Monday, March 11, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

AA Occupies Tactical Base, Holds 11 Tatmadaw Troops in N. Rakhine

Posted: 11 Mar 2019 06:40 AM PDT

YANGON – The Arakan Army (AA) announced Monday evening it occupied a temporary tactical command base and apprehended 11 prisoners of war during a clash with Myanmar Army troops near northern Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township on March 9.

AA spokesman U Khine Thukha told The Irrawaddy the detained troops were from Light Infantry Battalion No. 563 based in southern Rakhine State's Gwa Township under the supervision of Light Infantry Division (LID) No. 5, which is currently deployed in the upper Paletwa region.

"We are feeding them regularly and treating them well," U Khine Thukha said.

U Khine Thukha said the AA had detained the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) soldiers, and that senior AA leaders were still deciding what to do with the captives, including whether to release them to the International Red Cross (ICRC) or take another option.

He declined to comment on whether the detainees include high-ranking officers. It was unclear whether the prisoners of war were all military personnel or if they included civilians.

The AA announced the fighting had taken place near Pyan So village, which sits on the boundary of Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township and Paletwa. It said the armed group had seized one Tatmadaw soldier's body as well as 16 backhoe excavators, one Toyota car, a dump truck, and 60-mm and 80-mm mortars.

The military launched hellfire missiles at AA fighters using two helicopters for about 25 minutes during the fighting, the AA said.

Citing a statement from the Office of the Commander-in-Chief, state-owned newspapers reported that on March 9 about 200 AA troops attacked an under-construction border fence in Buthidaung Township from Bangladeshi territory.

It says the construction site was situated between BP-67 and BP-68, but did not specifically say which  battalion or border police regiment was deployed in the area. According to the state newspapers, workers at the construction site were removed safely.

It did not state the number of workers and merely described authorities' fencing activities in the area. The government of Myanmar began fencing along the Bangladesh and Myanmar border in 2010 and a total of 120 miles has been completed so far.

Based on a map released by the government and the AA, The Irrawaddy has learned that fighting took place near Pyan So village between northern Buthidaung and Paletwa region. Some credible sources said two villagers who were staying in the joint security outpost were also arrested along with another nine soldiers.

Last Friday, the AA announced that it had killed more than a dozen soldiers, including a military captain, from southern Rakhine State's Kyaukphyu-based Light Infantry Battalion No. 542 in Paletwa. Last weekend, the AA attacked a police station in Ponnagyun Township, killing 9 policemen.    

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With Only One Side Listening, Dialogue on Charter Was Never an Option

Posted: 11 Mar 2019 05:44 AM PDT

Many people cling to the notion that dialogue, or some other form of negotiation, holds out the only hope of bridging Myanmar's decades-long divide between the military and civilian political forces. The idea took root—domestically and internationally—even before the military staged its bloody coup in 1988, and it has remained fashionable ever since. But while top leaders on both sides have met many times, to date we can't say these meetings have contained any genuine political dialogue.

In August 1988, shortly before her entrance into politics during the nationwide pro-democracy uprising that year, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi attempted to initiate a dialogue with the Ne Win government in order to find a peaceful solution to the ongoing student protests at the time. Her personal request never received a reply.

Over the past three decades, scores of meetings have occurred between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi—whether she has been acting in her capacity as pro-democracy leader, opposition leader, or her current role as incumbent de facto head of government—and a small group of top ruling generals representing either the military or its various regimes: Senior-General Than Shwe, his deputy Vice Senior-General Maung Aye, General Khin Nyunt, and later retired general-turned President U Thein Sein and the current military chief, Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing (see chart below).

These many meetings failed to produce any concrete political results whatsoever, or even any indication that serious dialogue aimed at resolving the country's main political problems took place. They were widely dismissed as photo-ops for the ex-regimes aimed at creating the impression, domestically and internationally, that political dialogue exists in Myanmar.

Looking back, it all seems to have been little more than a charade.

In late January when the ruling National League for Democracy led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi initiated its move to form a joint committee to amend the 2008 Constitution drafted by the former military regime, the military representatives in the Union Parliament appointed by the commander-in-chief, who account for 25 percent of lawmakers, joined the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) formed by ex-generals in unanimously objecting to it.

Some analysts have expressed the view that the NLD on one side and the military and USDP on the other should discuss the issue instead of confronting each other in Parliament. This is a fine view in principle, but in practical terms it is hard to support, because no such negotiation has occurred in Myanmar's history.

Some people think dialogue doesn't happen in Myanmar because the country doesn't have a "culture of dialogue". In fact, such dialogue doesn't require a "culture". All it requires is political will. If genuine political will to resolve problems existed on both sides, holding a dialogue would be easy. That is to say, the lack of dialogue so far points to a lack of political will among the leaders on one or both sides. Why? Because they don't want to change the political status quo. Who? History shows that the ex-generals, despite meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi many times, have never seriously been open to dialogue.

After Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory in the 1990 general election, the international community, including the UN, urged the ruling generals to enter a dialogue with her. That's what she and many political groups demanded in order to resolve the country's political problems together. But nothing serious happened.

Recalling his meetings with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ruling generals, Razali Ismail, who served as UN Special Envoy from 2000 to 2005, once quoted Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as saying: "The dinner with the generals was in fact a monologue with the senior general doing all the talking," referring to the then military supremo Than Shwe.

Many years after the events recalled by Razali, we have yet to see any significant change in the military leadership's attitude toward "dialogue." Even the presence of a so-called "reformist" ex-general, U Thein Sein, as president between 2011 and early 2016 failed to deliver any serious dialogue, though meetings were held. (Yes, there was a meeting between U Thein Sein and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in August 2011 that led the NLD to take part in the 2012 by-election and enter Parliament. But a series of meetings on national reconciliation later bore no fruit.)

Later, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and military commander-in-chief Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing met several times before and after her party took power in early 2016. Again, the meetings failed to evolve into dialogue.

So it would be unreasonable to expect dialogue or negotiation between the civilian and military to emerge from the constitutional reform initiated by the NLD to fulfill the promise it made during the 2015 election campaign.

Against this background, it seems, the NLD had no choice but to initiate the formation of the joint committee to reform the Constitution in January. The move has gained support from the public and ethnic parties, while the military and the USDP have strongly rejected it. Forming the joint committee in the Union Parliament was a way of forcing the military to engage with the topic of constitutional reform.

Some analysts doubt that this political push by the NLD will have any significant results. True, we shouldn't expect too much from it because the current Constitution protects the military's interests. On the other hand, given the popular support for reform, we shouldn't be too quick to predict total failure. The NLD is taking the only political option available to it. History shows that Myanmar's former and current military leaders have never been genuinely interested in negotiation, especially when its own interests are likely to be on the table.

The post With Only One Side Listening, Dialogue on Charter Was Never an Option appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Czech Republic Vows to Strengthen Relations, Economic Support

Posted: 11 Mar 2019 03:20 AM PDT

YANGON—Martin Tlapa, the deputy minister of foreign affairs of the Czech Republic, visited Myanmar last week. During his visit, The Irrawaddy spoke to him about the outcomes of his visit and relations between the Czech Republic and Myanmar.

During your visit to Myanmar [in the first week of March], you have an MoU signed. What is the MoU about?

The MoU is a declaration about [relations] on an official level between the Czech Republic and the [Myanmar] government officials. It [is] a tool for frequent contact between Myanmar and the Czech Republic at every level. This is the evidence of strong and important relations between our two countries and also mention[s] the topics on which sectors and in which areas we would like to cooperate in the future.

This is the guideline for us for the future relations, some kind of program that we would like to do and terms. It is obvious that the Czech Republic should be your important partner in Europe … in the EU family of countries because our relations are very strong.

Czech [Republic] has always been a supporter of the Myanmar democracy movement. What other [connections] will Myanmar and Czech have in the future? What will be the future relations between Czech [Republic] and Myanmar because you have been supporting Myanmar a lot with humanitarian aid and in other sectors?

Human rights are an important element of Czech foreign policy. We did a lot in the past to support the opposition. Now we are understanding—maybe more than others—about how difficult it is to transform the country and economy from planning in advance and centralized to a free market and democracy because we had the same experience as your country. So it needs [much] patience and redirection.

We do understand [that] people are demanding quick changes and how difficult it is so we can share our transformation experiences and we would like to really help in developing your country, development cooperation, and humanitarian assistance.

When I was meeting with your officials and I was talking about investment from the Czech Republic. We can do more to bring the Czech technologies, for example, in agriculture, or processing, manufacturing, to upgrade the competitiveness of your economy.

Regarding investments in Myanmar and challenges in finding foreign investment due to the criticism Myanmar has received over the past two years because of the Rakhine issue and the peace process, what do you recommend to others?

I am sharing our experience. First of all, it's not possible to change the economy without capital. If there is a lack of capital from domestic sources, you want to be open for foreign investors. For the Czech Republic, it was important to diversify the relations of investment from abroad: not to rely on one country or one group of countries.

In our case, from the beginning of our transformation, there was huge investment coming to the Czech Republic from countries like Germany, the Netherlands. And Japan was a very important investor. Our strategy was to diversify relations, to keep independence and to keep the flow of capital to the economy.

The second important thing is to prepare a business-friendly environment: to help start small businesses, medium-size businesses, to have financial institutions which can support new enterprises to start the business. It is very important for employment, and it also [allows] companies to be intermediate partners for the investors who are coming to your country. So this is what I will be sharing with people from the business [community] here in Myanmar.

What other Czech businesses are running in Myanmar and how are you making sure that you have continued support?

