Ye Ni: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss the role of ethnicities in building a federal Union, internal peace and amending the Constitution. Joint Secretary 2 Sai Kyaw Nyunt of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and technical adviser Salai Issac Khin of the Gender and Development Institute join me to discuss this. I'm Irrawaddy Burmese editor Ye Nei.
Shan State is important for Myanmar in establishing federalism because various ethnicities such as the Shan, Palaung, Wa, Kachin and Lisu reside in the state, and there are areas administered by ethnic armed groups, the Tatmadaw [Myanmar's military] and the government, as well as areas contested by ethnic armed groups. And I recently heard that the SNLD has shifted its focus away from the Shan ethnic group to all of Shan State in its policies. How will the SNLD's new policies approach Chin State?
Sai Kyaw Nyunt: It was not that our party was intended only for the Shan ethnic group. Its name is "Shan Nationalities", which means all the nationalities in Shan State. Non-Shan ethnic individuals have held senior positions in the SNLD. Our party only appeared to be working for the Shan ethnic group after the recent mushrooming of ethnicity-based parties in [the trend toward] what we call identity politics. But then we had planned to shift our focus to a state-based approach. Though we could have established a separate country under the Atlantic Charter, we decided to join [Myanmar proper] as a federated Shan State. So, the state-based approach is our original policy. We acknowledge the need to re-establish [the notion of] a federated Shan State in which many ethnic groups such as the Pa-O, Palaung, Lisu and Akha reside, so that ethnic parties or armed groups can take steps forward to peace. We also recognize the need to take a policy-based approach. We need a policy to determine how to link ourselves and collaborate with the rest of the Union. So, we believe we have to take a state-based and policy-based approach to be able to cooperate with all the other non-Shan ethnic groups.
YN: What is interesting to me is how negotiations can be used to build a federal Union amid the rise of identity politics. Speaking of Chin State, it is situated in a remote area close to the Indian border. I believe that ethnic Chin people love the country of Myanmar as much as Burmans do, because Chin people played an important part in the independence struggle. My question is how can Chin people strike a balance between identity politics and their love for their country?
Salai Issac Khin: Speaking of Chin State, we need to go back to the time around 1947, 1948. What is known as Chin State today was called Chin Special Division after independence. The division was formed according to three agreements, firstly the Panglong Agreement. Falam, Hakha and Tedim signed the Panglong Agreement. And the areas known today as Mindat and Kanpetletirr were incorporated in 1947 under the Chin-Bamar friendship agreement in cooperation with the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) to gain independence together, and Paletwa was incorporated under the decision reached by the Frontier Areas Committee of Enquiry. So, the area known today as Chin State is not just based on the Panglong Agreement, but on all three of those. Though we can't call ourselves a federated Chin State, Chin Special Division was founded according to the 1947 Constitution. What we then called Chin Hills, we call Chin State today; it stretched into Mizoram. However, Chin people decided to join, and those areas became Chin Special Division. Speaking of federalism, we need to go back to the 1947 agreement. We wanted to see development and improved road infrastructure, but through self-administration. Historically, we practiced self-administration though we were a poor area. When we decided to gain independence together with the Bamar government, our expectation was development. To establish federalism, there are two preconditions for us. We Chin people want an appropriate status according to the Panglong Agreement. This is to be negotiated between the Chin people in Chin State. Another issue concerns Chin people who live outside Chin State; for example, there are Chin populations in Rakhine State, Magwe and Sagaing regions. There should be extra-territorial obligations. We'd like to ensure a situation in which issues related to Chin people are not directly handled by local governments of the areas they are living in, but rather that the Chin State government has a greater say in handling them. When the country becomes a federal Union sometime in the future, we envision a Chin State government that doesn't just have authority within the territory of Chin State, but has authority and a say [regarding] the Chin people living outside Chin State within the territory of the Union.
YN: Ethnic issues that have existed since Myanmar gained independence have yet to be settled. Ethnic parties and armed groups have consistently demanded federalism, saying it is the only answer to ethnic issues. Recently, the idea of confederation was presented. Shan State has an important part to play, as the United Wa State Army, which is based in Shan State, demanded confederation, and its ethnic allies also appeared to support it. Saya Sai Kyaw Nyunt, what is your view on confederation and federation? How can these two be adjusted?
