On this day in 1970, the US Apollo 12 astronauts visited Yangon, four months after their landing on the Moon. Charles Conrad Jr., Richard Gordon and Alan Bean laid a wreath at the Martyrs' Mausoleum and visited Shwedagon Pagoda, Sule Pagoda and Yangon City Hall among other sites.
Sharing their experiences of space with the crowds near Shwedagon Pagoda for around 45 minutes, the astronauts offered a philosophical insight they had gained during their mission. Viewed from space, they said, the Earth becomes tiny, and people's reasons for fighting each other seem unimportant.
During their trip, Conrad presented rocks retrieved from the Moon's surface to then-Information Minister Brigadier-General Thaung Dan.
Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week we will discuss the actions of the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), for which we should say '”bravo.” The ACC has filed a complaint against and detained Tanintharyi Region Chief Minister Daw Lei Lei Maw under the Anti-Corruption Law. This is what the majority of the complainants wanted to see. We will discuss how effective the ACC was over the last year, what its shortcomings are and how important it is to fight corruption to establish democracy. Daw Moe Moe Tun, leading member of the MATA (Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability) and GPS (Genuine People's Servants) director and Access to Justice Initiative leading member Ko Thwin Lin Aung join me to discuss this. I'm The Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.
From the point of view of the people and of public spending, it is good news. The National League for Democracy (NLD) has taken harsh action against a minister it appointed. What is your assessment of the ACC since it was formed in November 2017? How much are you satisfied with its actions?
Moe Moe Tun: After it was reformed in 2017, it tried to engage with civil society organizations and the general public. And the Anti-Corruption Law of the previous government was a mere anti-bribery law. The commission also amended it. Though it is still not perfect, it has become better compared to the past. Though the commission still has shortcomings, it deserves credit for taking action against a chief minister, as in Daw Lei Lei Maw's case. But still, questions remain. We've always asked them how far they can go.
KZM: Why?
MMT: The commission can launch investigations into civil servants who appear to be suspiciously wealthy at its own discretion. But in our country there are many corruption scandals [involving civil servants] besides Daw Lei Lei Maw. And there are cases in which the ACC said that by law it couldn't take action. So we always question how independent it is in reality.
KZM: Its independence will reflect how much integrity it has. The ACC set out six codes of ethics in May 2018. They are integrity, independency, accountability, transparency, fairness and inclusiveness. Ko Thwin Lin Aung, I think it all depends on political will, the commitment to fight corruption. U Thein Sein's administration did not handle any corruption case effectively, and it lacked political will. What is your assessment of the current situation?
Thwin Lin Aung: Optimistically, as the current government has the will to fight corruption, there is increased anti-corruption activity, which is good. But its independence, the second point you mentioned, is negative.
KZM: Why?
TLA: The anti-corruption commission should take necessary action at its own discretion without fear or favor.
KZM: But ACC Chairman U Aung Kyi has said so unequivocally.
TLA: But the reality is not the case. The commission under U Thein Sein's government did not work effectively. At that time it was not chaired by U Aung Kyi, and it barely worked. Under the NLD government, especially after U Win Myint became president, the government has worked actively to fight corruption, and the ACC has followed suit. But there are things the government is unwilling to do. We are satisfied with the ACC's action in Daw Lei Lei Maw's case. We praise it. But it appears the ACC touched the case only after lawmakers filed a complaint. But according to the amendments introduced in 2018, the commission can launch an investigation once a scandal erupts. The scandal broke some three or four months before lawmakers filed a complaint. There was a flurry of posts by Tanintharyi locals on social media. So there are such restrictions. And there are also restrictions imposed by the 2008 Constitution. Chairman U Aung Kyi himself has spoken about it.
KZM: What are they?
TLA: For example, in the cases that involve the Tatmadaw [military], the commission can do nothing even if it receives complaints. The law states that any matter related to the Tatmadaw can be handled only by the Tatmadaw, and nobody can intervene. There are big restrictions such as this.
KZM: According to the ACC, most of the complaints that are filed involved [civil servants in] Yangon Region. But little action has been taken in Yangon against bribery and corruption. And in the case of [Yangon] Attorney General U Han Htoo, the president had to intervene. It appears as though the case would not have been revealed otherwise. What can the commission do to respond to scandals not only after receiving complaints? I've read about an official complaint by former Yangon Region lawmaker Daw Nyo Nyo Thin regarding the report of the Yangon Region auditor-general and the loss of public funds. We have heard nothing [from the ACC] in response. What is your view on this?
MMT: Let's take a look into cases it has handled. The ACC took action in U Han Htoo's case at the instruction of the president. Lawmakers including the Parliament speaker filed a complaint with the president. So the commission conducted an investigation at the instruction of the president. This is what we presume, and the reality is not different. So we have always asked about the extent of its authority. We've asked recently and are still asking today.
KZM: You asked the commission?
MMT: I will keep asking. We should question its authority and independence, because it did not take action immediately after the scandals but only after the president gave approval. Regarding the complaint by Daw Nyo Nyo Thin that the Yangon Region government's proposed projects were not in line with the development program based on the Yangon Region audit, it is clear that it is the case. But the commission didn't take action. So we should ask who we, the general public, should file complaints with. But to draw a conclusion from its current behavior, the final decision is made by the president.
KZM: It has to do fact-finding to take legal action. As I've said, the political will is the key factor at play. There were many problems due to the lack of political will under U Thein Sein's government. The commission has the political will, but its mandate is limited. So what suggestions can experts and CSOs [civil society organizations] make to improve the situation?
TLA: Regarding independence, CSOs and those who have the right background should be appointed to the commission to ensure checks and balances. And there must be legal guarantees, which also concerns independence. When the Anti-Corruption Law was amended for the fourth time in 2018, the one and only legal guarantee [added] was the provision that allows investigations in response to scandals. And we have called for the review of another amendment that criminalizes the bribe giver. We divide bribery in two: positive bribery and negative bribery. Some give bribes for their personal interest out of greed. In that case, it is OK to take action against the giver. But on the other hand, there are cases in which one has to give bribes to prevent suffering, for example bribing [hospital officials] to get a medical operation done for their children. So we have called for amending the law in that regard. But it was not changed. In some cases it [the ACC] pardoned the givers as prosecution witnesses. In Daw Lei Lei Maw's case, as the givers gave out of greed, they were arrested. Another thing is that it can't take action directly against a civil servant because of the Civil Servant Law. It has to inform the heads of the concerned departments. The commission said in its statement that although it received complaints against over 20 [civil servants], it could only take action against six or so. It appears the others fled after their department heads were informed by the ACC. So we proposed changes to cover this weakness. But no amendment was made. But as the president is willing [to fight corruption], it has issued an order to departments to take immediate action once informed by the ACC. It is working for the time being, but it is not a legal guarantee. It is because of the president. But what about when there is a new president? And what if the new president has no will? We have these questions. Overall, there must be independence. To ensure independence, there must be diversity within the commission. Only then will there be checks and balances within the commission to ensure independence. Another thing is that there must be strong legal guarantees. At present the commission is just acting according to the green light given by the government. It brakes when there is a yellow light. It appears that it braked when a yellow light appeared in Yangon and Tanintharyi.
KZM: State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi visited Tanintharyi and heard first-hand accounts. After she received the complaints herself, [the ACC] took quicker action. U Aung Kyi said that when the commission helped form corruption prevention units [in ministries], departments were reluctant to cooperate. To what extent does this represent a challenge for the ACC?
MMT: As we are engaged in EITI [Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative], we have to work together with many bureaucrats from the departments, and there are big challenges. Taking a look at the extractive industry, we found that the entire industry is systemically corrupt. So it will be a huge challenge for the ACC to form corruption prevention units.
KZM: As far as I know, only one unit has been formed so far, in the Construction Ministry.
MMT: For example, if a corruption prevention unit is to be formed under Ministry of Electricity and Energy, there will be problems between them. They won't like being put under surveillance. So there are a lot of challenges. It is the right move to take action against the [Tanintharyi Region] chief minister. It has increased the credibility of both the government and the NLD. But there are still many bureaucrats who commit corruption regularly. There is a need to take action against them. That's why we have been asking the commission if there are restrictions and if it has challenges fighting corruption. We, MATA, cooperate [with the ACC] because we have trust in U Aung Kyi. But it is very difficult for us to trust other members of the commission. Only when people think they can trust them will they file complaints. People are reluctant to file complaints because they don't trust them.
KZM: When the previous commission was re-formed, 10 of the 12 members were replaced.
TLA: Most of them were replaced.
KZM: It is very difficult to change minds. From top to bottom, [the bureaucracy] is used to this [corruption]. All Asian countries are used to this. Laos and Myanmar are ranked together [on the Corruption Perceptions Index] by Transparency International. We are ranked 130 out of 180 countries.
TLA: It is 132 now.
KZM: So it has declined a bit. But it has improved compared to the period from 2012 to 2015. Some say that [the government] is brave to designate Yangon Region corruption-free. In reality that is impossible. So how long do you think it will take Myanmar to reduce corruption and improve its rank even if government leaders have the political will and the commission can work more effectively with greater independence?
MMT: It will take time, because people voluntarily pay grease money at departments to get things done more quickly. So each and every citizen must change this practice. So it will take time to get people to change their minds. If people have greater trust in the commission, this will be quicker. So far we have not seen the commission taking action in response to scandals. It takes action only after the president gives instructions. If the commission takes actions in response to scandals, it will win the trust of the people, and the process of changing people's minds will be quicker.