Maybe I will surprise you now but I don't know if many people know that you do much more export to the Czech Republic than we do export to your country. So you have a surplus in trade and the export of your country to the Czech Republic is almost $80 million a year, which is not a bad amount for the beginning according to Czech statistics. It's textiles, it's some food and raw materials as well. But I think there is good cooperation also in the pharmaceutical industry and engineering. I think we have a base for upgrading relations to [give] the goods a higher added value in the future.

Based on that, I think that for us it's important to keep the privileged access of your companies to the European market. I think the Everything But Arms [agreement], which allows export without taxes to the European market is an important incentive for your companies—the same preferential tariffs—and it is important to keep this advantage also for the future. In time, it will be important for stabilizing your economy and there will be more robust growth in the future.


Myanmar people are very familiar with your former president Mr. Václav Havel, because he is a close friend, supporter, to Aung San Suu Kyi. [How] are our countries alike? What is your experience with Mr. Harvel's time and the time of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi here in Myanmar? 

It is a legacy. Václav Havel is a legacy person, who we are missing now in Czech politics and the Czech Republic. He was a leader who [went] from dissident to the position of president. That's why the [comparison] with your State Secretary Madam Suu Kyi is so close. There were big friends and they did understand each other. Václav Havel, when he became president, he started to be criticized within one year.

People were expecting that the economy would grow much faster, that there would be no unemployment, everything would be great and that we would be living like [our] rich neighbor countries immediately. It was not possible because we needed time to transform the economy and did take 50 years to then move to the level of European countries which we find in the EU. It needs patience and good keeping of the same direction of reforms.

This is sometimes not easy to sell to the people, of course. And avoid mistakes. We did also make mistakes in some transformations and it is important to take that advice from us. I think based on that cooperation and relations among these two important people, we are your very close partner in the European Union and Europe.

I was discussing, I was sharing the invitation of our prime minister to visit the State Secretary Madam Suu Kyi to the Czech Republic, which I hope will take place soon. And also the big decision, an important decision, is to open an embassy of your country in the Czech Republic, which is the strong evidence that the Czech Republic should play a key in your European ambitions of foreign policy and we will be very happy to assist you in this development.

This decision has been taking place now for many many years, and this is a strong signal that democratic Myanmar will have a diplomatic mission in Prague.

You visited Myanmar three times—back in 2015, 2017 and now 2019. What differences do you see?

My first visit was in January 2015. I met with the officials of that time and I think there was a hope of change among the people. On the other side, it seemed to me that the government was thinking that everything has to be centralized, everything has to be planned and we have to avoid the mistakes of the market economy.

Now, it is a different country for me. Maybe I can see it better from outside than the people living here because the changes when you are living here are not so visible immediately each day. But for me, it is a big change. I see more buildings in the cities, more products and people are much [freer]. All the challenges which we are facing, it's a different country for me. You are looking at how to build your own democracy, it's all challenges. That's life and I think that this is a very good message for other countries to think about how to transform the economy.

Dialogue is important and I can see much more tourists coming to your country, with the beauty of the landmarks here. So I believe in the future your country and the prosperity.

In Myanmar, the EU and other countries are trying to bring the military leaders to the International Criminal Court. As a member of the EU, what is your view?

For the EU, it is very important to keep the dialogue about peaceful solutions of all possible conflicts you may have in your country, to keep the dialogue, to try to settle these things through dialogue despite all difficulties which are associated with that.

There are some comments at a European level about the situation in your country but I think it [could] be easily overcome by keeping the dialogue, by trying to find the solution. We also see lots of positive moments like the Constitution discussion, for example; the investment law; law[s] allowing to extend the foreign banks' activities in your country; SME programs for small and medium-sized companies; infrastructure. So [they are] the reforms which have been demanded and at a political level it is important to try to overcome all possible challenges through peaceful dialogue and by trying to settle these things and inviting people to discuss how to keep the unity of your country, which is important for the prosperity of your people.

Is the Czech Republic's foreign policy towards Myanmar the same as before or has anything changed?

No, we have a policy which is not changing. We would like to see the development of all diplomatic relations. We would like to support all development of your country and we would like to see a strong, democratic, united Myanmar which is peaceful, overcoming every challenge which appear[s] in the life of every society.

Would you like to add anything?

I hope more people will have a chance to travel to the Czech Republic, to find out not only the leaders of our countries are very close, but also that the people are very similar in the Czech Republic. We love to socialize with people, we are opened-minded and we love to talk about and criticize politicians and politics over [a] good coffee or tea and try to [have] a good time and keep the responsibility for life as well.

The post Czech Republic Vows to Strengthen Relations, Economic Support appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Lawmakers Debate Report on Charter Amendment Proposal

Posted: 11 Mar 2019 01:40 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — A military-appointed lawmaker accused the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) of breaking the law by going about amending the Constitution as it has during a session of the Union Parliament on Friday.

"Despite numerous promises to act in line with the law, lawmakers and speakers are acting against the law, which is totally unacceptable," Maj. Pyae Phyo Han said during discussion of a report on a proposed amendment to Article 261.

The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) has proposed amending the article to have region and state chief ministers elected by their local legislatures rather than appointed by the president as they are now.

Military-appointed lawmakers raised strong objection to plans to have the proposal debated by a new committee now drafting proposed amendments to the Constitution rather than by the full Parliament.

"Amending [Article 261] in the 45-member committee doesn't comply with the law and also delays the amendment process. Only when this is amended can the wishes of the majority of ethnic people in regions and states be fulfilled," Maj. Pyae Phyo Han said.

Daw Khin Saw Wai, a Lower House lawmaker for the Arakan National Party (ANP), said the ANP could not form the regional government in Rakhine State under the Constitution even though it won most of the seats in the local legislature.

"I am concerned that if the 45-member committee handles the proposal, it will take a long time and the proposal will come to nothing," she said.

Lower House NLD lawmaker U Win Win said his party wanted to amend all the provisions in the Constitution that restrict democracy and federalism, not just Article 261.

"To make the Constitution acceptable to the people, and to amend it in line with the law, the article in the proposal should be amended along with [other provisions] in the joint committee formed with the consent of the Union Parliament," he said.

NLD lawmaker and Bill Committee Secretary U Myat Nyana Soe suggested that the Constitution be reviewed for possible amendments in numerical order, beginning with Chapter 1.

USDP lawmaker U Maung Myint criticized his suggestion.

"If you can't sympathize a little and make a little concession to ethnic minorities, no matter if federalism is introduced, it won't be a success," he said.

A total 16 lawmakers from the NLD, USDP, ANP, military and Shan Nationalities League for Democracy joined the discussion on the Article 261 report on Friday. Another 52 lawmakers have signed up to comment as well.

The Constitution guarantees the military 25 percent of the seats in Parliament. Amendments to that and other articles granting the military special privileges requires approval from more than 75 percent of lawmakers, giving the military veto power.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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‘Shoe Thein Maung’ Fought to Stop Colonists Trampling on Buddhist Customs

Posted: 10 Mar 2019 10:03 PM PDT

On this day in 1975, U Thein Maung, who fought successfully under colonial rule to require Westerners to remove their shoes at Buddhist religious sites, died at the age of 85.

Shoe-wearing at pagodas is traditionally prohibited in Myanmar and viewed as sacrilege in the Buddhist-majority country. After the British annexation, pagoda trustees put up signs reading, "No shoes except for Europeans and Americans."

Cambridge-educated barrister U Thein Maung's fight against shoe-wearing at pagodas started when he removed such a sign while serving as a member of the board of trustees of Shwesandaw Pagoda in Prome (Pyi).

U Thein Maung

During the visit of Viceroy of India Lord Chelmsford to Prome, he defied the local administrator's instruction to remove a sign reading "Take off your shoes." He was known thereafter as "Shoe Thein Maung".

In 1917, Governor of British India Sir Archibald Douglas Cochrane kept his shoes on while visiting quake-hit Shwemawdaw Pagoda in Pegu. This upset local residents, who filed a complaint with the Young Men's Buddhist Association. U Thein Maung, who was a member of the association, took up the fight and finally succeeded—two years later—in persuading the colonial government to issue an order prohibiting the wearing of shoes on the grounds of religious sites.

U Ba Kalay’s cartoon about foreigners wearing shoes on Shwedagon Pagoda. It originally ran in the February 1918 issue of Thuriya Magazine.

U Thein Maung served as education minister and attorney-general under the colonial government, as a judge under the Japanese government, and deputy chief minister of the pre-independence interim government. U Thein Maung is thus remembered as a man who opened a new chapter in the rise of Myanmar's nationalist movement.

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Wedlocked: Tangled Webs Trap Cambodian ‘Brides’ in China

Posted: 10 Mar 2019 09:30 PM PDT

KAMPONG CHAM, Cambodia — On the Chinese messaging service WeChat, Ol En scrolled back through time. Call unanswered. Call unanswered. Call declined.

The last she’d heard from her teenage daughter was a voice message on Feb. 10. “Mom, they don’t give me a penny. They just keep me in the house. Maybe things will change when I give them a baby,” she said.

Sitting stonefaced in her one-room shack in rural Cambodia, the mother of three recalled how her first-born was trapped in China.

“She escaped once and the brokers almost beat her to death,” En said. “If she dares to run again, there are no guarantees.”

The 16-year-old is one of thousands of Cambodians fallen prey to criminal matchmakers who scour the poorest pockets of Southeast Asia for young brides to send to China.

Some 40 million men in China will need to look abroad for a wife by 2020, according to the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences think tank — the legacy of Beijing’s one-child policy, which has seen families abort female fetuses for decades.

Hundreds of thousands of women from Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and Myanmar have gone to China to wed, activists say. Some end up happily married; others speak of violence and forced labor.

With few employment avenues for young women and ballooning debt levels, rural Cambodian families make soft targets for brokers who ensnare the relatives of potential brides in their schemes, blurring the lines between victims and accomplices.