SKN: Shan State is a complicated, highly diverse area. We can't neglect the history in assessing these. The federated Shan State was founded in 1922. The Shan State Act was adopted in 1888 after the British occupied [Burma]. According to that act, Shan State included parts of Kachin State and Sagaing, which was previously called Upper Chindwin. And federated Shan State was founded in 1922, excluding Wa State. Wa State was part of Shan State under the 1888 Act, according to hard copies of documents. Though it is said that Wa State is inside Shan State, or inside this country, we don't have jurisdiction over it. There are no government offices there, and Myanmar currency is not used there. They already have a status without demanding it. They are just stressing it to legitimize their status. They want a legitimate status. Taking a look at the structure of the country, there were four colonies—Burma proper, federated Shan State, and Kachin and Chin. Despite its independent status, circumstances forced the Karenni to join [in gaining independence together]. So, from the very beginning, we decided to gain independence together and not separately, which was somewhat of a confederation. The constitution drafted by General Aung San and submitted to the preliminary conference of the AFPFL can be seen as federal, but when it was adopted in 1947, it was not federal at all. It was a unitary state disguised as federal. In the beginning, it was somewhat of a confederation, but when the constitution was adopted, it was not federal. It was not federal from the very beginning. My view is that the problems will be solved only when genuine federalism is established. Current leaders' views on federalism are different from those of previous leaders. According to the perceptions of the previous leaders, the stronger give guarantees to the weaker. The right to separation was granted if the weaker felt that they were suppressed and they no longer wanted to live with the stronger. But the political perceptions of today's leaders are different. They do not view things from the perspectives of political magnanimity and political guarantees. As they take an authoritative approach; [some ethnic groups] doubt if they really want federalism. Some ethnicities and groups will look at other ways out when they feel they are bound to be suppressed in the current system. As a result, the attention has shifted to confederation. Thke Wa and Rakhine [Arakan Army] have talked about their desires for confederation. Perhaps, more groups will consider it. If we want to be a united single entity, genuine federalism must be implemented.
YN: I think self-determination and equality are major factors at play. Ethnicities have consistently demanded federalism. Saya Issac Khin, the National League for Democracy (NLD) has taken steps to amend the 2008 Constitution. A committee has been formed to draft amendments to the Constitution. The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) has proposed amending Article 261 of the Constitution, saying it is essential for the transformation to federalism. And the Myanmar Army has also supported amending it. Do ethnicities think amending Article 261 will pave the way for establishing federalism?
SIK: They say the country will be federal by amending Article 261. But I don't think so. In my opinion, this is another challenge. What we want to amend is the essence of the 2008 Constitution. Just amending it to allow local legislatures to elect their own chief ministers, and not amending the essence, will create further vulnerability. I don't mean I don't like the idea of amending Article 261. I do, but I have concerns. This is because the NLD, not the USDP, was the first party to propose amending Article 261. NLD lawmaker Daw Khin San Hlaing submitted in November 2014 the proposal to amend the article. That time, both the military and the USDP raised objections to it. And this time, that article is already on the NLD's list for charter amendment. The USDP has proposed amending Article 261 alone. But the article can't be amended alone. There are related matters in Article 264. Amending Article 261 will allow local legislatures to elect their own chief ministers. And Article 264 grants the President the authority to dismiss them. So if we are to amend Article 261, we also need to think about Article 264. But what non-Bamar ethnicities want is not separate amendments, but to amend the essence, for example [to support] civilian supremacy, or to put the military under civilian control. This is not an ethnic issue, but a problem of Myanmar. Looking at the reasons why the military has staged frequent coups, we find that ethnic issues are the main reason. Unless and until the essence of the Constitution is amended to ensure political and security guarantees for all ethnicities including the Bamar, amending provisions like Article 261 won't work. Another thing that is risky is, suppose Article 261 is amended and the chief minister is elected for Chin State by the party that won the majority there. But then, another party may win at the Union level. So, we are very worried about the relations between the two. We don't know whether or not the Union-level party will treat the state-level party as equals, listen to its opinions and support its plans. Amending Article 261 alone can't provide sufficient political guarantees. What we want is a broader guarantee that goes beyond Article 261. Personality is not important, but policy is. What we want is a change in policy, not in the persons in power. But I don't mean to say that I don't want Article 261 being amended—I support amending it. But only when more important things are changed will amending Article 261 be meaningful.
YN: Saya Sai Kyaw Nyunt, what else would you like to say regarding Article 261?
SKN: Most of the points have been covered by Ko Salai Issac Khin. But as 25 percent of seats in local parliaments are reserved for military lawmakers, the amending of Article 261 will make things worse. This will grant executive power to the military at the regional level in addition to the Union level. We can accept amending Article 261 if that 25 percent [guarantee for the military] is removed from the parliament. Another way to avoid this is to directly elect chief ministers in polls by local people. If that were the case, we would happily accept amending the article.
Today would have been the 143rd birthday of Thakhin Kodaw Hmaing, archenemy of the British colonial government, father of nationalist movements, one of Myanmar's poet laureates and the winner of the Stalin Peace Prize. It is also the 43rd anniversary of a student protest against the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) held to mark the centenary of his birth.
Maung Lun, later known as Thakhin Kodaw Hmaing, was born on March 23, 1876 in Wale village in Bago Region's Shwedaung Township. In 1894 he moved to Rangoon, where he began his career as a playwright.
Students stage a protest against the BSPP in Yangon on March 23, 1976.
In 1941, his reputation as an anti-colonial nationalist and prominent figure in Doh Bamar Asiayon (the We Burmans Association) earned him a place on the British authorities' "Burma List", making him an "enemy of the state".
On March 23, 1976, the 100th anniversary of Thakhin Kodaw Hmaing's birth, students attended a commemorative service at Kodaw Hmaing's mausoleum in front of Shwedagon Pagoda. They later occupied the convocation hall of Rangoon University and staged a sit-in protest against the BSPP government. The following day, the government announced the indefinite closure of universities and colleges, and the military raided the convocation hall and arrested the students.