KZM: The system has been corrupt from about 60 years, since the time of the Burma Socialist Program Party. So it will take time. Thank you both for your comments.
The Complaints Committee submitted its report to the Upper House. According to the report, most of the complaints it received from February 2016 to the end of December 2018 involved the Home Affairs Ministry, particularly the Myanmar Police Force and the Prisons Department.
Tuesday (March 12)
Military-appointed lawmaker Brig. Gen. Kyaw Kyaw Soe, said amending Article 261 of the Constitution was the only solution to de-escalating political tensions in ethnic states.
Lawmakers were discussing a report by the Joint Bill Committee on a proposal by the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) to amend the Article 261 so that region and state chief ministers are elected by their local legislatures rather than, as is the case now, appointed by the president.
Wednesday (March 13)
In the Upper House, lawmakers discussing a report on the government's Guarantees, Pledges and Undertakings Vetting Committee expressed dissatisfaction with some ministers. They said they felt the ministers had not answered their questions adequately.
Thursday (March 14)
The Union Parliament approved a proposal by lawmaker U Nay Lin Aung that urges the Construction Ministry to prioritize the building of inter-village roads in ethnic and remote areas.
Friday (March 15)
Lawmakers continued to debate a report by the Bill Committee about a proposal by the USDP to amend Article 261 of the Constitution.
Thirty-one years ago today on Pyay Road in Yangon, Tada Phyu —”the white bridge” in Burmese — ran red with the blood of student protesters caught in a brutal government crackdown
The order to disperse the students came from U Sein Lwin, who would become president four months later. He was dubbed the "Butcher of Rangoon" for his brutal suppression of successive student-led demonstrations in what was the nation’s capital at the time.
According to some reports, riot police beat and threw students into Inya Lake and stole their jewelry.
Students from Rangoon University were staging a protest march to the Hline University campus in response to the military's raid on the Rangoon Institute of Technology on March 13. Their protest helped spark a popular pro-democracy uprising in August that year.
Dozens of students were killed and injured and hundreds were detained. The event later came to be known among activists as the "red bridge" incident, as the area was turned red with blood.
As people joined the students after the crackdown, the government made more arrests. On Mar 18, 41 of 71 arrested demonstrators being taken to Insent Prison suffocated inside a sealed truck.
On this day in 1952, Mrs. Ba Maung Chain become Myanmar's first female minister in the Union government when she was appointed Karen State minister, a post she occupied until March 4, 1953.
Born to a family of respected Karen ethnic leaders, Claribel Irene Po—who was more commonly known as Mrs. Ba Maung Chain after her husband, road construction chief engineer U Ba Maung Chain—was a prominent peace negotiator between Karen armed groups and the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League government during the civil war in 1949, a year after Myanmar regained independence.
She became the first chairperson of the Karen State government upon the establishment of Karen State in 1951, and later served as a trustee of the All Asian Christian Association, dedicating her life to the propagation of Christianity. Mrs. Ba Maung Chain died in 1980.
In Myanmar's political history, there have been only four female ministers in the Union cabinet from 1952 to date, including State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who serves concurrently as foreign affairs minister. After Mrs. Ba Maung Chain's appointment as Karen State Minister, it would be another 62 years until the state in southern Myanmar got its second female minister, with the 2016 nomination of Daw Nang Khin Htwe Myint as Karen State's Chief Minister—the regional chief position.
YANGON — The government has announced a new committee tasked with bringing stability to Rakhine State, whose northern townships have seen heavy fighting between the Myanmar military and the rebel Arakan Army (AA) since late last year.
Some of the appointed lawmakers, however, say they knew nothing until reading about it on Facebook.
In an announcement issued Thursday night, the President’s Office said the 14-member committee would report back to the President’s Office and draw its budget from the Union Government Office. Its duties include meeting with Rakhine residents to consult and explain government policy and to suggest ways to stabilize the region and foster inter-ethnic harmony. It is also tasked with facilitating dialogue between the government, lawmakers and locals.
The announcement, signed by President U Win Myint, says the committee will be led by U Aye Tha Aung, the deputy speaker of the Union Parliament Upper House, and two deputies — all ethnic Rakhine.
However, Union lawmakers for the Arakan National Party (ANP) named to the committee said they were not informed that they had been appointed.
Upper House lawmaker Daw Htoot May said she only found out Thursday night via Facebook.
"I only found out when the announcement from the President’s Office spread on social media, but there is no official notification about it,” she told The Irrawaddy on Friday.
Lower House ANP lawmaker U Oo Hla Saw was also named but had not been informed, either, according to Daw Khin Saw Wai, a fellow ANP lawmaker not named to the committee.
"He told the media that he would not participate because this was a childish act,” she told The Irrawaddy.
She said the announcement also reserves a seat on the committee for an unnamed Rakhine State lawmaker.
“I heard the state speaker also has no idea who it is,” she added. “The party has not been given any information.”
The National League for Democracy has been trying in vain to bring some stability to Rakhine State since taking power in early 2016. It has been heavily criticized for excluding key political and civic Rakhine figures and ignoring local public opinion.
Considering that the government has formed a number of committees already to develop and stabilize the troubled state, "we need to review whether there is a need to form another,” said Daw Htoot May.
The question, she added, is "whether the existing committees are effective; we need to assess whether they are really working."
For the new group to have any chance of success, the government "should have sought the consent of those who will be on the committee," said U Ye Tun, a political analyst and former Lower House lawmaker.
"The Rakhine parliamentarians know what the public is thinking, so their consent is important, and they should have been informed and consulted prior to the announcement," he said.
The fact that some of the appointees are refusing to serve only undermines the committee’s credibility further, he added.
To end the fighting in Rakhine and the country’s other ethnic states, Daw Htoot May said, the government should immediately start creating a federal system.
"The current problems need a political solutions. Therefore, we need to establish a federal state right away," she said.
"If we can build a federal system, it will help solve the majority of the problems in our country, because as long as there is no equality in politics and self-determination, the ethnic armed conflicts will continue, not only in Rakhine but also in other parts of Myanmar."
YANGON—The Arakan Army (AA) says it will stop targeting police task force members in Rakhine State when the European Union guarantees that police have ended what it says is their assistance to repressive operations by the Myanmar military against the Arakanese public in Rakhine.
The EU urged the AA and the Myanmar military to end their armed violence citing the grave deterioration in the humanitarian situation in northern Rakhine and neighboring Chin State's Paletwa region. It called on the civilian government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the AA to resolve their historical grievances through dialogue and an inclusive political process.
It encouraged both sides to respect their obligations under international humanitarian law to protect civilians and allow the delivery of humanitarian aid. It mentioned that restrictions on humanitarian work by aid agencies in five townships—Rathedaung, Buthidaung, Maungdaw, Ponnagyun and Kyauktaw—were having "a serious impact on the already precarious humanitarian situation of at least 95,000 people."
The EU demanded that authorities reopen access to humanitarian aid workers and local seasonal agricultural workers before the coming monsoon season.
After the EU statement on Wednesday, the AA published a series of photos in which fire brigade officers and high-ranking police officers were seen pictured alongside dozens of army majors in a joint military operation elsewhere in Myanmar.
Regarding the EU's joint statement, AA spokesman U Khine Thukha questioned the impartiality of the EU's stance on Arakanese affairs, saying it had ignored recent alleged rights violations by Myanmar Army soldiers and policemen in northern Rakhine.
U Khine Thukha said, "Well, if they say our operation against police could not be 'justified', then how does the EU justify the violence of Army and police against the Arakanese public? If they could guarantee it will never happen [again] and urge the police to [reject] the Army's repressive mechanism in Rakhine, we will stop targeting police."
He recalled the brutal killing by police of seven protestors in Mrauk-U in January 2018 and criticized the EU for failing to express its sympathies upon the death of the Arakanese or condemn the police and government. He said police have been actively carrying out arbitrary arrests of villagers.
Photos reportedly obtained from prisoners of war detained by the Arakan Army. The AA says the images are proof of police and fire brigade officers' involvement in Myanmar military operations. / AA website
U Khine Thukha explained that they are fighting against the "oppressors". The Arakanese opted to take a rebel path to fight the military as the political problems of Rakhine had been sidelined for generations. He urged the EU not to just look at the attack on the police station, but to look at the overall issue of Rakhine including how Arakanese are being repressed by the police and Army.
"The EU should take into consideration all these facts rather than just focusing on the attack on the police station. I would like to say their conclusion [regarding] us is absolutely narrow-minded and biased."
U Khine Thukha said that villager Maung Hla Win, 23, from Mrauk-U died while under Army interrogation on Thursday. He explained that a local charity group was transporting Maung Hla Win from a village to Mrauk-U Hospital as the patient was seriously ill with malaria when he was unexpectedly held by the Army for hours. Later the police handed over his body to the hospital without any explanation. Plus, six charity workers had still not been set free by police as of Friday evening and their family members had no idea about where they were being detained.
"That patient died in the military compound, not in the hospital. This is an inhumane act. I haven't seen an EU statement on such cruelty. They are always silent about the wrongdoings of the government but [comment] without hesitation on the AA, so it is obvious that the EU itself is biased."