The matchmakers are near impossible to track down, police say, hiding behind nicknames and throwaway “burner” phones while employing a network of local elders to coax young women out of the village by offering huge sums of cash to their families.

In En’s case, it was a neighbor — and distant relative — who paved the way to China.

She received $2,100 in cash, and promises that her daughter would find love, work and wealth in China to funnel back to debtors threatening to repossess her house and land.

But it was all a ruse. The girl was sold, then held as a sex slave and servant by a man she had never met.

“Day and night, he demands sex from her,” En said.

“I cannot live in peace. The one who sent her lives freely in this village but my daughter is lost in China.”

Bounties

Thol Meng has been working to stop human trafficking for 16 years, now as deputy chief of a specialized police bureau in Kampong Cham Province, one of the nation’s hardest-hit regions.

He has seen waves of Cambodians being tricked, from men sold on to Thai fishing boats to women held as domestic slaves in Malaysia. But “brides to China” is the biggest concern, he said.

“A few years ago, it was about $500 for one girl,” he said. “Now families can get up to $3,000.”

Prices have skyrocketed along with rising awareness of the dangers and penalties for human trafficking.

But in a country where the average annual income is $1,200, the bounties on offer prove hard to turn down.

“Human trafficking starts with the parents,” Meng said. “The mothers control everything … [they] receive the benefits.”

“In fact, we can say that they sell their daughters.”

While the mothers are culpable, they are victims, too, according to Meng — preyed upon by sophisticated networks running a criminal enterprise worth millions of dollars.

“We mostly arrest the small fish, the locals. The big fish cut off communication, leaving the locals with no details.”

As such, trafficking stories in the media often feature photos of police apprehending middle-aged women wearing pajamas.

A Cambodian “bride” in China made a fresh cry for help every other day in 2018, said five charities working to end the trade.

Helping them escape is another matter. Most victims do not know their whereabouts in China, cannot read or speak the local language, and have limited access to phones and internet.

“Without an address, it is almost impossible to help,” said Teng Seng Han, a monitor with the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association, which works to repatriate “brides.”

Those who make it home — some with stories of being raped by multiple men or being sold from one house to another — rarely go to the police, as immediate relatives are usually complicit.

Kompong Cham had four trafficking convictions last year — down from 20 in 2015 — despite the demand for Cambodian brides in China “rising sharply” in recent years, according to Meng.

Outstanding loans, Seng Han said, are the main reason families send their daughters to China, and brokers know this.

“The brokers look for people who are in debt. First they try to convince the daughters, and then they influence the mothers,” he said. “It’s always about money.”

In 2016, the Cambodian government said 6,900 undocumented women had been identified in China. The real number ensnared by the bride trade could easily be double that, campaigners say.

No remorse

In rural Cambodia, the demand for “brides” in China is tearing apart families, and not just those of the victims.

Sim Chhom used to spend his waking hours laboring on building sites in town. He would earn $6 on a good day.

Now he spends his time looking after his children and the child of his oldest daughter, who is happily married in China.

“I have no time to go to work,” he said. “So I just stay here and catch fish to feed my family.”

His wife, Chhieng Ly, was arrested in May and charged under human trafficking laws for assisting a relative who had heard of the good life in China and wanted to send their daughter.

“I have not seen my children since I was arrested,” Ly told the Thomson Reuters Foundation in an interview at the provincial prison. “I only shared a phone number; is that so wrong?”

While Ly has seven years to lament her decision, the woman who helped En’s teenage daughter reach China shows no remorse.

Phorn Sokneng went to China in 2016 and married a 44-year-old farmer — twice her age — who she said treats her well.

The following year, during a visit home to Cambodia, she was approached by En’s mother, who was desperate for fast money.

Sokneng helped En’s daughter move to China, she said, but relations turned sour when En filed a complaint with Cambodian police after realizing her daughter’s fate.

The next time Sokneng returned to Cambodia, in September, she was arrested and charged under human trafficking laws.

“I feel like I am the victim. I helped them and now I am in trouble,” the bride-turned-broker said, sitting just a few hundred meters from En’s house.

Free on bail ahead of an October court date, Sokneng said she had nothing to say to En, her cousin by marriage.

“I have not been to talk to them,” she said of En’s family.

“Why would I? They are the ones who filed the complaint that will send me to prison.”

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China Orders its Airlines to Suspend Use of Boeing 737 MAX Aircraft

Posted: 10 Mar 2019 09:20 PM PDT

SHANGHAI — China’s aviation regulator said on Monday it had ordered Chinese airlines to suspend their Boeing Co 737 MAX aircraft operations by 6 p.m. following a deadly crash of one of the planes in Ethiopia.

An Ethiopian Airlines 737 MAX 8 bound for Nairobi crashed minutes after takeoff on Sunday, killing all 157 people on board.

It was the second crash of the 737 MAX, the latest version of Boeing’s workhorse narrow-body jet that first entered service in 2017.

In October, a 737 MAX 8 operated by Indonesian budget carrier Lion Air crashed 13 minutes after takeoff from Jakarta on a domestic flight, killing all 189 passengers and crew on board.

The Civil Aviation Administration of China (CAAC) said in a statement it would notify airlines as to when they could resume flying the jets after contacting Boeing and the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) to ensure flight safety.

“Given that two accidents both involved newly delivered Boeing 737-8 planes and happened during takeoff phase, they have some degree of similarity,” the CAAC said, adding that the order was in line with its principle of zero-tolerance on safety hazards. The 737 MAX 8 is sometimes referred to as the 737-8.

The cause of the Indonesian crash is still being investigated. A preliminary report issued in November, before the cockpit voice recorder was recovered, focused on airline maintenance and training and the response of a Boeing anti-stall system to a recently replaced sensor but did not give a reason for the crash.

Chinese airlines have 96 737 MAX jets in service, the state company regulator said on Weibo.

Caijing, a Chinese state-run news outlet that covers finance and economics, said many flights scheduled to use 737 MAX planes would instead use the 737-800 models.

A Boeing spokesman declined to comment.

A U.S. official told Reuters the United States was unsure of what information China was acting on.

The U.S. official, speaking on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter, said there were no plans to follow suit given the 737 MAX had a stellar safety record in the United States and there was a lack of information about the cause of the Ethiopian crash.

Western industry sources say China has been at pains in recent years to assert its independence as a safety regulator as it negotiates mutual safety standard recognition with regulators in the United States and Europe.

In 2017, it signed a mutual recognition deal with the FAA, but industry sources say it has struggled to gain approval from the FAA that would allow it to sell its C919 airliner to Western airlines.

Safety standards

According to flight tracking website FlightRadar24 there were no Boeing 737 MAX 8 planes flying over China as of 0043 GMT on Monday.

Most of Air China’s 737 MAX fleet of 15 jets landed on Sunday evening, with the exception of two that landed on Monday morning from international destinations, according to data on FlightRadar24.

It did not list any upcoming scheduled flights for the planes, nor did China Southern Airlines, which also has its fleet on the ground.

China Eastern Airlines’ four 737 MAX jets landed on Sunday evening and no further flights were scheduled until Tuesday, FlightRadar24 data showed.

Cayman Airways has grounded both of its new 737 MAX 8 jets until more information was received, the Cayman Islands airline said in a statement on its website.

Fiji Airways said it had followed a comprehensive induction process for its new Boeing 737 MAX 8 aircraft and it had full confidence in the airworthiness of its fleet.

“We continue to ensure that our maintenance and training program for pilots and engineers meets the highest safety standards,” the airline said.

Singapore Airlines, whose regional arm SilkAir operates the 737 MAX, said it was monitoring the situation closely, but its planes continued to operate as scheduled.

Indonesia said it would continue to monitor its airlines operating the 737 MAX, which include Lion Air and Garuda Indonesia, but it did not mention any plan to ground the planes.

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Italy Wants to Sign Belt and Road Deal to Help Exports: Deputy PM

Posted: 10 Mar 2019 09:00 PM PDT

MILAN — Italy wants to join China’s giant “Belt and Road” infrastructure plan to boost Italian exports, not to strengthen political ties with the Asian giant, Deputy Prime Minister Luigi Di Maio said on Sunday.

Di Maio was responding to U.S. concerns at the prospect of a key ally supporting the Chinese initiative. A spokesman for the White House’s group of national security advisers, Garrett Marquis, on Saturday called the Chinese venture a “vanity project” that Italy should steer clear of.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), championed by Chinese President Xi Jinping, aims to link China by sea and land with Southeast and Central Asia, the Middle East, Europe and Africa, through an infrastructure network on the lines of the ancient Silk Road.

Aside from boosting trade and investment, Xi aims to advance exchanges in areas such as science, technology and culture.

“I have heard the alarm being raised from the United States yesterday about this deal on the Silk Road that Italy wants to sign with China,” Di Maio said at an event organized by supporters of his ruling 5-Star Movement.

“Let it be clear that, if we are looking at the Silk Road towards China for our exports, it is not to strike a political deal with China but only to help our companies,” he said.

He added that Italy was an ally of the United States and respected its concerns, but that the Chinese market was hungry for “made in Italy” products and know-how.

On Friday, Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte said that he might sign a framework deal on the venture when Xi visits Italy from March 22-24.

A number of European Union states have signed memorandums on the BRI with China, including Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Greece, Malta, Poland and Portugal. If Italy signs, it would be the first members of the Group of Seven industrial powers to do so.

Washington argues that China is saddling poor nations with unsustainable debt through large-scale infrastructure projects that are not economically viable, and is using the project to further its political and strategic ambitions.

Italy fell into recession at the end of 2018 for the third time in a decade and the government is eager to find ways to boost the economy and revive the stalled construction sector.