The demonstration spread to other cities. More than 200 students were arrested and either expelled from their universities or given long prison sentences.
Three Myanmar women are among the winners of the Women of the Future Awards Southeast Asia (WOF) for this year. The awards recognize women across multiple categories including entrepreneur, business, pubic service, media and communications, arts, culture and technology.
Dr. Theingi Win, founder and CEO of Global Assistant Co., won the Business Award; Ma Aye Thiri Kyaw, writer and humanitarian worker, took the honors for the Community Spirit and Public Service Award; and Ma Thinzar Shunlei Yi, youth advocate and host of the "Under 30 Dialogue" TV show, won in the Media & Communications category, according to a press release from the organizers on Friday.
In addition to the main awards categories, Myanmar was one of five finalists in the Highly Commended section, and Ma Thet Mon Aye, founder of Star Ticket was recognized in the Science, Technology & Digital sector.
The winners were selected from a shortlist of 54 candidates from 10 countries across the region and the awards went to women from Malaysia, Myanmar, Brunei, Singapore, Cambodia and the Philippines. The awards were announced at a gala dinner in Singapore on Thursday night.
Pinky Lilani CBE DL, founder of the Women of the Future (WOF) program, said, "We continue to be inspired and impressed with the number of passionate, driven and talented young women across Southeast Asia, and we are proud to recognize and celebrate their achievements. These young women are trailblazers who are committed to creating a kinder, more collaborative future for their communities, and are a true inspiration to us all."
Founded 13 years ago in the U.K. by Pinky Lilani CBE DL, and mainly supported by Aviva, the Women of the Future Awards began recognizing young women in Southeast Asia last year.
Ma Aye Thiri Kyaw told The Irrawaddy that the recognition would give the winners global opportunities for learning and networking in the various sectors.
Seven women were nominated from Myanmar and four of them were recognized. Ma Aye Thiri Kyaw encouraged other women to take note of the nominations announcement and said, "More women should be nominated next year, either by recommending someone else or nominating themselves.”
The WOF Award winners and shortlisted candidates in each category will gain access to many different opportunities, including the Women of the Future (WOF) network—a global and collaborative network of women who support and inspire each other to further professional and personal success.
In 2018, Ma Phyu Hninn Nyein, general manager, farm advisory services, at Proximity Designs was honored with the Community Spirit & Public Service Award. She was one of the nine awardees.
This year, the Mentor category was added. The WOF Award founder said that, "In addition to adding the Mentor category, which recognizes and pays tribute to the often unsung individuals who have been positive, influential role models, we are also pleased to acknowledge Highly Commended young women who came close to winning and whose talent we feel we must recognize."
MRAUK-U, Rakhine State—At least five people were killed when government troops opened fire on Say Taung village in northern Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township on Thursday night, according to several witnesses. The soldiers were said to be from the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw)'s Light Infantry Division No. 22
Upper House lawmaker U Maung Kyaw Zan of the Arakan National Party (ANP), who went to Say Tang village on Friday morning, confirmed that five bodies were found, and that eight villagers had been wounded and were receiving medical treatment. Say Taung village is currently housing more than 2,000 people who fled neighboring villages due to armed clashes in the area.
U Maung Kyaw Zaw speculated that the victims had been shot dead while hiding in a bomb shelter.
“If [they had been killed by] artillery shells landing in the bomber shelter, their bodies would have been blown to pieces,” the lawmaker said.
U Maung Tun Aung, a resident of Say Taung village who managed to escape, told The Irrawaddy over the phone that Myanmar Army troops surrounded the village at about 3 p.m. on Thursday. At around 9 p.m., an Army unit entered the village while firing on homes with both small arms and artillery.
Spent 73-mm (with Burmese writing) and 40-mm rounds found in Say Taung village.
Even in the morning, they continued firing into the village, prompting most of the villagers to try to escape.
“There was no battle in my village [prior to the incident]. About 200 soldiers previously crossed and surrounded the village, but did not attack it. And then at about 9.00 p.m. they started firing into the village.”
Monk Narya Ka, who also traveled to Say Taung village on Friday morning, said that each of the bodies found in the bomb shelter had at least two bullet wounds to their heads and/or torsos. The victims were identified as Maung Aye Tun, 54, Ma Than Nyunt, 53, their son Myat Swe Thein, 23, and nephew Maung Aung Than Htay, 17, and a blind elderly woman, Daw Hla Nu Phyu, 88.
“A 10-year-old girl, Khinzar Tun, a Grade 5 student, was the only one spared during the killing [in that incident]. She is with us now on a motor boat and we are taking care of her at the moment,” the monk said.
After the fighting, villagers found spent bullet casings and artillery shells believed to be products of a Myanmar military munitions factory, as some had Burmese writing on them.
Daw Bu Lone Ma, who also managed to flee the shooting, recalled that soldiers entered the village from four directions. At 9.00 p.m, many villagers were visiting their neighbors and many children were watching movies at a local TV booth. Then gunfire started at 9.30 p.m. and didn't ease until about 12.00 a.m.
“This was so terrifying; we have never experienced this before. They were shouting f***ing Rakhine come out!" in Burmese, she said.