An AA spokesman said the group will keep looking at the response of the EU on wrongdoings of the military in Rakhine. He had heard that the EU urged the government to seek peace but argued the military acts inconsistently. Although the military expresses a desire for peace talks, it launches serious offensives with excessive force in northern Rakhine.
He pointed out that the EU should have urged the Army and government to halt offensives in northern Rakhine instead of urging the AA to seek a truce. Even on Wednesday and Thursday, the Army used airstrikes and bombed the mountain the whole night where the AA rebels are believed to be based.
U Khine Thukha said "That operation I would say was the heaviest attack in this region since the Second World War. They should urge the Army to ease attacks in Rakhine instead of saying it to us. Otherwise, their stance could be defined as complicity with the Army."
Last month, we published a breakdown of the NLD's proposed list of amendments to 168 of the Constitution's 457 articles. When it made the list public, the party described it as incomplete, saying it comprised only significant items that could be amended without endangering the process of national harmony and reconciliation. The following infographic was designed to enhance our readers' understanding of the issue.
YANGON—The government has invited eight ethnic armed groups who are non-signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) to peace talks in Naypyitaw on March 21.
In letters dated March 13, the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) invited each of the following organizations, which are all political wings of ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), to send two representatives each: the United Wa State Party (UWSP), Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), Mongla's Eastern Shan State Peace and Solidarity Committee (PSC), Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), Kokang's Myanmar National Truth and Justice Party (MNTJP), Palaung State Liberation Front (PSLF), United League of Arakan (ULA) and Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP).
The NRPC, which is led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, plans to hold talks with them on March 21. On the following day, according to a copy of the invitation letter seen by The Irrawaddy, "the Tatmadaw's negotiation team will meet the individual group[s] who agree to meet them."
During the Tatmadaw's ongoing four-month truce, which started Dec. 21, the Tatmadaw has held separate talks with the SSPP and RCSS in Naypyitaw in late February and this week, respectively. Despite having engaged in a few clashes with the latter group, the talks in Napyitaw were so far positive, according to the stakeholders.
The planned Naypyitaw talks are the result of a series of informal talks that the government's Peace Commission held with the KIO, PSLF, MNTJP and ULA in China's Yunnan province on Feb. 25 and with the KNPP in Chiang Mai, Thailand on March 10.
"The NRPC will collectively meet the eight groups and we hope that [next week's] meetings will help further the peace negotiations," said U Hla Maung Shwe, an adviser to the Peace Commission.
U Shwe Myo Thant, the general secretary of the KNPP, said his group welcomed the invitation because "it is [aimed at] trying to overcome a deadlocked peace process. But we still have to work harder to get the process back on track." The KNPP has been holding bilateral talks with the Kayah State government while also negotiating with the Union government's Peace Commission on finding ways to take part in the NCA process.
According to sources close to the peace process, the KNPP will hold bilateral talks with the government on March 18.
The Arakan Army, the armed wing of the ULA, which is currently engaged in heavy fighting with the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) in Rakhine State, said it is still considering whether to join next week's talks and, if it decides to attend, what proposals it would bring to the table.
AA spokesman U Khaing Thuka told The Irrawaddy on Friday, "We are still in discussions and we will let you know tomorrow evening." The Irrawaddy has learned that other invited groups are holding similar internal discussions on the issue.
Except for the KNPP, the northeast-based invitees are all members of the UWSP-led Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee, which has pushed for an alternative to the NCA approach.
Political and ethnic affairs analyst U Maung Maung Soe believed the NRPC's move would help open up the stalled peace process, but cautioned that the government needed to keep holding talks in order to end the current fighting with the AA.
"The decision has been taken to reopen talks, which had been stalled since after the third session of the Union Peace Conference [in July last year]," he said.
He added that while the eight groups had consented to join next week's talks, senior leaders of the EAOs were unlikely to attend, as the UWSP/United Wa State Army is preparing to celebrate the 30th anniversary of its founding in mid-April.
In 1989, the year it was established, the UWSA signed a ceasefire with the government, so it is billing its anniversary celebration as "30 Years of Peace".
In its latest move against those who disgrace the nation and fail to meet voters' expectations of clean, effective government, Myanmar's anti-graft agency recently charged the Tenasserim (Tanin Tharyi) Region chief minister with corruption.
The move was widely welcomed by the public because it demonstrated a willingness to take action against a ruling National League for Democracy-appointed chief minister by the Anti-Corruption Commission, a body set up by the NLD government. In other words, it reflects favorably on the NLD's "without fear or favor" commitment to fighting corruption.
In addition to keeping corruption in check, however, the Union government should now consider reviewing the performance of regional governments led by chief ministers across the country, as pubic complaints of incompetence against some state and regional governments have emerged from Kachin State in the north to Tenasserim in the south.
The NLD has now been in power for nearly three years. But some regional governments have not only failed to live up to people's expectations—their performances have been downright questionable. When she tours the country to hold discussions with local people, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is frequently bombarded with questions about how and when citizens will have access to safe drinking water, electricity, transportation and healthcare. Answering such questions on basic necessities is supposed to be the responsibility of the respective state and regional governments. Indeed, the State Counselor has at times seemed annoyed, responding that, "These are questions for state and regional governments." But the questions were raised precisely because local officials have failed to address the problems. It shows what a poor job the local governments have been doing in terms of connecting with the public, and also demonstrates their failure to improve people's daily lives. This is a source of shame for the NLD government, which likes to think of itself as the people's government.
The NLD government needs to be more proactive in resolving the controversies surrounding so many state and regional administrations. Here are some examples:
In Kachin State, local people rarely glimpse their chief minister, U H Khet Aung. Some say he only appears when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is in town. Among other complaints, he is accused of failing to address the spread of Chinese-backed banana plantations that have become a source of concern among local people for abusing labor rights, land ownership and the environment. The chief minister has put the total area of such plantations at 60,000 acres, but CSOs on the ground say the actual number is nearly three times that.
Farther south in Kayah State, the current chief minister has become a disgrace to the Union government and the NLD for his unreasonable persistence in planting a statue of General Aung San in the state capital, Loikaw. When local ethnic Karenni people strongly resisted his plan, he cracked down on them, sending in the riot police. This has only made the task of national reconciliation between the Union government and the country's ethnic groups, including the Karenni, more difficult.
In Yangon, people wonder aloud about when the regional government will take responsibility for its mismanagement of public funds after the local Auditor General's Office found that billions of kyats in revenue had been lost. The public only became aware of the issue when lawmakers questioned the local government about the losses incurred by land leases, investment in public transport services and other projects. So far, the public is still in the dark as to where that revenue went.
The Union government should consider embarking on a serious review of local governments' performances—the complaints from the public should be seen as indicators that there is something wrong with local administrations.
After their recent tours of the country, during which they met with local people and administrations at every stop, both President U Win Myint and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can be in no doubt that some local governments have failed to do their jobs properly; everywhere they have gone, they have been met by crowds of people jostling to submit complaints either verbally or in writing.
A government that fails to serve the people neglects its primary duty and insults voters. With the 2020 election looming, the NLD government should be aware that poor performances by the current state and regional governments could hurt the party's electoral chances at the Union level. Reforms should be implemented where needed. This would be in the best interests of not only the party but also the many voters currently enduring incompetent local leadership.
SITTWE—Entire populations of villages in some parts of Rakhine State's Ponnagyun Township fled from their homes as the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, carried out aerial bombings and artillery attacks while in combat with the Arakan Army (AA), according to local residents.
Clashes broke out in the area between the military and the AA on March 7 and have continued through Friday, locals said.
U Aung Kyaw Phyu, a local of Chaungtu Village which lies between Ponnagyun and Kyauktaw townships told The Irrawaddy of the helicopter attacks on Friday.
"We can't live in our village anymore. [The Tatmadaw] came and attacked with helicopters near the village. And artillery shells fell around the village. There are unexploded shells. Now everyone has left the village," he told The Irrawaddy as he fled to a nearby village called Ywet Nyo Tang.
"We have had sleepless nights since clashes [started] here," said U Kyaw Thaung, the village administrator of Chaungtu.
"The clash was quite fierce on March 13. [The Tatmadaw] attacked with helicopters, and we saw jet bombing the whole night and they fired mortars and shells passed over our villages. Some shells fell near our village and the entire village has had to flee," he said.
There are over 260 households, a population of over 1,000 people, in Chaungtu.
Villagers from Kan Sauk and Pan Pe Chang villages have also fled their homes after military Battalion 539, based in the village of Kan Sauk, supported the attacks in Ponnagyun Township.
According to Ko Zaw Zaw Htun, secretary of the Rakhine Ethnic Congress (REC), there are over 13,000 displaced persons in Rakhine State as of Thursday.
"There are many difficulties. Some are taking shelter with their relatives. There are not yet donors for the newly-opened camps. There are still no shelters in those camps," he told The Irrawaddy.
There are now two new IDP (internally displaced persons) camps each in Mrauk-U and Kyauktaw townships and one in Ponnagyun Township.
The AA said in a statement on Thursday that the military used two helicopters in battles against them along the mountain range to the west of Buddhaw Village in Ponnagyun Township, and that they carried out air strikes during the night. The AA seized some arms and ammunition from the military during the fighting, according to the statement.
On Thursday, AA information officer Khaing Thukha confirmed to The Irrawaddy that the AA has been clashing with the military in the area since March 7.
"The clash was the fiercest on March 13. The military suffered casualties including officers and other ranks. We also suffered some casualties," he said.