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Sunday, March 10, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Tanintharyi Chief Minister Arrested on Bribery, Corruption Charges

Posted: 10 Mar 2019 05:19 PM PDT

YANGON—Tanintharyi Region Chief Minister Daw Lei Lei Maw was arrested on bribery and corruption charges in Dawei on Sunday, according to the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC).

ACC spokesperson U Kyaw Soe confirmed to The Irrawaddy that the chief minister has been detained at Dawei Myoma Police Station, together with Global Grand Services (GSS) Managing Director U Thein Htwe, Director U Aung Myat and General Manager U Thaya Ohn, right after the commission opened cases against the four under the anti-corruption law.

The arrests come after a month-long investigation in Naypyitaw, Yangon and Dawei carried out between Feb. 4 and March 6.

The commission said it has found that Chief Minister Daw Lei Lei Maw misused her position and committed corruption on a number of occasions since April 2016, just weeks after she was appointed as head of the region, in an announcement released late on Sunday evening together with its findings.

The findings include details of the chief minister's corrupt activities in awarding contracts for the construction of a pavilion for a Myanmar New Year event in 2016 and for the removal of unwanted bushes from Dawei University and outside Dawei Airport in November 2016. It stated that the chief minister allowed a budget of 400 million kyats ($263,000) for the removal of unwanted bushes outside the airport.

She also asked a director from the regional road management department in October 2018 to build a wall around two plots of land in Dawei owned by her husband but didn't pay the cost until the commission started the investigation against her, the commission said.

The commission reported that she sold her house which was valued at 32 million kyats ($21,000) for 200 million kyats ($131,000) to the GGS company. In return, the company was awarded a number of contracts including for the electricity distribution project in Dawei, the construction of a fish market, a city hall and low-cost housing.

The ACC added that it also found that GGS broke a contract made with the regional government and owes 8 billion kyats ($5.2 million) to the Ministry of Electricity and Energy for natural gas which has led to a loss of public funds.

The case against Daw Lei Lei Maw has been filed under the Anti-Corruption Law's Article 55 which carries a maximum penalty of 15 year's imprisonment and a fine if found guilty. U Thein Htwe, U Aung Myat and U Thura Ohn of GGS have been charged under the Anti-Corruption Law's Article 63.

Article 63 states that any person who instigates, attempts, conspires, manages or abets to commit any offence contained in the Anti-Corruption Law, shall be punished with the prescribed penalty for such offense.

During State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's visit to the region last month, local residents demanded the chief minister be replaced, as well as the region's planning and finance minister, U Phyo Win Tun, and U Aung Soe, who chairs the Tanintharyi regional committee for the National League for Democracy.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said she would take decisive action against officials who harm public interest.

In January this year, more than 100 local residents of Myeik and Dawei sent a complaint letter about Daw Lei Lei Maw calling for an investigation. In the following days, the regional parliament also sent a report on public complaints to President U Win Myint and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

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Fresh Arakan Army Attack Kills Nine Police in Rakhine

Posted: 09 Mar 2019 08:44 PM PST

YANGON—Lt-Col Kyi Lin, head of Rakhine State Police Force confirmed that nine policemen were killed by gunshot in an Arakan Army (AA) raid on a police station in northern Rakhine State’s Ponnagyun at midnight on Saturday.

He declined to give more details, saying he was busy with the case at 8:20 a.m. The AA acknowledged that its troops attacked Yoe Ta Yoke Police Station but spokesperson U Khine Thu Kha declined further requests for comment.

One Yoe Ta Yoke villager who requested anonymity also said that he witnessed nine dead bodies lying on the ground covered with tarpaulin. This morning, dozens of villagers arrived at the crime scene a five-minute walk from the village center. He said that one of the nine police officers was from his village.

He said the head of Yoe Ta Yoke Police Station, Saw Thein Tun, and a police constable were present at the station and that there were no signs of military presence in the area as of 9 a.m. Sunday morning. He said that the villagers heard the gunshots at about 11:30 p.m. which ceased at around 12:00 a.m.

According to him, two police officers managed to escape the AA attacks by pretending to be dead bodies alongside other corpses. Ponnagyun Township Police Maj. Nyein Chan declined to comment when contacted by phone on Sunday morning.

The Irrawaddy has seen an initial police report which says that about 100 AA rebels ordered the station to surrender and as the police refused to do so, fighting instantly broke out. The AA rebels seized all firearms and ammunition from the station.

Battle updates released by the AA show armed clashes between the AA and military troops in northern Rakhine State and Chin State’s upper Paletwa region have intensified since early March.

The AA announced that they have fought with southern Rakhine State’s Gwa Township-based Light Infantry No. 563—troops under supervision of Light Infantry Division No.5—in Paletwa Township's northern village of Pyan So and seized one dead military troop's body as well as confiscating 16 backhoe excavators, one Toyota car, a dump truck, 60 mm and 80 mm mortar shells on Saturday.

During the recent fighting, the military fired hellfire missiles at AA rebels using two helicopters. In the same remote Paletwa area, the AA also clashed with Light Infantry No.542 of Kyaukphyu on Friday and claimed to have killed at least three government troops. The AA seized one MA-1 assault rifle from Infantry N0.542 and a captain's notebook.

The AA update said they are "hunting the troops who managed to escape from the battle."

The AA previously announced that they killed at least a dozen soldiers, including one captain in fighting in upper Paletwa on Thursday. The Irrawaddy attempted to contact the spokesperson for the Office of the Commander-in-Chief for comment multiple times on Sunday morning but calls went unanswered.

Saturday night's police station attack is the second of its kind after the AA's coordinated attacks on four border outposts in Buthidaung Township, which killed 13 security personnel on Myanmar Independence Day on January 4.

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Saturday, March 9, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Unity Needed for Effective Constitutional Reform

Posted: 08 Mar 2019 08:00 PM PST

Ko Ye Ni: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy. We will discuss efforts in constitutional amendments this week.  A constitutional amendment committee has been formed at the Union Parliament. However, we still don't know how far the amendment will go or if it will be a waste of time and end up with the same status quo. Lawyer U Kyi Myint and political commentator U Yan Myo Thein will join me in the discussion. I am Ye Ni, editor of The Irrawaddy (Burmese Edition).

Saya U Kyi Myint and Ko Yan Myo Thein, there were disagreements at the Union Parliament this morning as the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) opposed a proposal submitted by the Constitutional Amendment Committee. We saw that (sound of) the live broadcast of criticisms made by the Tatmadaw representatives had to be omitted. The Tatmadaw has always opposed the NLD's aim to reduce the leading role of the Tatmadaw in politics. During the Tatmadaw's press conference, they made it clear that they will not relinquish their political role as long as ethnic armed organizations exist. As the Tatmadaw and the NLD hold no negotiations and have different views on constitutional amendments, is it possible to amend the Constitution? If it is possible, under what circumstances can the Constitution be amended? I would like to ask Saya U Kyi Myint to discuss this.

U Kyi Myint: The Constitution, which is also known as "mother law" or "basic law," is vital for a country. It is the "mother law" that affects the development of a country. What we see now is anarchy in which everyone is perusing their own cause amid criticisms and protests instead of making the Constitution more democratic. We, [activists] are very sad because we are not affiliated with any political party. As we fought against the military dictatorship at all stages, we were imprisoned repeatedly but we are still full of hope for our country. Whenever we raise the topic of constitutional amendment, different stakeholders—including the military, the USDP, ethnic groups, the government and so on—interpret it to their own ends. Efforts in constitutional amendment should not be treated in this way. The Constitution will be democratic only when we all keep in mind that everyone is contributing something to the country and we must do it for the interest of the country. The Constitution will be democratic only with this approach. One stakeholder says they will amend it when they are the majority in Parliament, while another says they have constitutional rights to object to constitutional amendment. Similarly, ethnic groups say they will continue their armed struggle if their demands are not met and they instigate hatred towards the Bamar. Under such circumstances, it is impossible to make the Constitution more democratic. As a result, only some articles of little importance are likely to be amended. Efforts in constitutional amendment should not be treated as a propaganda campaign.

YN: What's your opinion, Ko Yan Myo Thein? The NLD collected 5 million signatures from the public during their signature campaign to amend the Constitution in 2013. However, nothing has materialized from the campaigns for constitutional amendment.

Ko Yan Myo Thein: In 2013, about 5 million signatures were collected during a campaign calling for the amendment of Article 436 and they were submitted to Parliament. The Parliament also tried to amend the Constitution. As far as I know, there is no official record of the 5 million signatures to amend Article 436 in the documents of the Parliament, in which 37 representatives of the NLD were sitting.

They failed to point it out and raise questions for discussions. It was not even mentioned when the NLD submitted the proposal for constitutional amendments recently. In reality, all Myanmar people deeply believe in their hearts that the entire 2008 Constitution must be amended. To realize that belief, it is necessary to build trust among the political leaders, the military and ethnic groups through tripartite negotiations. We cannot ignore the fact that constitutional amendment is possible only when their differences can be settled and an agreement is reached. To amend the Constitution in Parliament, more than 75 percent of representatives must vote for it. It means that no article can be amended without the support of the Tatmadaw. Therefore, in the amendment process in 2019, it is essential for political leaders, Tatmadaw leaders and ethnic leaders to build trust among themselves through comprehensive negotiations.

YN: What is interesting about your discussion is the tripartite negotiations. One article ethnic groups are interested in amending is Article 261. As far as we know, the Tatmadaw, the USDP and ethnic parties like the ANP (Arakan National Party) support the amendment of the article. It is a topic for discussion. If it is to be amended, some point out that it would be good for the decentralization of power of the central government. On the other hand, others point out the expansion of the role of the Tatmadaw in states and regions. What is your opinion, Saya U Kyi Myint?