According to her, four head of cattle were also shot dead with small arms. Several villagers contacted by The Irrawaddy said Army soldiers intentionally fired into the village from four directions, so that anyone attempting to flee was in danger of being shot.
A statement issued by the Office of the Commander-in-Chief on Friday afternoon said the government troops were responding to AA attacks launched from the village. It accused the AA of using a civilian settlement as cover.
Daw Bu Lone Ma said, "There were no AA in our village. That is absolutely wrong." She added: "I recognized the number 22 [printed on the soldiers'] assault rifle stocks.” Soldiers in the Myanmar Army carry rifles with their unit numbers printed on the butts.
Another villager U Kyaw San said, "We are experiencing cruelty on the ground."
Ko Naing Oo from Zaydi Taung said many locals from Say Taung village sought refuge in his village just a mile away. He had heard about the shootings and the arrival of displaced villagers and was preparing to evacuate his family to a safer location as soon as possible.
YANGON — The London-based Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA) submitted evidence to German and European enforcement authorities showing serious repeated violations of the European Union Timber Regulation (EUTR) by a German company selling illegal Myanmar teak on Thursday.
The complaint against Alfred Neumann Co. Ltd. is the 15th complaint of "illegally harvested timber being placed on the market in Europe" filed by EIA on the EUTR. Numerous authorities in Europe have previously found companies selling Myanmar teak in violation of the EUTR.
EIA's forest campaigner Alec Dawson highlighted the fact that companies such as Alfred Neumann "connect the world's most corrupt teak traders with the world's most prestigious yacht-builders and clients, contributing to the [continuous] destruction of Myanmar's teak forests."
EIA has urged European leaders to have "tougher enforcement" of laws in the European market where illegal teak is found to be entering. The agency also advocates for timber operators "to undertake due diligence to minimize the risk" of supplying illegally acquired timber like that from Myanmar.
Dawson told The Irrawaddy in an email that even though many companies have been found in violation of due diligence requirements of the EUTR, the "outcomes of all the concerns raised" by EIA are unknown as the "competent authorities do not always share [information about] the actions they have taken."
EIA has raised complaints against 15 companies since 2015, namely Belotti SPA, Antonini Legnami, Timberlux Srl and Basso Legnami in Italy; Boogaerdt Wood, World Wood and Gold Teak Holdings in the Netherlands; Keflico in Denmark; Teak Solutions in Germany (transferred to Spain); Moody Decking, Stones Marine Timber, and Wattsons in the UK; Crown Teak and Vandercasteele Houtimport in Belgium; and Alfred Neumann in Germany.
Dawson added that despites these actions, no due diligence system for Myanmar teak meets the requirements of the EUTR, which are the responsibility of European government authorities.
"Myanmar teak has still been entering the European market and it appears companies are trying to test the will and resources of enforcement agencies, for example by routing shipments of wood through third countries to avoid liability. This means we still need to see better coordination and consistency in enforcement of the EUTR," said Alec Dawson.
EIA said their evidence underpins EIA's concerns that "multiple shipments of Myanmar teak for the company Alfred Neumann GmbH (Co. Ltd.) since 2013 were purchased from the businesses of corrupt Thailand-based teak kingpin Cheng Pui Chee, aka Chetta Apipatana."
The "teak kingpin" has been the key supplier of the Myanmar teak to various foreign companies since late 1990s according to the report of the EIA's two-year investigation titled, "State of Corruption: The top-level conspiracy behind the global trade in Myanmar's illegal teak" which they released in February. The investigation carried out during 2017 and 2018 revealed how Myanmar teak was sold under "a secret off-the-books system of fraudulent trade" which was run in parallel to, and within, the Myanmar Timber Enterprise (MTE)-administered official legal trade.
The agency revealed that three suppliers to Alfred Neumann said that the late Cheng Pui Chee systematically bribed former senior Myanmar generals and forestry sector officials to secure "preferential access to harvests and impunity" and "under-declared teak grades to defraud the state."
Cheng Pui Chee's company Cheung Hing partners with Koh Seow Bean's Singapore and Malaysia-based companies, including Pacific Timber Enterprise Ltd and Northwood Ltd, in Myanmar, and Timberlux Sdn Bhd and SCK Wooden Industries Sdn Bhd, in Malaysia.
The report reveals inducements delivered by Cheng Pui Chee [in the past two decades] included "tens of millions of dollars paid into personal accounts of Myanmar's top generals; funding the private foreign education of senior military and timber sector officials' children." It exposed "payment of hospital fees, accommodation and 'entertainment' for senior forestry officials in Singapore; and purchases and gifts of exotic zoo animals for Naypyidaw Zoo [in 1990 and 2011] and other lower level bribes."
Cheng Pui Chee's Thailand-registered company Thai Sawat, led by his brother, was one of only five companies whose 1989-granted permission to log in Myanmar was renewed in 1993, gifted penguins to Myanmar's forestry department in 1990 and Northwood donated zebras and giraffes to Naypyitaw Zoo in 2011, according to the report.
Teak logging and illegal trade over land fuels conflict
EIA's complaint also details how another supplier in China claimed "101 percent" of its teak is illegally logged in Myanmar and smuggled to China and that a planned shipment for Alfred Neumann would have paperwork added in Malaysia to get it into Europe despite the EUTR.