"[The military] only bomb once or twice [per day] in the daytime in other regions. Bombing for the entire night is unprecedented," he told The Irrawaddy.
According to the AA's statement, in attacks which continued throughout Wednesday night until 10 a.m. the following day, a barrage of over 2,000 artillery shots and ten bombs were dropped throughout the night.
Neither Brig-Gen Zaw Min Tun of the Tatmadaw True News Information Team nor the Rakhine State Minister for Security and Border Affairs Col. Phone Tint responded to The Irrawaddy's phone calls on Friday.
In Mrauk-U Township on Thursday, a military convoy was attacked with mines on the major road linking Yangon to Sittwe, between Bu Ywet Ma Nyo and Lettka villages. The convoy returned fire and two civilians were injured, according to locals.
Khaing Thukha said the AA is properly taking care of the 11 prisoners of war taken from the military side during the fighting on March 9. Seven of them are Mro ethnic civilians, who were forced to act as porters for military soldiers, he said.
The four others are from the Directorate of Signals under the command of Brig-Gen Maung Maung Myint in Naypyitaw and the Land Records Department, according to the AA statement.
NAYPYITAW — The ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) on Thursday proposed scrapping an article in the Constitution that bars Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from the presidency during a meeting of a joint committee drafting amendments to the charter.
Article 59 (f) says the president "shall himself, one of the parents, the spouse, one of the legitimate children or their spouses not owe allegiance to a foreign power, not be the subject of a foreign power or citizen of a foreign country. They shall not be persons entitled to enjoy the rights and privileges of a subject of a foreign government or citizen of a foreign country."
"The NLD proposed scrapping Article 59 (f)," a member of the committee who asked for anonymity told The Irrawaddy.
Other committee members confirmed the proposal.
Daw Yin Min Myint Swe, spokesperson for the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), said changes to the article had national implications and as such could not be made easily.
"Speaking for our party’s policy, we have no plans to touch Article 59 (f)," she told The Irrawaddy.
The joint committee was formed in mid-February with 45 lawmakers from all parties in Parliament as well as military appointees in rough proportion to their number of seats. It is reviewing the military-drafted Constitution chapter by chapter and is to draft a bill with proposed amendments.
To date the committee has reviewed three out of 15 chapters in the charter.
According to some members of the committee, representatives of the ethnic parties are proposing more changes than even the NLD — whose idea it was to form the committee — while the USDP and military have suggested none.
Proposals by the NLD and ethnic parties include gradually reducing the 25-percent quota of legislative seats reserved for military appointees, and having only one vice president instead of two by doing away with the one chosen by the military.
During the previous quasi-military administration, the NLD attempted to amend Article 59 (f) and Article 436 in Parliament. Although it collected some 5 million signatures in support of the changes with the help of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, the attempt failed.
"Everyone knows whether or not Article 59 (f) is reasonable," Upper House NLD lawmaker U Aung Kyi Nyunt, a member of the joint committee, told reporters.
Mandalay-based lawyer U Thein Than Oo said Article 59 (f) should not exist at all as it was written specifically to keep Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whose children are foreign nationals, from the presidency.
The original draft article on presidential eligibility barred only those with foreign spouses. But after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's husband, Michael Aris, died in 1999, it was updated to include children.
Ultra-nationalists have meanwhile staged protests in Yangon and elsewhere against amending Article 59 (f).
The joint committee is to submit a report on its review of the entire Constitution by July 17.
MUMBAI—Five people were killed and 36 injured when part of a pedestrian bridge collapsed during evening rush hour on Thursday in India’s financial capital Mumbai, police said.
At least three of the dead were women, Mumbai police spokesman Manjunath Singe said. The injured have been taken to hospital.
An excavator was brought in to clear the debris that had blocked the movement of traffic on a busy road in south Mumbai. Fire engines and an ambulance were also at the site.
The bridge connects to one of Mumbai’s biggest local stations, Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus, which was the site of a militant attack in 2008, and is used by tens of thousands of commuters each day.
Maharashtra State Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis said on Twitter he was pained to hear about the accident and had asked municipal and police officials to ensure speedy relief efforts.
The incident brought back memories of a rush hour stampede that killed at least 22 people and injured 36 in 2017 at a busy railway station in Mumbai.
NEW DELHI—An influential Hindu nationalist group and an Indian traders body called on Thursday for a boycott of Chinese goods, to slap Beijing for blocking a move to put a Pakistani militant leader on a U.N. terrorist list following a suicide attack last month.
Regarded by Pakistan as its most reliable friend, China has repeatedly thwarted efforts to implement U.N. sanctions against Masood Azhar, the founder of Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), the group that claimed responsibility for the attack that killed 40 paramilitary police in Indian-controlled Kashmir.
The Confederation of All India Traders (CAIT), which represents 70 million traders, said it would burn Chinese goods on March 19 to "teach a lesson" to China.
"The time has come when China should suffer due to its proximity with Pakistan," CAIT said in a statement. "The CAIT has launched a national campaign to boycott Chinese goods among the trading community of the country, calling the traders not to sell or buy Chinese goods."
The United States, Britain and France asked the Security Council’s Islamic State and al Qaeda sanctions committee to subject the Jaish leader to an arms embargo, travel ban and asset freeze.
But China a placed a "technical hold" on the proposal, saying it needed more time to consider, using the same stalling tactic it has used in the past.
Mounting impatience with Beijing’s stance was evident on social media on Thursday as #BoycottChineseProducts was the second-highest trending hashtag on Twitter in India.
Similar campaigns in the past have proved ineffectual.
China is India’s second biggest trading partner. Chinese products—from mobile phones made by companies such as Xiaomi Inc. to toys—are ubiquitous in India and trade between the countries grew to nearly $90 billion in the year ending March 2018.
The leader of the Swadeshi Jagran Manch, the economic wing of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, a Hindu nationalist group with close ties to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), also called for a boycott of Chinese goods.
He also wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi recommending that India hit Beijing with higher tariffs.
"[The] government of India needs to take immediate action to raise tariff duties on all Chinese imports," Ashwani Mahajan said in the letter, seen by Reuters.
"China, which is already under economic stress, thanks to trade war initiated by U.S. and other trade partners of China, will definitely realize the implications of the unjust action of protecting terrorists."
India’s trade ministry said in an email the country can’t take any unilateral punitive action against a fellow member of the World Trade Organization.
A senior government official, who refused to be named as he was not authorized to speak to media, said there has been a move to "restrict" Chinese imports but that India was not in a position to replace products such as electronics.
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley warned against any hasty reaction.
"It’s a diplomatic issue, and India will make a decision after a careful thought," Jaitley told CNN-News18. "We’re not a small player on the global stage, but foreign policy issues are tackled in a measured way, not in a knee-jerk manner."
With just weeks to go before a general election, India’s main opposition Congress party said Modi’s attempts to improve ties with China were not yielding results.
"Weak Modi is scared of Xi. Not a word comes out of his mouth when China acts against India," Congress President Rahul Gandhi said on Twitter, referring to Chinese President Xi Jinping.
China’s foreign ministry did not immediately respond to a faxed message seeking comment on the boycott calls.
Renu Kohli, an independent economist in New Delhi, doubted whether any boycott would hit critical mass.
"It’s going to fizzle out sooner or later when the consumer realizes that their pocket is being hit by costlier domestic products," said Kohli.
OTTAWA — Huawei Technologies Co Ltd Chief Financial Officer Meng Wanzhou had been looking for another job when she was arrested in Canada last December on a U.S. warrant, the firm’s founder said in an interview aired on Thursday.
Ren Zhengfei, who is Meng’s father, also told Canada’s CTV that the two had become closer since she was detained in Vancouver on Dec. 1 last year.
The United States wants Meng to be extradited to face charges that she engaged in bank and wire fraud in violation of American sanctions against Iran. She denies wrongdoing.
“One month before that arrest, she wanted to resign and find a job elsewhere. She was not happy working here but after being arrested this matter improved our relationship and now she understands how difficult life can be,” Ren told CTV.
“In the past she had a smooth path. She couldn’t take the setbacks very well … you have to suffer a lot before becoming a hero and if you don’t have scars, you won’t have tough skin,” he added in comments that were translated into English.
Relations between Canada and China deteriorated sharply after Meng’s arrest. China has arrested two Canadians on national security grounds and retried another citizen who had already been convicted on drugs charges, this time sentencing him to death.
“Meng Wanzhou has committed no crime. She didn’t violate any Canadian rules and I think both Canada and Huawei are victims because this case hurts people in both countries and bilateral relations also suffered setbacks,” said Ren.
He also said he had previously only communicated infrequently with Meng, given how busy the two were.
“Now, every other day we have phone calls, we shoot the breeze, tell jokes, I tell her some anecdote I read on the internet. The case in Canada made my bonds deeper with my daughter,” he said.
Huawei is a major manufacturer of equipment for 5G, the latest generation of cellular mobile communications. Canada is studying whether the firm will be able to bid for 5G contracts, given concerns about how secure the technology is.
Washington said last month that it would not be able to partner with or share information with countries that adopt Huawei systems.
“Meng Wanzhou is an individual case and I don’t think it should influence in any way the relationship Canada has with Huawei,” said Ren.
On this day in 1959, Sai Aung Hlaing Myint, the first person to win the Henry Dunant Medal in Southeast Asia, was born in a small village in Kachin State.