KM: Recently, the United Nationalities Alliance, with members from all ethnic groups in the entire country, held a two-day conference at the Green Hotel. They have no objection to the amendment of Article 261. There is no problem with the amendment of Article 261 as ethnic groups, the USDP and the NLD support it. The problem lies in the manner of proposing it. They are arguing about who was first to propose it. Ethnic groups pointed out that the amendment of the article alone is not sufficient and it is necessary to amend other related articles. For example, it is contradictory if a chief minister is to be elected by the regional parliament but regional ministers are to be appointed by the president. It is necessary for ethnic groups to amend the complete set of related articles. The NLD said it also intends to do so. The USDP agreed and said they had submitted their own proposed amendment of Article 261. As I said, they are trying to get ahead of one another even while working in the interest of the country. The manner they are doing it in is annoying for the public and ethnic groups. The situation is confusing because of their manners of promoting their personal popularity and party interests rather than making the Constitution more democratic. There is no problem in amending the article. They are not united. I am not asking them to be united forcefully but it is a common goal in the interest of the country. It appears difficult to amend the article because of their personal and political grudges. It is not a problem.

YN: I would like to ask Ko Yan Myo Thein: which articles are likely to be amended through negotiations as a common goal?

YMT: Every stakeholder including the ruling party, ethnic groups, the USDP and the Tatmadaw has agreed to amend the Constitution but they disagree on the extent of the amendment. To bridge their differences, it is important to negotiate through political means. It is important to approach constitutional amendment more from the political point of view rather than from a legal one. When you ask me which articles are likely to be amended, it is necessary to make a reference to the Union Agreement reached during the 21st Century Panglong Conference. Terms of the agreement signed by the president, Parliament speakers, the state counsellor, the commander-in-chief, ethnic leaders and leaders of EAOs must be integrated into the constitutional amendment. Some of the terms are concerned with the basic principles of the Union. As these terms are agreed on in the Union Agreement, it is necessary to amend the Constitution based on them. The Union Agreement states that the
Union shall be built on a democratic federal system while the Constitution pushes for a unitary state. Terms of the agreement must be integrated into the constitutional amendment process in 2019-20. If we can’t do this, it will have an impact on the peace process by undermining the trust of ethnic leaders. So it is necessary for political leaders, Tatmadaw leaders and ethnic leaders to treat this issue seriously.

YN: A final question for Saya U Kyi Myint: how can constitutional amendments benefit the public?

KM: I believe that the NLD, as an elected government, proposed constitutional amendments as it is the wish of the people. However, the Tatmadaw said they didn’t know about it because they were not invited for negotiations. They held a press conference and said that a total of 48 articles must not be amended. These articles are important and related to the role of the Tatmadaw. They said these articles must not be amended. How can we build a democratic federal Union with these articles? If we are to amend the Constitution without touching on the 48 articles, it will be just a superficial amendment. It will be a waste of time and bring no benefit to the country. It has been a decade since the Constitution was enacted and it doesn’t work. It says the population of Myanmar is 57 million but it is only 52 million in reality. It is wrong. A referendum should be held on whether the Constitution should continue to be in place or whether it is in accord with the democratic federal system. If more than half of the votes at the referendum support the Constitution, it will go on. If not, leaders should find a solution through negotiations.

YN: Thanks for your comments.

The post Unity Needed for Effective Constitutional Reform appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

This Week in Parliament

Posted: 08 Mar 2019 07:24 PM PST

Monday (Mar. 4)

The Lower House approved a proposed amendment to the Penal Code addressing the rape of young girls. The amendment, which has already been approved by the Upper House, would raise the punishment for the rape of girls under the age of 12 to between 20 years and life in prison.

Tuesday (Mar. 5)

Lawmakers representing the military and the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) objected to a recommendation from Bill Committee Secretary U Myat Nyana Soe to discuss the USDP’s proposal to amend Article 261 of the Constitution in the new committee drafting amendments to the charter rather than at a full session of Parliament.

In February, Parliament approved a proposal by the ruling National League for Democracy to form the drafting committee over objections from the military and USDP. The USDP then put forward a bill proposing a single amendment to the Constitution that would see region and state chief ministers elected by local legislatures rather than appointed by the president.

Wednesday (Mar. 6)

The Women and Children’s Rights Committee submitted a report on the Child Law recommending that it be amended.

Thursday (Mar. 7)

The Lower House approved lawmaker Daw Khin San Hlaing's proposal to review private businesses and enterprises operating on state-owned property to make sure government resources are being utilized in the public interest.

Friday (Mar.8)

Parliament approved the appointment of eight new members to the Union Election Commission, which now has 15 members.

The post This Week in Parliament appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Colonial Burma’s Only Local Governor Dies

Posted: 08 Mar 2019 06:01 PM PST

On this day in 1955, Sir Joseph Augustus Maung Gyi, the only Burmese to serve as governor of British Burma, died.

Maung Gyi (b. 1871) was an Oxford-educated barrister and a leading political figure in the 1920s and 1930s. He served as a minister and later a Home Member in the dyarchy government introduced by the British to allow for a measure of self-rule. He was also a judge of the High Court and the leader of the conservative Independent Party (also known as the "Golden Valley Party" after the neighborhood in Rangoon that was home to most of its leaders).

He was knighted by the colonial government in 1927, and served as acting governor for several months in 1930-31 when Governor Sir Charles Innes was on sick leave in the U.K. During his tenure as acting governor, Saya San led an uprising against the colonial government by Burman peasants who were frustrated by high land taxes. Saya San was hanged the following year, though the popular rebellion is now recognized as one of the earliest nationalist movements leading to independence.

Dr. Maung Maung, Myanmar's seventh president and a prolific author, would later write that "Sir J. A. Maung Gyi is honest and dares to take on tasks. But he does not know well about Myanmar's affairs, not to mention farmers' affairs. He was not close to the people as he got high positions without the vote."

However, in his autobiography "My Burma", Dr. Ba Oo, the country's second president, defended Maung Gyi, saying he had no choice but to refuse the call for lower taxes. He called Maung Gyi "a strong patriot" who was not in a position to defy the British.

Had he been free to act, Dr. Ba Oo wrote, Maung Gyi would have done anything within his power for Myanmar citizens.

On the other hand, Maung Gyi is remembered positively for his lead role in establishing Rangoon University, his research on traditional Myanmar drama and his efforts to publish the Tripitaka, or Buddhist scriptures.

Maung Gyi died at the age of 83 at his residence in Golden Valley.

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Friday, March 8, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Bus Company Owned by Ex-Dictator Ne Win’s Grandsons at Risk of Lawsuit Over Unpaid Loan

Posted: 08 Mar 2019 08:13 AM PST

YANGON—Two grandsons of Myanmar's ex-dictator Ne Win may be at risk of being sued by a local bank for failing to repay hire-purchase loans obtained to acquire buses for a transport company they own.

The bus company, Omni Focus, and two of its affiliates—Central Yangon Network Company and Keen Support Company—took out a loan of 56 billion kyats (US$36.8 million) from AYA Bank in 2017 to buy 500 new buses to be operated by Yangon Bus Service (YBS). The loan was sought at the recommendation of Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein.

In a statement released on Friday, the bank said it is planning to sue the companies for failing to repay the loans. The bank said it had attempted to communicate with the companies for several months, including sending bank notices and legal notices requesting repayment, as per the bank's procedures.

U Myint Zaw, managing director of AYA Bank, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that the three companies failed to make at least 50 billion kyats in repayments, including interest and late penalties, over the past 17 months.

"As a bank, we gave them loan within the bank compliance and procedures. And now they have missed the deadline to make the repayment. We would like to urge them to repay the loan," he said.

U Kyaw Ne Win of the Omni Focus Company and officials from AYA Bank met separately with the Yangon Regional Parliament's Finance, Planning and Economy Committee on Thursday to discuss the dispute.

Regional lawmaker U Kyaw Zeya, who is a member of the committee, told The Irrawaddy that the loans were provided because the regional government told the bank to do so. He said the bank officials said that while other companies repay their loans regularly, the three companies, which are all under Omni Focus, failed to pay. He added that U Kyaw Ne Win acknowledged receiving notices from the bank.

During the meeting, U Kyaw Ne Win complained of the difficulties that his company is facing, including the fact that the bus lines are losing money; what he described as the Yangon Region Transport Authority's failure to keep its promise to offer assistance to bus companies operating under the YBS; and a delay in the implementation of a cash payment system.

"He said he doesn't mind the lawsuit. If he is sued, he will disclose his difficulties to the public," U Kyaw Zeya quoted U Kyaw Ne Win as saying.

A few hours after AYA Bank released its press statement, the bus company responded, saying it informed the bank on Jan. 31 that it would attempt to meet the repayment deadline.

However, U Myint Zaw said AYA Bank had no knowledge of the company's claim.

The post Bus Company Owned by Ex-Dictator Ne Win's Grandsons at Risk of Lawsuit Over Unpaid Loan appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

New Yangon City Chief Grilled Over Chinese Contractor’s Reputation

Posted: 08 Mar 2019 05:57 AM PST

YANGON—The CEO of the company developing the controversial New City project on the west bank of the Yangon River has defended the involvement of a Chinese firm with an international reputation for engaging in bribery and corruption.

The Yangon government-backed New Yangon Development Company (NYDC) last year signed a US$1.5-billion (about 2.3 trillion kyats) framework agreement with Beijing-based China Construction and Communication Company (CCCC) under which the latter will build infrastructure for the new city. The project, slated to be developed on 20,000 acres of land, is part of China's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative in Myanmar.