Myanmar teak has its biggest direct markets in China, India and Thailand, "which between them imported a staggering 4.04 million [cubic meters] of teak logs and sawn timber direct from Myanmar between 2007 and 2017, worth $2.79 billion," according to EIA's report. Malaysia, Singapore and Taiwan have also historically imported large volumes of Myanmar teak.
In the last two years, although wood log exports are banned, illegal logs continue to be smuggled across the border into China, EIA revealed.
"High demand in China for teak logged in Shan State is also a contributing factor in outbreaks of conflict between Shan ethnic armed groups and the Myanmar military, as both sides seek to profit from the teak trade," EIA said in its February report.
It said, "Apart from breaks when bad weather and sporadic local clampdowns and conflicts rendered the trafficking routes impassable, the teak smuggling business continued in 2017 and 2018. During this period, rudimentary sawmills sprang up in areas of Kachin near the border to cut the logs into planks or flitches for onward transport into China, reflecting the switch in demand for sawn timber and the need to conceal the contraband during transport."
However, U Tin Tun, director of the government's forestry department recently told The Irrawaddy that the government does not allow the land-border teak trade and it is considered illegal.
Citing official Chinese customs data, however, EIA said China imported 45,000 tons of teak logs from Myanmar, valued at $30 million in 2016, and 95 percent of that wood entered over the land border. In the final quarter of 2016 alone, 35,000 tons of sawn teak wood imported to China show that the trade actually increased.
Dawson told The Irrawaddy that, "EIA has submitted information to the Myanmar government regarding illegal trade into China, and the need for CITES (the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora) protection of endangered rosewood and padauk."
Dawson said that Myanmar should "acknowledge the corruption behind the rampant overharvesting conducted by MTE and its subcontractors leading up to the logging ban and conduct an investigation into corruption in the military, MTE and the forest department linked to Cheng Pui Chee's operations in Myanmar."
The Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) has called for a ceasefire with its fellow Shan armed group the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), but the proposed truce does not extend to the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, the RCSS said.
The RCSS and SSPP have been fighting each other for over a year. More than 2,000 people in Hsipaw and Namtu townships have recently become internally displaced persons (IDPs) after fleeing the fighting. The clashes have resulted in a number of civilian casualties over the past year. The fighting has continued despite repeated pleas from prominent members of the Shan community including Buddhist monks and leaders of political parties.
This is the first time the RCSS has announced such a ceasefire, which includes an order to its ground troops to remain in their current positions and not to try and take more territory.
These RCSS and SSPP have repeatedly clashed over territory in northern Shan State, mostly in Namtu, Hsipaw and Kyaukme townships.
The RCSS issued a statement yesterday announcing the ceasefire. When contacted by The Irrawaddy RCSS spokesperson Colonel Sai Oo said it was too early to discuss details about how the ceasefire with the SSPP would be implemented.
His organization has not completed its internal discussions on the matter yet, he added.
He said the RCSS was announcing the ceasefire because the Shan people were suffering greatly due to the armed conflict. Many Shan had become IDPs, he said.
“We are calling the ceasefire because our people have lost a great deal of property due to the fighting,” he said.
The RCSS and SSPP have held meetings before, but they did not produce a lasting agreement. In previous talks, the SSPP asked the RCSS to return to its stronghold in southern Shan, where it has a headquarters in Loi Tai Lang. The RCSS refused. Early this month, the RCSS invited respected Shan leaders to a meeting at its headquarters in Loi Tai Lang for discussions on how to solve the armed conflict with the SSPP.
In its statement, the RCSS urged the SSPP to respect its ceasefire announcement. “We want them to maintain peace, stop fighting and protect our people's property,” Col. Sai Oo said.
Colonel Sai Phone Han, a spokesperson for the SSPP, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that he could not comment other than to say that his organization would hold a meeting soon to discuss its response to the RCSS's call for a ceasefire.
“It is good to stop fighting. But a ceasefire alone is not enough to solve the problem. Just saying pretty words is not enough. We need to talk about how we will settle our [conflict over] where our troops are based on the ground. And how we will resettle our IDPs,” Col. Sai Phone Han said.
The main problem is the territorial dispute between the two Shan armed groups, he said.
“Everyone has their own boundaries. Problems will always break out when someone comes to attack [the other side's] land. We need to mark our boundary lines to be able to build trust in each other,” he said.
No ceasefire with the TNLA
Brigadier-General Tar Phone Kyaw, a spokesman for the TNLA, dismissed the RCSS's ceasefire announcement, saying it had no meaning. The SSPP is sometimes joined by the TNLA during armed clashes with the RCSS.
Brig-Gen. Tar Phone Kyaw said the RCSS's announcement had not affected the situation on the ground, with fresh clashes being reported on Friday.
He said leaders of the SSPP and TNLA believed that the RCSS's latest action was just a political game, and that they did not believe the RCSS had any intention of ending its effort to grab territory from the SSPP and TNLA.
Seventy-three years ago today, Harry Tan, a seventh grader, was shot dead by police who forcibly dispersed a group of students staging a protest against the government's cancellation of the seventh grade State examinations. The death of the 16-year-old student on March 22, 1956 signaled the government's first bloody crackdown against students in post-independence Myanmar.