He was only 21 years old when he received the medal at the 23rd International Committee of the Red Cross conference in Bucharest, Romania, in 1977. Eighteen people had won the award before him, but he was the youngest.
He was only the third Henry Dunant Medal recipient in all of Asia.
The Red Cross member and ethnic Shan rescued a solider from a sunken truck after diving for about 20 minutes in the icy Irrawaddy River in Kachin State in January 1976.
Sai Aung Hlaing Myint served as an assistant information officer with the Myanmar Red Cross Society after receiving the award.
He died of a cerebral hemorrhage on Mar. 25, 1985. His body was donated to the Institute of Medicine (1).
YANGON—"Let the rivers flow freely means 'Stop the civil war,'" said prominent poet Ko Lay (or Innwa Goneyi), during a panel discussion in Mandalay to raise awareness about protecting rivers and to commemorate the International Day of Action for Rivers, which fell on Thursday.
The poet, who is in his 80s and has witnessed the 70-year-long civil war, remarked on Wednesday that the prolonged conflict "is not a sincere one and I would say it's a financial war: Every group uses guns to make money and sells natural resources. So when we talk about protecting rivers, we need to talk about ending the civil war."
River networks and environmentalists from both the majority and minority ethnic groups have been consistently outspoken about protection of rivers, largely as a way to preserve their ethnic identity, traditions and way of life.
This year, on March 13-14, the Burma Rivers Network, the Save the Salween Network and those who care for the Irrawaddy River raised awareness together about the need to let rivers flow freely with panel discussions, documentary film screenings and cultural exchanges in Mandalay.
They urged the government to listen to the locals' concerns and include their views whenever they consider development projects, including dams on rivers, whether big or small ones, in minority ethnic regions.
On Thursday, the network members also conducted a prayer service at the Irrawaddy Myitsone area and on the Salween riverbank, according to Boi Nu, a spokesperson for the BRN.
Boi Nu, an ethnic Kuki woman who lives near the upper Chindwin River in Homalin Township, Sagaing Region, added that the local residents are never consulted on development plans, and by the time they learn about it, the projects are already implemented.
"Being a woman, I urge other women to participate in those discussions whenever we hear about the projects, because women suffer most from the consequence of these projects," said Boi Nu.
She stressed that the local people, both men and women, know when there are changes in the rivers, citing her experience with the Chindwin River. The Chindwin River is contaminated mostly through the Uru (Uyu) River, which suffers from contamination from mining in the Hpakant areas in Kachin State.
"Women also know if the color of the river water has changed. But there is no awareness-raising or immediate instructions about whether the water is safe for drinking and for household use," she added.
Regarding approaches to development projects, the authorities and the ethnic minorities have different perspectives, said Saw Tha Poe from the Save the Salween Network.
Saw Tha Poe added that the ethnic villagers living along the Salween riverbanks have a lot of different traditions, cultures, languages, knowledge and skills, and these need to be taken into consideration.
Residents of Ei Tu Hta on the Salween River near the Thai border demand no dams and call for peace on their river on the International Day of Action for Rivers on March 14, 2019. / Hsa Moo / Karen River Watch
Sharing his experience working as a researcher on the way of life of people along the Salween River, he said, "They have their own knowledge of life skills built upon the ecosystem of the rivers. The rivers are their schools for survival, and for fishing and river transportation. If the rivers were closed, and the waterways changed, it would directly impact their ways of life. But sadly their views are not included for consideration in the policy drafting process."
"Our culture also largely depends on those rivers, as the locals use the names of the waters and rivers for their villages. If the dams are built for development, their traditional knowledge would be disregarded," Saw Tha Poe added, citing the example of the Karen communities in Irrawaddy Region, many of whose residents can no longer speak the Karen language and are unable to practice their customs.
The Karen environmentalist added that his community envies the attention the Irrawaddy River is getting thanks to the presence of the majority Burman group, which speaks out against dams on the mighty river, while many seem to forget about other crucial rivers and tributaries.
"Instead of talking about protecting one river or a key river, this time we have to have a unified voice for free-flowing rivers so that we can leave behind a good legacy for our younger generations. The legacy that we must leave is not the dams, but the free-flowing rivers," said Saw Tha Poe.
To protect rivers, the environmentalists and authors urged protection of the marine species they contain. In the case of the Irrawaddy River, many Irrawaddy dolphins have been killed due to electric-shock fishing. "If law enforcement was good enough and trustworthy, and if our people were more aware of the need to value the dolphins, we could reduce electric-shock fishing," said Nyi Pu Lay, a prominent author based in Mandalay.
The panelists also highlighted the dangers of building too many bridges across rivers, which can cause changes to the waterways and sand accumulation.
Large dams drive conflict
In southeast Myanmar, Karen Rivers Watch and some 2,000 members of local communities gathered in Ei Tu Hta on the Salween riverbank to urge that "all proposals [of the government] for the construction of large dams on our [Salween] rivers be completely abandoned" on Thursday.
The Karen communities oppose the government-planned Hatgyi Dam on the Salween River, fearing it will flood and starve their ancestral territories.
"[It] permanently displaces us from our heritage, and inflames conflict and [threatens] security. For our Karen people the Hatgyi Dam is a symbol [of] violence and a tool used by the Burma [Myanmar] Army to occupy our territory," reads the communities' statement issued on Thursday.
Locals suffered from armed conflict due to the dam project along the eastern access road leading to the Hatgyi Dam site in September 2016, when the military-backed Border Guard Force moved to the area to take control of the dam site, which lies in Paan district. The action forced the displacement of over 5,000 residents of 28 villages to Myaing Gyi Nyu.
Those displaced people are still not able to return and now live without access to adequate food, medicine or humanitarian support, said Hsa Moo of Karen River Watch.
"Our people want peace, not mega-development projects, as they will not bring us any benefits," said Hsa Moo. She said large dams like the Hatgyi project drive conflict and uproot people from their homes and indigenous territories.
Opened in July, the space combines Buthee, which means bottle gourd, with Mr. Wok, an RTH chain popular for its fried noodles and rice. I stopped in for the first time this week after a few strong recommendations from colleagues.
From the street, the white storefront gives the appearance of a coffee shop more than a typical Yangon lunch spot.
An employee prepares tea. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy
When you enter, the staff greet you with a “mingalar bar.” There are tables both downstairs and upstairs. And though Buthee bills itself as a traditional restaurant, the space is much more modern.
Buthee offers village-style Burmese lunches with a wide choice of a ywat thoke (vegetable salad), a kyaw thoke (fried salad) and desserts, coffee, tea and other drinks.
Like many Myanmar lunch spots, all the main dishes and sides are behind glass. You can take a look at the options and place your order at your table.
A selection of dishes. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy
They have a very clean the ngapi yay (fish sauce) station, an all-time favorite with most Burmese. There are many fresh vegetables including bamboo shoots, cucumbers and eggplant to eat with the sauce.
My friend and I tried the nga phel hinn (fried fish cake curry) for 2,300 kyats, mixed vegetable salad for 500 kyats, a kyaw sone (deep fried vegetables) for 1,000 kyats, and Pyinmana-style salad, named after a township in Naypyitaw.
A selection of curries. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy
Most of the dishes and salads are prepared in the Pyinmana style because it’s the hometown of RTH owner Htet Myat Oo's father, according to Buthee’s Facebook page.
Except for the salads, the dishes are ready to eat, so they won't take too long to reach your table.
The nga phel hinn was cooked with tomato gravy, so it was a bit sour, but I loved it. The fish was fresh and the gravy not too oily.
The mixed vegetable salad was excellent. The leaves were perfectly boiled and the combination tasted great. But I didn’t much like the Pyinmana-style mixed salad; It was sweet and had too much bean powder.
But the complimentary gourd soup was also great. I loved it. And the rice is all-you-can-eat.
The a kyaw sone is served with delicious tamarind dipping sauce. The fries are crispy and crunchy, not very oily, and the portion is enough for two.
Inside Buthee. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy
We had a very pleasant lunch and I wanted to try their desserts but I was full.
The whole meal cost about 7,000 kyats, cheap for what you get. I fully recommend Buthee for those who want to try a typical Burmese lunch.
Though the food and prices are perfect, the restaurant does need to train its staff. While friendly, they don’t pay the customers enough attention. I called and waved to place my order, but they hardly noticed. And while a few of the dishes are written in English, most are in Burmese. So if you can’t read Burmese, try to ask the staff for help.
Other than that, Buthee is a perfect choice for lunch, coffee and tea.
YANGON—Despite the fact that the Rakhine State Parliament last month voted in favor of using the state's 3-billion-kyat (US$1.96 million) disaster management fund to assist 10,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in northern Rakhine, the state cabinet has opted not to touch the money, preferring to request funds from the Union government.
Regional lawmaker U Phoe San of the Arakan National Party (ANP) explained that the vast majority of regional lawmakers on Feb. 27 voted in favor of the proposal urging the state government to spend disaster management funds on the IDPs.
State cabinet member U Aung Kyaw San requested the speaker not approve the proposal, saying the Union government was also considering contributing to the relief effort for displaced Arakanese villagers. He pointed out that the state government had provided assistance on only one occasion, providing 50,000 kyats in cash to each IDP in early February. Since then, the IDPs have been relying mainly on donations from local relief groups.
Rakhine State Parliament Deputy Speaker U Mya Than said he had been told that Union Social Welfare Minister Dr. Win Myat Aye recently offered to provide relief funds when Rakhine State Chief Minister U Nyi Pu, a National League for Democracy (NLD) appointee, visited the minister in Naypyitaw.