However, the project has been a source of controversy due to its flood-prone location as well as CCCC's involvement. The Hong Kong-listed, Chinese state-owned company has been accused of engaging in corruption and bribery relating to development deals in at least 10 countries in Africa and Asia, from the Philippines to Bangladesh to Tanzania, according to international media reports.

At a public consultation meeting about the project in Yangon on Wednesday, NYDC's CEO Serge Pun was bombarded with questions on topics including the project's location, financial model, environmental feasibility, job creation and the controversial Chinese firm's involvement, among others. Audience members wondered aloud whether the New City project would have a negative impact on Yangon and expressed concerns over Chinese influence over the New City once it is completed.

When asked if NYDC had done a background check on CCCC before signing the framework agreement, the CEO said it had. He acknowledged that the Chinese company had once been blacklisted by the World Bank along with internationally known U.S. and Canadian companies, but insisted that "the situation has changed".

"I don't want to comment on CCCC's past. But they have to stay on the right track when working with us," he said, adding that if it didn't the outcome would be poor.

"My responsibility is to keep it on the right track," he said.

Serge Pun told the audience that since the formation of NYDC last year, many international firms had approached it about investing in the New City, but they had failed to meet NYDC's basic conditions for the project, under which it will provide the land while its partners must bankroll all the infrastructure projects.

"So in the end only one was left: CCCC," he said.

Though CCCC has yet to be given the green light to proceed with the project, the framework agreement between NYDC and the Chinese company says NYDC will provide 28 sq.km of land for use by CCCC, which will invest $1.5 billion in building six infrastructure works including bridges, roads and power and water treatment plants.

During the town hall meeting, U Win Myo Thu, the chairman of the Advancing Life and Regenerating Motherland (ALARM) group, said the agreement was "too good to be true".

"Other investors have turned their backs [due to the huge investment required], but CCCC is still around. Why? Do they have a hidden agenda?" he asked.

U Win Myo Thu cited examples in other countries where Chinese state banks have poured huge amount of cash into projects. Not only do the subcontracts all go to Chinese companies, he said, but when the project fails to generate sufficient profit to repay the loans, the Chinese developers seize the land.

"China is known for playing this trick all over the world," he said.

"If something goes wrong [with the New Yangon City project], we won't have much bargaining power with China either," he warned, while questioning whether the new city would become a Chinese enclave.

Serge Pun's audience and co-panelists appeared less than impressed by his failure to provide concrete answers to some of their questions relating to the project.

When the moderator asked why a flood-prone location was chosen for the project he replied, "It's difficult to answer."

"I was assigned to take care of the project after they [the government] chose the location. I wasn't involved in the location selection process," he said.

When another member of the audience asked whether the project had been submitted to the Myanmar Investment Commission (any project with an investment value larger than $5 million requires the investment body's approval), the CEO said simply that they were awaiting permission "from Naypyitaw".

"People 'upstairs' are now in discussions. The Union Attorney General's Office is reviewing the Pre-Project Document [a set of documents including technical specifications, a financial proposal and a business model] submitted by CCCC. I think it will happen soon," Serge Pun said.

The post New Yangon City Chief Grilled Over Chinese Contractor's Reputation appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

More than a Dozen Soldiers, Including Captain, Killed in Clash with AA in Chin State

Posted: 08 Mar 2019 05:37 AM PST

YANGON—More than a dozen Myanmar Army soldiers, including a captain, were killed during a battle with the Arakan Army (AA) in Chin State's Paletwa Township on Thursday.

Captain Aung Chan Moe was among the troops from Light Infantry Battalion No. 542, based in southern Rakhine State's Kyaukphyu Township, who were killed in the clash.

The AA released an update via its official website on Friday afternoon displaying a number of soldiers' ID cards, including that of Capt. Aung Chan Moe, along with badges, epaulettes and a 9-mm pistol. The AA said at least 15 government soldiers were killed.

It also displayed photos of three dead Army troops as well as a number of pieces of military equipment including binoculars, mine detectors, three MA assault rifles, more than 20 mortar rounds of different sizes, and six RPG rounds. In the AA handout, the ID of another captain, Saw Maung Maung Nyein, and an epaulette with three stars were also displayed, but it remains unclear whether the officer was among a group of soldiers who managed to escape, or if he was freed by the AA.

Since March 3, the AA has occasionally released battle updates via its website and that of its political wing, the United League for Arakan (ULA). The AA recently announced that it killed more than 30 Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) soldiers in a March 4 attack in Mrauk-U Township.

The AA said its fighters claimed to have ambushed two wooden motorboats carrying dozens of Tatmadaw soldiers who were part of reinforcements for an Army offensive in Mrauk-U. It said the soldiers drowned when the boats sank. The Irrawaddy could not independently verify this claim.

Two Myanmar Army captain's epaulettes and one pistol are displayed in images released by the AA on March 8, 2019. / AA info desk

According to the AA, the Tatmadaw's Light Infantry Division (LID) No. 55 has been pouring more troops into the frontline in Paletwa, and troops from LIDs No. 22, 33, 66 and 99 are also being deployed to battlefields in northern Rakhine. The AA estimates that the Tatmadaw has dispatched not less than 10,000 soldiers to Rakhine since armed clashes there escalated in December. The AA predicted the fighting would only intensify as long as the military continues to send in reinforcements.

After learning that the Tatmadaw was using private boats and vehicles to transport troops, the AA recently warned boat owners not to transport soldiers to contested zones.

A spokesman for the Office of the Commander-in-Chief did not respond to The Irrawaddy's calls on Friday.

In late December, the Tatmadaw acknowledged that some high-ranking officers had been killed in clashes with the AA, without providing details. Another officer, Major Aung Ko Nyein, was shot dead during a battle in February.

Local relief groups estimate that nearly 10,000 civilians have been displaced across Rakhine due to the intense fighting in the northern of the state. Most of the IDPs are sheltering in poor conditions and are relying mainly on donations from the local groups.

The post More than a Dozen Soldiers, Including Captain, Killed in Clash with AA in Chin State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Infographic: China’s Plantation Greed

Posted: 08 Mar 2019 04:51 AM PST

YANGON—Chinese tissue culture banana plantations, banned from Laos and Thailand, came to war-torn Kachin State in 2007. For more than two years, controversial China-backed banana plantations have been facing backlash from local residents in Kachin State, where operators are accused of unfairly taking over lands previously leased from the authorities by locals, many of whom were displaced by conflict.

As the plantations expand, villagers displaced by fighting and living in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) are increasingly concerned that their land may be occupied, and that they will not be able to farm when they return home.

The area occupied by tissue culture banana plantations has been expanding rapidly in Kachin State, particularly in Waimaw Township close to the state capital of Myitkyina, and most of the plantations are operated by Chinese companies.

According to the State's agriculture ministry, there are more than 60,000 acres of banana plantations. However, civil society organizations have recorded more than 170,000 acres across Waimaw, Bhamo, Shwegu, Mansi, Momauk and Dokphoneyan townships in Kachin State. Local lawmakers have also pointed out the discrepancy between government data and information on the ground and are calling for action to be taken against those behind the cultivation of tissue-culture bananas.

According to a 2017 environmental study by the Lisu Civil Society Organization, Chinese companies have been planting tissue culture bananas since 2012 in Kachin State's Special Region 1, which is under the control of the government-allied New Democratic Army-Kachin militia. It said the plantations have been gradually expanding to the other townships.

More than 50 farmers from multiple villages in two townships of Myitkyina District on Wednesday told the media how the China-backed plantations were causing suffering among the local communities. The famers also said they have been threatened by the Chinese companies for opposing the bananas plantation near their villages.

According to environmental reports by civil society organizations, the companies are using insecticides, weed killers and fertilizers and disposing of them carelessly. This has led to the pollution of water supplies in these areas, in turn causing soil damage and killing fish and livestock.

Here, The Irrawaddy illustrates and maps the expansion of banana plantations in Kachin State.

(This data is based on information from Myanmar's Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation, the 2018-2019 Land Security and Environmental Conservation report conducted by a coalition of 11 civil society organizations and a 2017 environmental report by the Lisu Civil Society Organization.)

The post Infographic: China's Plantation Greed appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Promises More Female Participation on Women’s Day

Posted: 08 Mar 2019 04:41 AM PST

NAYPYITAW — Vice President Henry Van Thio vowed to ensure that women make up 30 percent of the participants in every sector during an event marking International Women’s Day in Naypyitaw on Friday.

"It has been set out in the political framework of the Union Accord to guarantee at least 30 percent women's participation in all sectors," he said.

The government, he added, was implementing 2013-2022 national strategic plan for advancement of women that targets 12 for gender equality, in line with the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Beijing Declaration and its Platform for Action.

The priority areas laid out in the plan are livelihoods and poverty reduction; education and training; health; violence against women; emergencies; the economy; decision making; institutional mechanisms; human rights; the media; the environment; and girls.

Task forces have been formed as part of the plan to prevent violence against women and girls, help them participate in politics and business, promote gender equality in all sectors, and ensure peace and security for women.

At the event, representatives of Myanmar Women's Organization Network said there was also much work left to do to educate men about respecting women.

The Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement has opened “one stop women’s support center” to help women who experience violence in Yangon, Mandalay, Lashio in Shan State, and Mawlamyine in Mon State. Minister U Win Myat Aye said centers were also planned for Irrawaddy Region, Kayah State and Karen State.

"Though 30 percent women's participation is granted, it is important that they have decision-making positions. Women's participation is very low in every sector," said Upper House lawmaker and women’s rights activist Naw Hla Hla Soe.

She said seminars on women's rights, practical help for victims, legal support and the rule of law were all important factors.

The slogan for this year’s Women's Day is, “Think equal, build smart, innovate for change.”

