demonstrators feel these statues are not representative of their own independence and ethnic struggles. Previous statues of Aung San in Mon, Kachin and Chin states were also met with protests. By Feb. 21 the government had opened 86 cases against 55 youths over the Kayah protests; the cases were later withdrawn and the protesters released. The protests and construction of the statues has halted for a month while the two sides negotiate.
The repression of these protests in such a violent manner is short-sighted. It will only inflame tensions, and add weight to the protesters' claims that the "Bamar" government does not care about their struggle. This has dire ramifications for the already stalled national reconciliation process. The firing of rubber bullets into a crowd of unarmed peaceful protesters, on the day that the Myanmar government is supposed to be celebrating national unity, is as ironic as it is barbaric. Yet this is no isolated case; the government response in Kayah State provides a blueprint for the repression of ethnic identity across the country.
In Rakhine State, increased violence between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) is highly concerning. This outbreak of violence has also led to an increase in the repression of civilians due to alleged association with the AA. So far, 40 people have been arrested under the 1908 Unlawful Association Act 17(1) in Rakhine State alone, including 24 IDPs who fled Chin State due to fighting near their homes. Around 6,000 civilians have recently been displaced due to the armed clashes. The most recent spate of arrests is not helping the situation; it has only exacerbated an already tense situation in Rakhine State and is only likely to increase the local population's sympathy for the AA.
Meanwhile, protesters in Kachin State continue to be arrested and detained, be it for holding anti-war protests or, as was more recently the case, organizing protests against the Myitsone Dam. The arrest in February of Bernadette Ja Hkawng for violating the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law (PAPPL) while protesting against the dam came in the same week that the World Kachin Congress bestowed its inaugural Kachin human rights awards on three Kachin community leaders who are currently serving jail sentences over last year's anti-war protest.
Such arrests and repression are not always political, or aimed solely against ethnic groups. In February, seven students from Yadanabon University in Mandalay Region were arrested and sentenced to three months in jail with hard labor. The students had burned portraits of officials as a protest against a lack of campus safety following the murder of a student near the campus in December last year.
The rationale behind these arrests is weak and does not stand up to scrutiny. It should be clear to all lawmakers and politicians that the arrests will not help national reconciliation. Nor will these arrests stop the protests, as the country's political history shows. After the bloody suppression of the 88 movement, dissent did not stop. After the bloody suppression of the Saffron Revolution in 2007, dissent did not stop. Nor will dissent stop in Kayah State after the firing of rubber bullets into an unarmed crowd.
The ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), so many of whose members are former political prisoners, knows all too well that you cannot stop democratic protests with violence and repression. To stop such protests you must tackle their root causes by holding discussions with demonstrators. To crack down on these protests as it has done is not only morally wrong—no one should be jailed or beaten for exercising their democratic rights—but also a terrible move politically; the party is doing itself no favors. National reconciliation in Myanmar is a difficult enough process; we don't need the government making it harder by deepening and exacerbating long-held grievances.
Nor is national reconciliation helped by the government's determination to incarcerate journalists, as in the cases against the two Reuters journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo. Myanmar Now journalist Swe Win has also suffered for his reporting, having to undergo an unnecessarily protracted trial after being accused of defaming ultranationalist monk U Wirathu by one of his supporters. The trial further demonstrates the government's poor commitment to freedom of expression.
Cracking down on protest in this way is politically expensive, costing the NLD precious support in ethnic areas. The NLD had huge popular support in 2015, but it may not be able to count on this backing come 2020. If the rights of ethnic citizens are not of concern to the NLD, then maybe purely political considerations will be. This clumsy, heavy-handed approach only fuels the mistrust of people—especially ethnic people—in the NLD-led government.
These actions serve to highlight the lack of justice on offer in Myanmar today. The laws used to detain and arrest these protesters, students and civilians are not befitting of a democratic government. The laws were written by a British colonial government in order to stifle dissent and maintain the status quo. It is unethical for such inherently repressive laws to be used against civilians. Moreover, it is perverse for the NLD to imprison the next generation of activists using the very laws under which they themselves were jailed.
The Unlawful Association Act, Article 505(b) of the Penal Code, the Telecommunications Code, the PAPPL, and other repressive laws are all evidence of a legal system that stifles what it is supposed to protect. If the NLD wants to take meaningful steps toward building a real democracy, it needs to amend and repeal such legislation, or at the very least, stop tormenting ethnic civilians under archaic laws no longer fit for purpose.
Bo Kyi is a former political prisoner and joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