As of this week, the cabinet members still have not explained whether they plan to use the Union funds. U Mya Than said the state government had spent several hundred million kyats on other projects and still had more than 2.5 billion kyats available for spending.
When asked whether the state government had ignored the state parliament's endorsement of the use of state funds for IDPs, the deputy speaker remarked that lawmakers would have to wait and see what action the state government takes. He pointed out that the IDP population is now over 10,000 in northern Rakhine State.
"We have to wait and see whether they desire to allocate relief funds from the state budget or not," said U Mya Than.
Rakhine State Municipality Affairs Minister U Win Myint acknowledged that his government recently received about 14 million kyats and a one-month supply of rice for 4,000 IDPs but said the fate of the other 6,000 IDPs is still uncertain.
According to him township-level authorities—especially from the General Administration Department (GAD)—have not provided timely IDP numbers. He claimed that ground-level reports indicated only 6,332 IDPs as of March 5.
U Win Myint said local authorities in different townships were providing humanitarian assistance to the IDPs. But he said he had no idea whether these funds were being allocated from the 3-billion-kyat disaster management fund or from a separate fund.
Although regional minister U Win Myint claimed local authorities are helping IDPs on the ground, local relief worker Ko Zaw Tun from Mrauk-U Township said that in reality the contribution from local authorities had been poor. Thus, self-motivated Arakanese youth volunteers had collect donations from locals and distributed food for the IDPs daily.
His hometown of Mrauk-U alone had received more than 3,200 IDPs from 10 villages in recent days. Nearly 2,000 IDPs are currently seeking refuge in eight monasteries downtown and in the schools of Mrauk-U. More than 1,000 other IDPs are staying in neighboring villages without proper shelter, safe drinking water or sanitation facilities. As a consequence, some displaced children are suffering from diarrhea. Fortunately, a doctor from Mrauk-U was treating the ill.
"I don't see any humanitarian assistance from local authorities here. Even international relief agencies like the International Red Cross (ICRC) just showed up once and distributed some buckets to the IDPs in Shwe Taung monastery in town this week," said Ko Zaw Tun.
He said locals speculated that the ICRC relief was delayed because authorities were intentionally blocking it. With the exception of the ICRC and the World Food Program, international relief agencies have been barred from northern Rakhine State since January. And even these two groups are only allowed partial access. Rice vessels are blocked from traveling to upper Kyauktaw and Chin State's Paletwa.
Ko Zaw Tun said many locals are already struggling to get by and cannot afford to share food for long. He pointed out that if the authorities or relief agencies fail to set up IDP camps, and the fighting continues until the monsoon season, then displaced villagers will really be in trouble.
He urged state Chief Minister U Nyi Pu and the Union government to immediately assist those caught in the armed violence, regardless of race or religion. He said he had learned that Japan had made a huge donation to the Social Welfare Ministry and hoped those funds would be used properly to help IDPs.
"We just need help, no matter whether it comes from the state level or the Union," he said.
But as a priority, he requested the authorities take a look at the situation in Bon Kyaung village. He had received complaints that a military unit was stationed near the village and was questioning every single villager attempting to visit a neighboring village or go to the market.
He explained that previous military units had also encamped in many villages and bought chicken, rice and other commodities at street prices, and treated the locals reasonably. However, the military unit currently stationed in Bon Kyaung village was treating people badly, taking chickens and rice without paying for them, he said.
The European Union, Canada and Norway issued a joint statement on Thursday morning encouraging the Arakan Army and the Myanmar military to halt their armed conflict, as it was worsening the humanitarian situation in Chin State's Paletwa and in Rakhine. They also urged the AA to stop targeting police officers and civilian authorities and individuals.
It said the AA's killing on March 9 of nine police officers in Ponnagyun Township, Rakhine State, could not be justified. The EU urged the AA and the Union government to resolve their historical grievances through dialogue and an inclusive political process.
The joint statement urged both sides to respect their obligations under international humanitarian law to protect civilians and allow the delivery of humanitarian aid. It mentioned that restrictions on humanitarian work by aid agencies in five townships—Rathedaung, Buthidaung, Maungdaw, Ponnagyun and Kyauktaw—were having "a serious impact on the already precarious humanitarian situation of at least 95,000 people."
To prevent further deterioration, seasonal agricultural and rehabilitation works "must be allowed to be carried out before the start of the rainy season," it said.
DHAKA — The Bangladesh government on Wednesday asked intelligence agencies to look into the possible misuse of funds meant to help the more than 1 million Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar.
"I received allegations and there is also prima-facie evidence,” said Liberation War Affairs Minister AKM Mozammel Huq, who heads the government cabinet’s law and order committee, which requested the probe.
He told The Irrawaddy that the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and National Security Intelligence (NSI) were given one month to look into how the funds have been used and report back.
The DGFI is the intelligence unit of the Bangladesh Armed Forces and considered the most powerful intelligence agency in the country. The NSI is the principal intelligence agency of the state.
Law Minister Anisul Huq, Commerce Minister Tipu Munshi, Home Affairs Minister Asaduzzaman Khan, Information Minister Hasan Mahmud, State Minister for Shipping Khalid Mahmud Chowdhury attended Wednesday’s committee meeting along with the heads of law enforcement and intelligence agencies and others.
Huq accused some non-governmental organizations (NGOs) working with the Rohingya in the refugee camps of having “ill motives.”
"We have received information that NGO officials have spent 150 crore taka [$17.87 million] since September on hotel rooms in Cox's Bazar. They spend only 25 per cent of the funds they receive from different agencies to assuage the miseries of the Rohingya," he said.
"The chiefs of both agencies were present at the meeting and I asked them to complete their inquiries,” he added. “I will come up with evidence and disclose our findings to the public to show how funds were used, because those who donate should also know how funds are being utilized."
Reporting on Thursday on the same committee meeting, the Dhaka-based daily New Age said the government has dismissed the U.N.’s concerns about its plans to relocate tens of thousands of Rohingya from Cox’s Bazar to an uninhabited, flood-prone island in the Bay of Bengal.
"It is an internal matter for us where we should provide accommodation for Rohingya people seeking shelter here. They [the U.N.] can talk about humanitarian issues, if any," Huq was quoted saying.
He reportedly said the government had made all preparations to start relocating refugees, as per orders from Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.
Yanghee Lee, the U.N.’s special rapporteur on Myanmar, told the U.N. Human Rights Council recently that relocating refugees to the island risked creating a “new crisis.”
"There are a number of things that remain unknown to me even following my visit, chief among them being whether the island is truly habitable," said Lee, who visited Bhasan Char island in January.
"Ill-planned relocation and relocations without the consent of the refugees concerned have the potential to create a new crisis. It is incumbent on the government of Bangladesh to ensure that this is not brought about," she added.
In early 2018 the government formed a 10-member committee headed by Disaster Management and Relief Ministry Additional Secretary Muhammad Mohsin to assess whether Bhasan Char was suitable for Rohingya relocation. The committee consists of five members each from the Bangladesh government and the United Nations.
In late June, the Special Branch police in Cox's Bazar reported to the Prime Minister's Office that about 13 percent of the Rohingya refugees were willing to be relocated to Bhasan Char. Among the main reasons most refugees gave for not wanting to move to the island was its isolation, fearing it would mean receiving less aid.
Bhasan Char is about a one-hour boat ride from Sandwip, the nearest inhabited island.
More than 700,000 Rohingya have entered Bangladesh from Myanmar since August 2017 to escape a military crackdown in northern Rakhine State, taking the total number of refugees in Cox’s Bazar to about 1.14 million.
This is a solo exhibition by the artist and curator Jose Abadi who has called Myanmar home for five years and is soon to journey home. Using Burmese script as an influence, the artist is focusing on his dyslexia as a creative form rather than a disability. Exhibition opening reception is on Thursday March 14 at 6 p.m.
March 14 to 27 | Myanm/art | 3FL, 98 Bogalayzay Street, Botahtaung Township
Joint Chambers Sunset Cruise Party
Organized by the American and Japanese chambers of commerce with the Singapore Association of Myanmar, this event will allow attendees to take in Yangon's city skyline from the unique vantage point of the Yangon River around sunset. It is also an opportunity to enjoy drinks and canapes while you network and make connections with like-minded folk from a number of industries.
March 15 | 5:30 p.m. to 8 p.m. | Irrawaddy Boat 01 | Botahtaung Jetty, Strand Road, Botahtaung Township
Farmers Market
A growing community of farmers and producers come together weekly to sell fresh, local, healthy products including bread, veggies, eggs, plants, honey, coffee, tea, juice, salad and more. This is a plastic-free market and market goers are requested to bring along reusable bags or baskets.
March 16 | 8 a.m. to 12 p.m. | Karaweik Compound | Kandawgyi Gardens, Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township
Chin State Investment and Product Fair
This two-day investment fair is organized by the Myanmar government in connection with UKAid and a number of businesses, with the aim of stirring up foreign investment interest in one of the least developed parts of the country. The event will include panel discussions and will focus on potential projects in the tourism and infrastructure sectors of Chin State.
March 16 and 17 | Myanmar Convention Center | Mindama Road, Mayangone Township
Condition by Aung Kyi Soe
This is five-day solo art exhibition by artist Aung Kyi Soe who has exhibited in Taiwan, Singapore and Hong Kong and elsewhere. Aung Kyi Soe's work usually focuses on political issues and has been the subject of strict censorship, even in recent years. The exhibition opening reception takes place from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. on Saturday.