Henry Van Thio urged women, who account for more than half the national population, to unlock their potential and work shoulder to shoulder with their male counterparts in establishing the rule of law, promoting socio-economic development, and building peace and federalism.

The event was attended by First Lay Daw Cho Cho, Union ministers, and representatives of women's rights groups and other local and international non-governmental organizations.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Landmine Kills War Vet in Northern Rakhine

Posted: 08 Mar 2019 03:41 AM PST

SITTWE, Rakhine State — A landmine killed a 68-year-old man in Rakhine State’s Mrauk-U Township on Wednesday, bringing to five the number of civilians killed by landmines or unexploded ordnance in northern Rakhine and the neighboring township of Paletwa in Chin State since February.

The Myanmar military and Arakan Army have been fighting in the area since late last year.

On Tuesday, the Chin Human Rights Organization said U Aung Lun, a resident of Shin Ma Dein Village in Paletwa, was forced to guide the military’s Light Infantry Battalion 544 at the head of the column and was killed after stepping on a mine near the Bangladesh border on Feb. 25.

A captain and other soldiers were also seriously injured by the blast, the rights group said in a report, adding that the military promised to compensate the victim's family in line with ethnic Chin traditions.

Two days later, a couple from Ahtet Thin Pone Tan Village in Ponnagyun Township died when an artillery shell they had found in the forest exploded while they were taking it home. Two other villagers on the boat with the couple were also injured.

On Dec. 29, an ethnic Mro villager from Leik Hpa Village, also in Ponnagyun, was injured after stepping on a landmine.

These figures exclude deaths from accidental shootings or assassination.

In the latest incident, three residents of Auk Tha Kan Village were on their way home from the forest at about 6 a.m. on Wednesday when one of them stepped on a landmine, according to police Capt. Aung Thu Myo of the Mrauk-U Township police force.

The man, a 68-year-old war veteran, lost his leg below the knee from the blast and bled to death on the way to the hospital in Mrauk-U.

"The two others were slightly injured," U Tun Than Sein, a state lawmaker who represents Mrauk-U, told The Irrawaddy.

The military and Arakan Army clashed near the site of the mine blast on Feb. 19 and 20, according to locals.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Ten Missing Ta’ang Villagers Held by RCSS, Rights Groups Say

Posted: 08 Mar 2019 03:04 AM PST

Ta'ang rights groups have accused the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) of detaining 10 ethnic Ta'ang residents of Mann Lee village in northern Shan State's Namtu Township.

The 10 went missing after fighting broke out between rival ethnic armed groups in Mann Lee on March 1. According to the groups, a phone memory card found at the scene of the clash contained images of the missing villagers.

A family member of one of the missing found the card in a phone that had been left in the village and took it to the Ta'ang Women's Organization (TWO).

Lway Poe Jae, joint secretary of the Ta’ang Students and Youth Union (TSYU), told The Irrawaddy on Friday that, "Our evidence is mainly from the villager who came to give the memory card to us. When we checked the memory card, we found they [the RCSS] had detained those 10 people."

The images show the missing villagers sitting down with their hands tied by rope and blindfolded. Armed men dressed in civilian clothes stand behind the victims, she said.

The TSYU and the TWO issued a joint statement announcing the discovery of the photos and accusing the RCSS of detaining the 10. It demanded that they be released.

Lway Poe Jae said local residents had identified the armed men in the photos as RCSS members.

The 10 disappeared on March 1 after the village became caught in fighting between the RCSS and a joint force of Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP) troops. The fighting caused the population of the village to flee. Two people who had stayed behind to take care of property and another eight villagers who were among those who fled were all later reported missing.

The TSYU and TWO said they would ask other rights groups including those from the Shan and international communities to lobby the RCSS to release the villagers.

Colonel Sai Oo, a spokesperson for the RCSS, denied the group is holding the missing villagers.

"We did not arrest them," he said. He added that he had read the statement by the TSYU and TWO, but found the account of finding a memory card hard to believe.

"Their armed group [the TNLA] sometimes arrests its own people but blames us," he said.

No one benefits from arresting civilians, he said, before calling on armed groups to help local residents.

Col. Sai Oo added that if his group had arrested any civilians, and if they were found to have done nothing wrong, the group would release them.

The fighting between ethnic armed groups in northern Shan State has inflamed tensions between ethnic Shan and Ta'ang in the region. At least 40 people have disappeared in Namtu Township since fighting broke out between the TNLA and the RCSS in the area, according to Ta'ang rights groups.

The RCSS is an ethnic Shan armed group historically based in Loi Tai Lang, southern Shan State. However, it has begun to exert control in areas in northern Shan since signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement with the Myanmar government in 2015.

The TNLA has been the RCSS' main rival among the ethnic groups in the area, but the SSPP, a Shan ethnic armed group based in northern Shan State, has staged attacks against the RCSS of late too.

The TNLA and SSPP are members of the Northern Alliance bloc of armed groups. They have joined forces to attack the RCSS and defend their areas of control. Both the TNLA and SSPP accuse the RCSS of occupying their areas of control.

The two armed groups are trying to kick the RCSS out of northern Shan State. The RCSS retains small areas of control in Namtu and Hsipaw townships. Over 2,000 IDPs have fled villages in Namtu and Hsipaw amid ongoing clashes in the area.

The post Ten Missing Ta'ang Villagers Held by RCSS, Rights Groups Say appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Charter Amendment Committee Starts Work

Posted: 08 Mar 2019 01:47 AM PST

NAYPYITAW — The parliamentary committee drafting amendments to the Constitution met on Thursday in Naypyitaw for the first time since it was established over two weeks ago and discussed the first 14 articles covering the basic principles of the Union.

Lawmakers for the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and those appointed by the military, or Tatmadaw, who opposed the committee’s formation, showed up but did not join in the discussion.

Lawmakers “from the Tatmadaw and the USDP didn't take part in the discussion, but they took notes on the discussion among the other parties," U Aung Kyaw Zan of the Arakan National Party (ANP) told reporters.

The ANP proposed restructuring Myanmar’s regions and state in such a way that would help put the main ethnic groups on equal footing.

USDP lawmakers declined to be interviewed after the meeting. Military-appointed lawmakers spoke only to Myawady Television, the military-owned broadcaster.

"I am not authorized to reveal what was discussed at the meeting because it is graded classified information," USDP lawmaker U Sai Kyaw Moe said.

Committee Secretary U Myat Nyana Soe said all the member parties except the Wa Democratic Party attended the meeting and participated actively.

The other parties in the committee are the ruling National League for Democracy and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, Zomi Congress for Democracy, Pa-O National Organization, Palang National Party, Kokang Democracy and Unity Party, United National Democracy Party, Mon National Party, National Unity Party, Kachin State Democracy Party, and Lisu National Development Party.

There are a total of 48 clauses in the first 14 articles of the Constitution. Committee members declined to say what was said about Article 6 (f), which allows the military to “participate in the national political leadership of the state.”

Any amendment to the Constitution requires the approval of more than 75 percent of lawmakers in the Union Parliament, where the military controls 25 percent of the seats as per the Constitution.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Key Players in Peace Process Steering Team Step Down

Posted: 07 Mar 2019 10:34 PM PST

CHIANG MAI—Karen National Union (KNU) Chairperson Gen. Mutu Say Poe and Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) Chairperson Yawd Serk have stepped down from their respective positions as chairperson and vice-chairperson of the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST), a group representing 10 ethnic armed group signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).

The PPST held a series of meetings in Thailand's Chiang Mai from Tuesday to Thursday this week.

A new chairperson and vice-chairperson will be elected formally at the next summit, though the two outgoing leaders delegated authority to KNU General Secretary Padoh Saw Ta Doh Moo and RCSS Deputy Chief of Staff Brig-Gen Pao Khay.

Negotiations with the government and military on moving Myanmar toward a federal and democratic system that guaranteed equality and self-determination for ethnic minorities had "deviated" from the path set out by the NCA, the delegates said at the meeting.

The leadership change is aimed at putting the process back on the right track and continuing peace talks with the government based on the common ground reached at the meeting, said Saw Ta Doh Moo.

RCSS Chairman Gen. Yawd Serk and Deputy Chief of Staff Brig. Gen. Pao Khay. / Aung Moe Myint

"This is to replace [the PPST leadership] with younger generations who appear to be able to debate and negotiate more effectively," Saw Ta Doh Moo said in a press conference on Thursday.

Delegates of the KNU and the RCSS, the two biggest groups among the 10 NCA signatories, said that the leadership change would not impact peace talks, though some delegates of the smaller signatory groups expressed concerns that there would be a negative impact on talks.

"We don't think it will have an impact because our argument will be framed by policies and not on personality, so it won't have an impact," RCSS Second Secretary Col. Sai Ngin said at the press conference.

During the meeting, delegates discussed the current peace process framework, discussing ways to make it more inclusive, and tried to reach a consensus on a timeframe for future talks with the government and military.

The PPST summit is scheduled to be held on May 14 when a proposal will be submitted to change its name to the Peace Process Consultative Meeting as well as the formal election of the chairperson and the vice-chairperson.

The PPST was formed by eight original signatories of the NCA in 2017 in Thailand's Chiang Mai in order to facilitate peace talks with the government and Tatmadaw.

The PPST suspended all formal meetings following arguments over the concept of "single army" and "non-secession from the Union" brought up at exclusive meetings between the government, Tatmadaw and NCA signatories last October in Naypyitaw.

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An Open Letter to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on Women’s Day

Posted: 07 Mar 2019 10:10 PM PST

Today we celebrate International Women's Day, a day in which we mark the key role that women play in our societies, in Myanmar, in the Netherlands and all around the world.