Blaming a leak of exam questions, the government cancelled the examinations in their fourth day. Students staged a protest in front of the offices of the education minister and the Bama Khit (Burma Times) newspaper which was responsible for publishing an exam question. Harry Tan, who had been studying at St. Paul's School, was killed and two others were injured as police shot into the crowd of youths who were staging a protest in front of the newspaper's office at Boundary Road, which is now called Dhammazedi Road.
On March 29, 1956, students traveled around Yangon in protest of the death of Harry Tan.
The government later formed an investigation commission and passed all seventh graders without asking them to re-sit the examinations. The students set up a monument in honor of Harry Tan in front of the Bama Khit office in commemoration of the incident which was seen as a milestone in the history of student movements in Myanmar. According to some records, Harry Tan's monument was demolished during the time of the Union Revolutionary Council government.
YANGON—Women and girls in northern Myanmar are being trafficked to China as "brides" at prices ranging from US$3,000 to $13,000 (about 4.5 to 20 million kyats), with the complicity—and often for the financial benefit of—police on both sides, Human Rights Watch said.
They recalled that people they trusted—even family members, including a sister-in-law—lured them across the border with job offers. When in China, they found themselves being locked up and raped until they were pregnant.
Myanmar's Kachin and eastern Shan states share a border with China. The area has long been socially and economically unstable due to decades of war between autonomy-seeking ethnic armies and central government troops. With many men in the ethnic areas involved in the fighting, women are forced to become breadwinners for their families—often after being settled in internally displaced camps along the porous Chinese border.
HRW's Heather Barr said plenty of employers in China are willing to hire people from Myanmar, and this situation creates a huge opportunity for traffickers. Usually, someone in Myanmar tells a woman they know a farm or a restaurant that needs workers. Often these jobs are real, but sometimes they're not.
"Most of the 37 women and girls we interviewed accepted these types of jobs. But the people who recruited them turned out to be traffickers who sold them to Chinese families," she said.
HRW's acting women's rights co-director explained that a serious gender imbalance in China, driven in large part by the country's one-child policy, is the main factor fueling bride trafficking. In China, sons traditionally stay with their parents and support them in old age, while daughters live with their husbands and in-laws, creating an incentive to ensure that your only child is a son.
"Today there are 30 to 40 million more men than women in China. So many men have had a hard time finding wives, creating a demand for trafficked brides," she added.
She said Myanmar and Chinese authorities look the other way while unscrupulous traffickers sell Kachin women and girls into captivity and unspeakable abuse.
While trafficking is illegal in both countries and there have been some attempts on both sides to stop the trade, HRW said most of their interviewees escaped on their own. The group reported hearing many stories of police on both sides of the border being complicit in trafficking, and even benefiting financially.
Some victims' families had repeatedly gone to Myanmar police—including anti-trafficking police—but no action had been taken. Chinese police take little action against traffickers and often treat the women and girls as criminals for violating immigration law.
"In one case we learned about, the Chinese police demanded a US$800 bribe from the family the woman had escaped from, and then handed her back to them," Barr said.
On Anti-Human Trafficking Day last year, Myanmar police said there had been no decline in the number of human trafficking cases in recent years, and that "a new form of trafficking had emerged".
They said Chinese men now legally marry Myanmar women before selling them in China, and in some cases even force them to act as surrogate mothers.
A bucolic scene from the northern end of Chaung Tha beach. (Photo: Marie Starr/ The Irrawaddy)
Chaung Tha
This is the most casual and fun of Myanmar's beach towns. It's popular with families and groups of friends from Yangon and can be busy around holidays and weekends. After swimming and water activities in the sea, you might see camp fires, and even impromptu karaoke sessions on the beach in the evenings.
Sunset at Ngwesaung Beach is often spectacular. (Photo: Marie Starr/ The irrawaddy)
Ngwesaung
Ngwesaung is a little more upscale than neighboring Chaung Tha and has a reputation for being a peaceful and clean beach with clear waters not yet mobbed by city folk. Close to the village you'll find vendors selling seafood and offering water sport equipment. The further along the beach you walk from the village, the easier it is to find your own private slice of beach heaven.
The view of Gawyangyi beach from above. (Photo: Marie Starr /The Irrawaddy)
Gawyangyi
This is a new beach destination for Myanmar. It was little more than a deserted stretch of beach and a white-sand bay until a few years ago but now a few low-key accommodation and dining options have cropped up and the guesthouses can arrange water activities to suit your level of adventurousness. The road to Gawyangyi is still very rough and deters all but the most determined beach-goers, making it a rewardingly quiet and romantic getaway.
Sule Pagoda marks the center of bustling urban Yangon. (Photo:Htet Wai/ The irrawaddy)
Yangon
The commercial capital Yangon is a booming city and the center of modern Myanmar. Though sometimes hot and crowded, this dynamic, diverse city also has the best hotels, restaurants, galleries and cultural events in the country. And the glittering Shwedagon Pagoda looks out over it all.