March 16 to 20 |Nawaday Tharlar Gallery | Room 304, 20/B, Yaw Min Gyi Street, Dagon Township
Our Soul Art Exhibition
This is the second solo exhibition by watercolor painter Pite Tin. Landscapes and scenes of everyday life in rural Myanmar and Bagan are the inspiration for his exhibition of 30 color-filled paintings.
March 16 to 18 | Gallery 65 | No. 65, Yaw Min Gyi Road, Dagon Township
St. Patrick's Day Gaelic Games
The Myanmar Irish Society, representing a small but strong Irish community in Myanmar, is hosting an introduction to Gaelic football—one of the national sports of Ireland—as part of its St. Patrick's Day events this Saturday. This is an opportunity to learn some new skills—or to show off what you've already got. Everyone is invited whether you'd like to get active and involved or to watch and enjoy some drinks and food on the sidelines at Dulwich College in Star City. A bus has been organized to depart 50th Street Bar & Restaurant at 2 p.m. returning at 6 p.m. but preregistration is required.
March 16 | 2 p.m. to 6 p.m. | Dulwich College Yangon (Star City Campus) | Thanlyin
Fete de la Francophonie
Organized by the French Institute, this is a day-long family-friendly event celebrating Fracophone cultures and languages. In the morning there will be a small market with food, handicrafts and books. The afternoon will see a dance performance followed by a singing competition. Games tournaments, including chess, words games and other board game classics, will take place throughout the day. French language skills are not required.
March 16 | 10 a.m. to 7 p.m. | Institut Français de Birmanie | 340, Pyay Road, Sanchaung Township
Thingyan Boat Party
By the same organizers of the very popular Sunset Boat Party events, the Thingyan Boat Party is set to be your first of many, many Thingyan water festival events this summer. As with all good Thingyan events, there will be lots of water spraying and water guns and the beat-synchronized hydro-pump sprinkler system dubbed the Shwe Shower too. Music-wise, you can expect everything from hip-hop to house to electronic played by select DJs.
March 16 | 4:30 p.m. to 8 p.m. | Botahtaung Jetty 2 | Strand Road, Botahtaung Township
A Sunset Melody
One of Myanmar's long-time favorite bands, The Four, will perform at a special sunset event this weekend at the Yangon Sailing Club. Enjoy a picnic vibe in this special outdoor venue as the sun goes down over Inya Lake. Tickets are 40,000 kyats and include a one free drink.
March 16 | 5 p.m. | Yangon Sailing Club | 132, Inya Road, Kamayut Township
Paddy's Day @ 50th Street
From 8 p.m. onwards, 50th Street Bar and Restaurant will become the center of Irish culture in Myanmar in honor of the international St. Patrick's Day celebrations. Enjoy Yangon's only authentic traditional Irish band, the Drunken Irish Barstools, performing all your favorite Irish classic songs for toe-tapping, singalongs and dancing. Ireland's national brew, Guinness, and traditional Irish stew will be on the menu for this weekend only. Upstairs, the Six Nations rugby final will be screened on the large screen.
March 16 | 8 p.m. | 50th Street Restaurant & Bar | 9/13 50th Street (Lower Block), Botahtaung Township
Taste of France
In celebration of French cuisine, 11 top restaurants across Myanmar are offering special French menus which, this year, will focus on more responsible cuisine featuring reduced sugar, fat and salt. Over 150 countries worldwide take part in this food event each year and here in Myanmar, as well as eight top restaurants in Yangon, French menus will also be served at Inle Lake (Novotel Inle Lake Myat Min), Bagan (The Black Bamboo) and Naypyitaw (The M Gallery by Sofitel).
YANGON—Amid increasing pressure from China to resume the controversial Myitsone Dam project, the State Counselor has promised that her government will make a final decision on the dam based upon political, economic and environmental considerations, and vowed to make public the details of the decision.
When asked her opinion of the Myitsone Dam project at a meeting with local residents in Pyay, Bago Region on Thursday, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said, "I would like you to think [about the project] from a wider perspective."
She said, "We should not think based on one perspective. If we think from only one perspective, we could make the wrong [decision]."
The State Counselor said the final decision would have to be politically, socially, economically and environmentally sound and sustainable.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi did not offer her own stance on whether the dam project should be scrapped, nor did she say when a decision would be made.
However, she said her government should not abolish projects approved by a previous government just because it did not comply with the current administration's policies.
If government of the day were to break promises made by previous governments, the country would lose credibility, she said.
She added that her government would make decisions transparently, not only when it comes to the Myitsone project, but also on other projects.
The proposed US$3.6-billion (approximately 5.48 trillion kyats) Myitsone Dam is one of seven hydropower projects planned for the upper reaches of the Irrawaddy River as well as the Mali and N'Mai rivers, at whose confluence the Irrawaddy begins. Work on the project started in 2009, but then-President Thein Sein suspended it in 2011 amid widespread public concern over the dam's social and environmental impacts.
Experts point out that the dam site is important for its biodiversity, and environmentalists warn the project would both destroy the natural beauty of the Irrawaddy River and disrupt water flow downstream.
The project remains in limbo. After the National League for Democracy took power in 2016, the government set up a 20-member commission including the chief minister of Kachin to review the project, including its environmental and social impacts. The commission has produced two reports to date, but the government has yet to release either.
Recently, Chinese officials strongly pressured Kachin political and religious leaders on the need to restart the Myitsone project, saying it was an important part of China's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Initiative.
In late January, Investment and Foreign Economic Relations Minister U Thaung Tun said at a press conference the government is working hard to come up with a final decision on how to proceed with the controversial Myitsone Dam project. The minister said the government and a commission studying the project are in very serious discussions and considering all possibilities, including downsizing the dam, relocating it or developing other projects instead.
U Thaung Tun said the China-backed project is dogged by major problems and has received nationwide pushback. He said the dam project as it was initially conceived under the previous government was "misguided".
Many experts believe the Myanmar government needs to a make final decision on Myitsone before Daw Aung San Suu Kyi visits Beijing to attend a BRI forum in April. She is scheduled to hold a bilateral meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping during the forum.
NAYPYITAW—The Myanmar military is taking steps to establish the proposed coast guard as a unit of the Defense Ministry, despite the stated goal of the President's Office that the force will be under its control. Deputy Defense Minister General Myint Nwe told the Lower House of Parliament on Wednesday that the ministry plans to seek Parliament's approval to form the coast guard under the command of the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw).
The deputy minister revealed the plan in response to a question from lawmaker Daw Aye Mya Mya Myo, who asked about the government's maritime security plans.
"We will be able to better protect Myanmar's waters by exchanging information among concerned organizations and making decisions in real time," the general said.
An integrated command center (ICC) will be formed and led by the Myanmar Navy. The center will consist of officials from the Maritime Police Force, Customs Department, Immigration Department, Department of Marine Administration, Myanmar Port Authority, Fisheries Department and Directorate of Water Resources and Improvement of River Systems, among others.
The Ministry of Transport and Communications held a meeting on establishing a coast guard in December. Minister U Thant Sin Maung told the media that the President's Office wished to place the new force under its control.
The coast guard is intended to protect national security and fight drugs and arms smuggling, as well as human trafficking, the minister told reporters.
Citing Article 338 of the 2008 Constitution, which says that all armed forces in the Union shall be under the command of the Defense Services chief, Gen. Myint Nwe said the Defense Ministry would take charge of the coast guard.
"The most important thing is to have strong coordination between departments, no matter which ministry controls the coast guard," lawmaker Daw Aye Mya Mya Myo told reporters.
As an example of the current lax state of maritime security, she said local authorities only found out about a boat carrying some 100 Muslim Rohingya in Thante village, Yangon's Kyauktan Township, after locals made a report. It is a cause for concern that neither the Maritime Police nor troops stationed in four of the 10 coastal villages in the area detected the vessel, Daw Aye Mya Mya Myo said.
The Myanmar Navy has installed radar in strategic positions along coast, but more installations are needed if the entire coastline is to be covered, said Gen. Myint Nwe. He added that the Navy has no vessel-monitoring system.
"The Navy can distinguish whether a vessel of 300 tons or more is friend or foe using the coastal radar, but for smaller vessels, it can't due to the lack of a vessel-monitoring system," he said.
According to the Defense Ministry, Myanmar's territorial waters cover 14,491 sq. miles, and its coastline is a little over 1,260 miles long.
The coast guard will be tasked with promoting the rule of law in Myanmar's waters, ensuring the security of maritime vessels and ports, investigating maritime accidents, protecting marine resources including the fishery industry, promoting sea environmental conservation, and preventing and counteracting water pollution, the general said.
It will also be responsible for the security of cruise ships along the coastline and island resorts, and for search-and-rescue operations—a range of responsibilities currently assumed by the Myanmar Navy.
Total seizures of smuggled fish, drug, teak, cattle and oil were worth 220 billion kyats from 2011 to 2018; the Navy also took action against 3,677 local and 1,598 foreign smugglers and human traffickers.
YANGON—The Kachin State agriculture minister will investigate controversial Chinese tissue-culture banana plantations across Kachin State, and plans to tighten regulation of the plantations in response to local residents' concerns about their social and environmental impacts.