Much has been accomplished in securing equal rights for women, ensuring equal opportunity for women and ensuring that women everywhere around the world can participate in all aspects of society. With the #SheDecides initiative, the Netherlands contributes to promoting sexual and reproductive rights for women and girls, creating a movement that is vibrant and active.

Much has been accomplished, but many challenges remain. Therefore we must aim for #BalanceforBetter, the theme of WWD2019. It makes clear that a better balance is not only needed but that we all stand to benefit if we are able to accomplish this goal. A balanced world is a better world.

In Myanmar many people, women and men, look up to your picture on their wall. They look up to you as you embody the hope that people have for a better future in Myanmar. However, as you have said yourself, a better future requires peace in Myanmar. While women are usually not the cause of conflict, they should be part of the solution. There can be no sustainable peace without the input and participation of women.

Women should be given the opportunity to express what they need from the peace process, how they want peace to be shaped. Women represent half of Myanmar's population. Their voice cannot be excluded. And they should not only speak on “women's issues” or “gender equality.” Their perspective counts on any topic. Just as much, we need to hear men speak on all issues, including about gender and women's issues.

You have fought for democracy and human rights for the better part of your life. You are a role model for many women in Myanmar. As state counselor and chair of the Union Peace Conference, you are in a position to set an example for a Myanmar based on diversity and inclusion. So if we want #BalanceforBetter in the peace process, then let's not just talk about quotas but amplify powerful female voices, give them a platform, a seat at the table. All of Myanmar will benefit.

Wouter Jurgnes is the Netherlands’ ambassador to Myanmar.

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The Fall of Rangoon

Posted: 07 Mar 2019 05:58 PM PST

On this day in 1942, Rangoon came under the control of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) and the Imperial Japanese Army. British Governor Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith had withdrawn his forces from Rangoon on March 1, knowing that the two armies were marching on the city. Formed in Bangkok by the "30 Comrades" led by General Aung San, the BIA had entered Myanmar in three columns with the Japanese Army and arrived in Rangoon in early March.

On March 5, the BIA made the decision to take control of Rangoon. The army's Dawei column marched from Hmawbi Township at dusk on March 7 and occupied Rangoon at around 10 am on the following day after encountering some resistance.

Formed with only 100 or so troops, the BIA's ranks swelled to some 40,000 in Rangoon. It was Myanmar's first national army since the abdication of the country's last monarch, Thibaw, in 1885.

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Regulation Can Hinder Not Help Asia’s Social Enterprises, Analysts Say

Posted: 07 Mar 2019 05:00 PM PST

BANGKOK—As more Asian nations consider laws to promote social enterprises, analysts on Thursday warned that legislation could hold back, not help the growing number of ethical businesses.

Thailand last week passed a social enterprise act that gives tax breaks and other incentives to registered ventures that aim to deliver a positive social impact while turning a profit.

Such ventures can register if they generate half their revenues from the business, and reinvest 70 percent of profits.

“The law makes it possible for social enterprises—and their supporters—to receive various benefits,” said Vichit Charadsooksawad, director of the industry law division of the government’s advisory council, who helped draft the law.

“It recognizes the role that social enterprises can play in solving social, economic and environmental challenges,” he said on Thursday at a regional conference in Bangkok.

Across Southeast Asia, social enterprises are helping narrow inequality and create livelihood opportunities.

Thailand is among the few countries in the region with legislation aimed at such ventures.

Vietnam revised its enterprise law in 2014 to provide a legal definition of social enterprise, while Myanmar set up a committee to promote inclusive businesses and impact investing.

Malaysia had a three-year strategy to promote social ventures that ended last year, while the Philippines had drafted a bill to reduce poverty through social entrepreneurship.

But regulation is not always needed or desired, Tristan Ace, who heads the British Council’s social enterprise program, said on the sidelines of the conference.

“There is a difference between recognition and regulation. Recognition sends an important signal to the market that it is being taken seriously,” he said.

“But when you have a sector in a nascent stage of growth, you don’t want to restrict it too much. Regulation can come later,” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Instead, governments must first help the sector develop talent, and improve access to finance, said Ace.

This view was echoed by Alfie Othman, who heads the Singapore Centre for Social Enterprise, which provides training and other resources for ethical entrepreneurs.

“We are opposed to regulation—it would kill innovation in the sector,” he said. “The tax breaks are not that important—we want the sector to grow first.”

Meanwhile in Indonesia, there is a discussion on whether a new law is needed, said Romy Cahyadi, chief executive at Instella, which supports social enterprises.

“Some social enterprises want greater clarity and recognition as legal entities,” he said.

“The government plans to include social enterprise in the five-year national plan. We believe that’s a good approach.”

Thailand has a long history of social enterprises, with the quirky Cabbages and Condoms restaurant set up in 1975 to fund AIDS projects and sexual-health education programs.

It has since grown into a chain of restaurants and resorts in Thailand and overseas.

“When we began, even the term ‘social enterprise’ was not used. We made good money without any government support, and paid tax like any company,” said founder Mechai Viravaidya, known as the “godfather” of Thai social business.

“More than legislation, what we need is awareness and education,” he said.

The post Regulation Can Hinder Not Help Asia’s Social Enterprises, Analysts Say appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

“Buddhism Under Threat”: Thai Election Gives Platform to Radicals

Posted: 07 Mar 2019 04:30 PM PST

PATHUM THANI, Thailand — A clothing and cosmetics model and a former monk are campaigning together for Thailand’s election at a market outside Bangkok. The message: Buddhism is under threat.

Their politics marks a new trend in traditionally tolerant Thailand, where Buddhist nationalist movements have never taken root in the same way as in countries such as Myanmar and Sri Lanka.

Buddhism is one of the traditional pillars of Thai society and underpins many aspects of Thai life, but monks have little influence over the state compared to the monarchy and military.

The emergence of the Pandin Dharma Party to contest the March 24 election points to the rise of a fringe of Thai society that is at odds with the royalist-military establishment over religion and expresses growing antipathy to Islam.

“I joined this party because of its policy to protect the religion,” said Sirima “Grace” Sarakul, 36, the model, who is contesting a seat in Parliament as a Pandin Dharma Party candidate.

The threat to Buddhism, Pandin Dharma’s supporters believe, is from secular authorities they accuse of harassing monks and of caring more about Thailand’s tiny Muslim minority than the religion followed by more than 90 percent of Thais.

“Monks have been dealt with heavy-handedly by the state,” complains former monk Korn Medee, 47, leader of the party whose name means Land of Buddhist Teaching. “The government has overtly favored the other religion over Buddhism,” he told Reuters.

The government’s National Office of Buddhism declined to comment on the allegations or the rise of Buddhist nationalism, saying it was a matter of national security.

Two other avowedly Buddhist parties in the election are aligned with the junta, which has imposed measures to bring Thailand’s 40,000 temples under control in the name of tackling scandals ranging from corruption to sex to murder.

Paiboon Nititawan, 65, of the pro-military People’s Reform Party, dismissed Pandin Dharma as “not real Buddhists.”

“Our party is not even talking about religion per se, but rather about applying the teaching of the Buddha,” he said.

Division

Thailand’s longstanding political fracture between the establishment and the populism of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra is mirrored in religion.

Thai Buddhism itself is divided into two fraternities: the Mahanikaya of the masses and the more conservative Thammayut, bound to the establishment and more influential since its founding by a 19th century king.

“There has been a conflict of interests between factions within the monkhood and the military government,” said Buddhist scholar Somrit Luechai. “As long as the monkhood remains under the centralized control of the state, this conflict will not end and could even intensify.”

Religion has not been among the top issues ahead of a ballot that is largely shaping up as a contest between parties that support establishment-backed junta leader Prayuth Chan-ocha and allies of Thaksin.

But an electoral system designed to help smaller parties — 81 are standing for election — has given greater room for interest groups.

Dressed in white to mark themselves out as devout lay followers of Buddhism, Sirima and another former monk, Boonyatilert Sara, 45, found a ready reception in Pathum Thani Province, where northern Bangkok’s sprawl gives way to rice fields.

“Buddhism has been decaying in this country,” said Yuttana Suksa-ard, 66. “A party like this can help purify the religion.”

Pandin Dharma accuses the military government of unfairly targeting senior monks — raiding prominent temples such as the giant Dhammakaya complex in Pathum Thani — over alleged scandals.

The party wants to formally make Buddhism the state religion and give more support for temples.

“I want to protect the religion and to do that we need legislative power,” said Boonyatilert. “In neighboring Myanmar, the Buddhists there know truly what their religion is and they can defend it. Not here.”

Muslims under fire

Although Pandin Dharma strongly rejects accusations of being anti-Muslim, it complains that Muslims get too much state help.

It wants state-sponsored Buddhist settlements in Muslim-majority southern provinces to aid the return of Buddhists who left because of a decades-old insurgency.

One of the party’s candidates for prime minister, Banjob Bannaruji, has praised hardline Myanmar monk Wirathu and in a 2015 post asked: “will we all succumb and allow Islam to take over the country or do we need Myanmar monks to help us?”

Thai authorities have been tough on monks who express anti-Muslim views, defrocking one in 2016.

But some fear that Buddhist nationalism could also become a threat to centuries-old Muslim communities.

“Before, it was just a bunch of personal animosities against Islam expressed online, but now these scattered movements are becoming more defined,” said Zakee Pitakumpol, an academic at Prince of Songkla University and deputy secretary to the Sheikhul Islam, Thailand’s Islamic spiritual leader.

The Pandin Dharma Party is contesting only 145 out of 350 seats this time and Korn played down expectations of great success, saying the party did not have enough money for posters and was relying on social media and door-to-door campaigning.

“Even if we don’t get any seats, then at least now we have a platform,” he said.

The post “Buddhism Under Threat”: Thai Election Gives Platform to Radicals appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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