Twante is one of Myanmar’s biggest pottery hubs. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)
Twante
Though just a short trip from the hubbub of downtown Yangon, Twante feels like a million miles away. This town is famous as a center of pottery and workshops take up entire quarters here. Inside the workshops you can witness the entirely non-mechanized process from start to finish. There's also a snake temple on a lake outside the town and a pagoda complex with a thousand Buddha statues to wander through.
Bago’s Naungdawgyi Myathalyaung reclining Buddha which measures 82 meters in length. (Phpto: Marie Starr/ The Irrawaddy)
Bago
Bago, often called by its colonial-era name Pegu, is all about the huge and beautiful religious landmarks which draw large numbers of Buddhist travelers from near and far. The mighty Shwemawdaw Pagoda is some 46 meters taller than Yangon's Shwedagon and there are two huge reclining Buddha images. At Shwethalyaung, the indoor reclining Buddha, you'll see a huge wall of names of donors from all over the world. Everything in the town can easily be reached by tuk tuk or bicycle which can be hired at most hotels.
The view from Thandaunggyi mountain with Naw Bu Baw prayer hill to the right. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)
Taungoo and Thandaunggyi
Taungoo, the town serving visitors to Thandaunggyi, is easy to get to from Yangon and so is growing in popularity. Once the capital of a huge kingdom stretching far beyond Myanmar's modern borders, Taungoo is now a sleepy town surrounded by rice paddies and with some crumbling colonial mansions which have been dramatically taken over by nature. The peaks of Thandaunggyi and the nearby Naw Bu Baw prayer hill, which actually lie across the border with Karen State, are the main attractions for visitors to the area.
Bawbawgyi at Sri Ksetra, Myanmar’s only current UNESCO World Heritage Site is located outside Pyay. (Photo: Marie Starr/ The Irrawaddy)
Pyay
The remains of the ancient city of Sri Ksetra, once a stronghold of the mighty Pyu Kingdom, today makes up part of Myanmar's only UNESCO World Heritage Site lies in the countryside surrounding Pyay. The temples, hulking and simple in design, are well preserved and unique to other collections of temples you'll find in Myanmar. A short trip from the city of Pyay and a boat ride along the Irrawaddy River, Akauk Taung is a point along the banks where an impressive series of Buddha images were carved into the mountainside in the 19th century.
NAYPYITAW—The Arakan Army (AA) has denied issuing a statement that went viral online containing a proposed timeline for Arakanese statehood.
Government officials questioned AA representatives about the statement at a meeting in Naypyitaw on Thursday between the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) and representatives of non-signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). The Arakanese ethnic armed group told the officials that it did not issue the statement.
"We told them the statement that details a timeframe for establishing an Arakanese state was not issued by us," Colonel Kyaw Han, commander of the AA's eastern military region, told reporters.
He said the AA's primary military goal is to establish a base in Rakhine State, despite the opposition of the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw). The Tatmadaw must accept this if it wants peace, he said.
"We are doing our duty, because only the Arakan Army can assume responsibility for the security, peace and development of the Arakanese people. And we are taking responsibility in Rakhine State," the colonel said.
Government delegate Dr. Tin Myo Win urged the AA to take part in political dialogue instead of rising up against the government.
He justified the Tatmadaw's military actions there, saying the government had no choice but to respond when an armed group attempts to establish a base, which he said was a threat to national security.
Since Nov. 30, clashes between the Tatmadaw and the AA in Rathedaung, Buthidaung, Kyauktaw, Ponnagyun and Mrauk-U townships have displaced over 10,000 people.
Thirteen police were killed and nine injured when the AA launched coordinated attacks on four police outposts in Buthidaung Township on Jan. 4, just days after it announced together with two allied groups that it would sign the NCA.
The government responded by launching counter-insurgency operations in Rakhine.
"Local people are suffering as a result. For example, Mrauk-U is a tourist spot for foreign travelers. And as the clashes have expanded to such areas, the government has had to respond accordingly," said President's Office director-general U Zaw Htay.
On March 15, artillery shelling damaged heritage sites in Mrauk-U, the ancient capital of the Arakanese Kingdom. Both the Tatmadaw and the AA denied responsibility.
"We said sincerely that we did not launch an attack in Mrauk-U. We called for an end to attacks on civilians, whether with artillery fire or small arms," Colonel Kyaw Han said.
Thursday's meeting was attended by the United Wa State Army, the Kachin Independence Organization, Mongla's Eastern Shan State Peace and Solidarity Committee, the Shan State Progressive Party, Kokang's Myanmar National Truth and Justice Party, the Palaung State Liberation Front, the United League of Arakan (the political wing of the AA) and the Karenni National Progressive Party.
The meeting issued a joint statement vowing to continue negotiations to de-escalate armed conflicts, to ensure nationwide peace and stability, and to heed regional development and the interests of local people, to solve political problems through political means, and to hold frequent meetings between decision-makers.
"If those points are implemented with good will by both sides, there is potential for the clashes to de-escalate. Otherwise, nothing will change," Col. Kyaw Han told reporters.
YANGON — The Tanintharyi Region Parliament has approved the local minister of natural resources and environmental conservation, U Myint Maung, as the region’s new chief minister, replacing Daw Lei Lei Maw, who was arrested on corruption charges earlier this month.