The newly appointed minister of agriculture, livestock and irrigation for Kachin State, U Kyaw Kyaw Win, told The Irrawaddy he would soon submit a proposal to the state cabinet to form a special committee.
Subcommittees will be formed under the panel with responsibility for illegal plantations, environmental impacts, local labor rights, and illegal migration from China by banana plantation workers, U Kyaw Kyaw Win said.
The state government has been criticized by local environmental experts for neglecting the social and environmental impacts of banana plantations. Banned from Laos and Thailand, the controversial China-backed tissue-culture plantations started appearing in war-torn Kachin State in 2007.
Despite the backlash by local residents, the plantations have been expanding rapidly, particularly in Waimaw Township, close to the state capital of Myitkyina. The operators are accused of unfairly taking over land previously leased from the authorities by locals, many of whom were displaced by conflict.
As the plantations expand, villagers displaced by fighting and living in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) are increasingly concerned that their land may be occupied, and that they will not be able to farm when they return home.
The state Agriculture Ministry has officially documented around 63,000 acres of banana plantations, but civil society organizations have recorded more than 170,000 acres across Waimaw, Bhamo, Shwegu, Mansi, Momauk and Dokphoneyan townships.
U Kyaw Kyaw Win said, "We will take testimony about the discrepancy between the government data and information on the ground."
He said he had found that bananas have been planted in restricted forest areas, and that serious action would need to be taken against the operators.
"I also see banana plantations expanding in the restricted forest area near my house," U Kyaw Kyaw Win added.
According to the state Agriculture Ministry, there are 40 local companies registered to operate banana plantations. However, civil society and environmental organization say 85 percent of the plantations are operated by Chinese companies disguised as local businesses.
U Kyaw Kyaw Win said, "Most of the companies are backed by the Chinese—everybody knows about it. We will force them to register officially. We will instruct them to follow MIC [Myanmar Investment Commission] procedures if they want to plant bananas here."
A recent report by the Land Security and Environmental Conservation Group comprising 11 civil society organizations said local workers are suffering rights abuses at the hands of the companies, particularly in the form of low pay compared with Chinese workers. Moreover, locals said the huge influx of Chinese workers had resulted in an increase in human trafficking and drug abuse.
According to the minister, the committee will draw up a framework to control the influx of Chinese workers into banana plantations.
"We will also make strict rules for Chinese workers who want to work for the banana plantations. That issue needs to be worked out together with the Immigration Department," he said.
"We all face challenges, particularly supervising the banana plantations under the armed groups," the minister said.
Kachin-based civil society organizations allege that large areas are being planted with bananas in Kachin State's Special Region 1, which is under the control of the government-allied New Democratic Army-Kachin militia. However, data on this issue is hard to obtain for security reasons.
Last week more than 50 farmers from multiple villages in two townships of Myitkyina District told the media that China-backed plantations were causing suffering among local communities. The famers also said they have been threatened by Chinese companies for opposing banana plantations near their villages.
Recently, a mining company detained and assaulted two journalists for reporting local residents' concerns over a controversial Chinese tissue-culture banana plantation in Waimaw Township
According to a 2017 environmental study by the Lisu Civil Society Organization, the companies are using insecticides, weed killers and fertilizers and disposing of them carelessly. This has led to the pollution of water supplies in these areas, in turn causing soil damage and killing fish and livestock.
On this day in 1952, U Nu, the chairman of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL), was elected prime minister following the party's victory in Burma's first general election since independence. In his capacity as prime minister, he faced an array of challenges including an internal insurgency and an incursion by the Kuomintang.
U Nu won respect from the international community for adopting a non-aligned foreign policy. However, the AFPFL government's popularity declined significantly in 1954 due to frictions within the party, and it eventually split into two in 1958.
With the party divided by factions and personality cults surrounding U Nu and other leaders, the military attempted to stage a coup. But U Nu handed power to military leader General Ne Win, who later returned power to U Nu with the latter going on to win the 1960 general election. However, the general seized power back on March 2, 1962, and U Nu was detained.
U Nu was released four years later in October 1966. He left for London and later formed the Parliamentary Democracy Party (PDP) and led an armed resistance group from the Thai border to overthrow the Gen. Ne Win regime. But it failed and he subsequently accepted an offer of amnesty from Gen. Ne Win. He returned to Burma in July 1980.
He led the League for Democracy and Peace after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising and died in 1995 at the age of 88.
UNITED NATIONS—China prevented a United Nations Security Council committee on Wednesday from blacklisting the head of Pakistan-based militant group Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), which said it attacked an Indian paramilitary convoy in disputed Kashmir.
The Feb. 14 attack that killed at least 40 Indian paramilitary police, making it the deadliest in Kashmir during a 30-year-long insurgency, increased tensions between Pakistan and India. The nuclear-armed neighbors both said they had shot down each other’s fighter jets late last month.
The United States, Britain and France asked the Security Council’s Islamic State and al Qaeda sanctions committee to subject JeM leader Masood Azhar to an arms embargo, travel ban and asset freeze. The 15-member committee operates by consensus.
China placed a "technical hold" on the request, according to a note from China’s U.N. mission to the committee, seen by Reuters. China gave no reason for the hold, which places the request in limbo.
China had previously prevented the sanctions committee from sanctioning Azhar in 2016 and 2017.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lu Kang said earlier on Wednesday that "discussions on this issue must be conducted following the rules and procedures of the U.N. Security Council and its subsidiary bodies."
A U.N. Security Council diplomat, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that if China continued to prevent the designation of Azhar then other council members "may be forced to pursue other actions at the Security Council."
"The case for designating Masood Azhar – the leader of a group the U.N. already calls an al-Qaeda-affiliated terrorist organization – is undeniable," the diplomat said.
Another way for western powers to blacklist Azhar would be through the adoption of a Security Council resolution, which needs nine votes in favor and no vetoes by Russia, China, the United States, Britain or France to pass.
JeM is a primarily anti-India group that forged ties with al Qaeda and was blacklisted by the U.N. Security Council in 2001. In December 2001, Jaish fighters, along with members of another Pakistan-based militant group, Lashkar-e-Taiba, attacked India’s parliament, which almost led to a fourth war between the two countries.
WASHINGTON — The United States and India on Wednesday agreed to strengthen security and civil nuclear cooperation, including building six U.S. nuclear power plants in India, the two countries said in a joint statement.
The agreement came after two days of talks in Washington. The United States under President Donald Trump has been looking to sell more energy products to India, the world's third-biggest buyer of oil.
The talks involved Indian Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale and Andrea Thompson, the U.S. undersecretary of state for arms control and international security.
“They committed to strengthen bilateral security and civil nuclear cooperation, including the establishment of six U.S. nuclear power plants in India,” the joint statement said.
It gave no further details of the nuclear plant project.
The two countries have been discussing the supply of U.S. nuclear reactors to energy-hungry India for more than a decade, but a longstanding obstacle has been the need to bring Indian liability rules in line with international norms, which require the costs of any accident to be channeled to the operator rather than the maker of a nuclear power station.
Pittsburgh-based Westinghouse has been negotiating to build reactors in India for years, but progress has been slow, partly because of India’s nuclear liability legislation, and the project was thrown into doubt when Westinghouse filed for bankruptcy in 2017 after cost overruns on U.S. reactors.
Canada’s Brookfield Asset Management bought Westinghouse from Toshiba in August 2018. Last April Westinghouse received strong support from U.S. Energy Secretary Rick Perry for its India project, which envisaged the building of six AP1000 reactors in the state of Andhra Pradesh.
The agreement to build the reactors, announced in 2016, followed on from a U.S.-India civil nuclear agreement signed in 2008.
India plans to triple its nuclear capacity by 2024 to wean Asia’s third-largest economy off polluting fossil fuels.
Last October, India and Russia signed a pact to build six more nuclear reactors at a new site in India following summit talks between their leaders in New Delhi.
YANGON — Myanmar’s Rohingya militants urged their followers on Wednesday to refrain from crime in Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh, following reports of killings and abductions attributed to the group, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA).
ARSA, which emerged with attacks on border posts in Myanmar’s Rakhine state in 2016, is focused on winning rights for Rohingya, the mostly stateless Muslim minority long persecuted in Myanmar.
The government calls them terrorists and says sweeping military action in the western state of Rakhine, which triggered an exodus of refugees into Bangladesh, was justified.
In recent weeks, Bangladesh-based media have blamed the group for organized violence in the refugee camps, including a series of killings. The group acknowledged the violence but denied that the leadership sanctioned it.
“Those people are not only going against the Bangladesh government but are also making ARSA responsible for their own crimes," the group said in a video statement posted on Twitter.
"And because of their activities the whole community is being defamed all over the world," the group said.
ARSA expressed gratitude towards the Bangladesh government and urged refugees to "refrain from any wrongdoing" against authorities there, where close to a million Rohingya are living.
More than 700,000 Rohingya refugees crossed into Bangladesh from western Myanmar, U.N. agencies say, after the insurgents attacked Myanmar security forces in August 2017, triggering an extensive military response.
Since then, the insurgents have been blamed for sporadic attacks in Rakhine State, including an ambush on a border guard post in January that wounded six.
"Our activities for our legitimate rights are ongoing against the Burmese terrorist government and its genocidal military," the group's statement said, adding that attacks would continue until basic rights were restored.
The Myanmar military has rejected almost all accusations of rights abuses.