President U Win Myint nominated U Myint Maung, who is also a regional lawmaker for the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), on Monday. The nomination was approved during an emergency parliamentary session on Friday with no objections.
U Myint Maung has been serving as acting chief minister since Daw Lei Lei Maw was arrested on March 10. He is also the NLD secretary for Tanintharyi Region.
His predecessor was arrested after a month-long investigation by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) along with Global Grand Services (GGS) Managing Director U Thein Htwe, Director U Aung Myat and General Manager U Thura Ohn. The cases were opened against all four by the ACC at the Dawei Myoma Police Station in Tanintharyi.
The ACC said Daw Lei Lei Maw misused her position on a number of occasions since April 2016, just weeks after she was appointed, including by awarding several contracts to GGS in exchange for bribes. A day after her arrest, the President's Office announced that she had been fired.
"There is not much time to address all the problems that the region is facing, but I hope he [U Myint Maung] can solve a few of them in the remainder of the term," Tanintharyi Region Parliament Speaker U Khin Maung Aye told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday.
On Wednesday, the President's Office announced the resignation of two other senior officials in Tanintharyi: Planning and Finance Minister U Phyo Win Tun and Electricity and Energy Minister U Kyi Hlaing. While the announcement gave no reason for the resignations, many believe they were linked to the corruption investigation that has toppled the chief minister.
KUALA LUMPUR—When Neelambika’s husband slapped her, she decided to end their marriage, but this only made him angrier and he began to repeatedly rape her while she tried to sleep on the sofa—which is legal in Malaysia.
Neelambika, 60, a part-time teacher with one child, could not afford to move out as divorce proceedings dragged on for more than a year.
“My bed was on the couch in the living room and that’s where the marital rape happened,” Neelambika, who declined to give her full name to protect her identity, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation from the capital, Kuala Lumpur.
“It was about wielding his power and control over me … I endured it but something died inside of me.”
In more than 50 countries, including the United States, Nepal, Britain and South Africa, it is a crime for a husband to rape his wife, but this is not the case in most of Asia, where campaigners are pushing for legal reform.
Like other forms of domestic violence, marital rape can lead to trauma, depression, loss of income due to injuries, loss of work, poor school performance by children and even murder.
Although statistics on marital rape are hard to come by, one third of women who have been in a relationship say they have experienced physical or sexual violence at the hands of their intimate partner, according to the World Health Organization.
A spokesman for Malaysia’s law minister Liew Vui Keong did not respond to requests for comment.
Last year, a deputy minister in Malaysia’s prime minister’s department, Mohamed Hanipa Maidin, told parliament that the government had no plans to make marital rape a crime as it was hard to prove in court, according to local media reports.
Neelambika said she didn’t even consider going to the police as they had no powers to stop the assaults, and she was keen that the small community where her family lived didn’t find out.
She was too ashamed to confide in anyone. When she did stay overnight with friends or family, her husband turned up at her work or parents’ house, demanding she return home.
“He knew I just wanted a divorce, so he was going to make use of me during that period,” she said.
“He just felt he had that right—that he was still my husband and he could do anything he wanted.
Work to be done
While many Asia-Pacific countries have introduced domestic violence and harassment laws over the last decade, only 15 out of 39 states in the region have criminalized marital rape, according to the gender equality agency UN Women.
Many countries do not collect data on marital rape—not just because it is not a crime, but also because social pressures mean it is rarely reported or discussed.
Victims of sexual violence are often blamed and stigmatized, said Ingrid Fitzgerald, a regional gender expert at the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), which promotes sexual health.
East Timor has Asia’s highest rate of reported sexual violence by an intimate partner, at 40 percent, while Myanmar is among the lowest, at 4 percent, UNFPA said, based on countries where survey data is available.
Women are often torn between wanting the violence to end by reporting it and not wanting the husband and main breadwinner to be jailed, Fitzgerald said.
Their decision depends on how easy and socially acceptable it is to get a divorce and on women’s financial independence.
“Rape is rape—whether it occurs to a woman of a particular age, in marriage or a relationship—it’s still rape,” Fitzgerald said.
Even where marital rape laws do exist, police often do not take women’s complaints seriously and blame victims, while authorities fail to provide adequate protection, said Melissa Alvarado, a program manager at UN Women.
“There is definitely work to be done to create that more sensitized and empathic response for women so they can more boldly tell their stories,” she said.
No shame
Despite the taboos, positive changes are happening.
In 2017, India’s top court struck down a decades-old clause in the country’s rape laws permitting a man to have sex with his wife if she is aged between 15 to 18—ruling that it was rape, and therefore a criminal offence.
Ahead of India’s elections next month, women’s rights groups have been urging political parties to include criminalizing marital rape in their manifestos.
Last month, Singapore’s parliament proposed a bill—backed by the government—to make marital rape a crime.
“The bigger problem is whether they will be able to get spouses to come forward,” said Pratap Kishan, a director at Kishan Law Chambers LLC in Singapore.
“Women are reluctant to report such matters because they feel it is something that is within the family and they should maintain that.”
To boost support for criminalization, there needs to be a shift in mindset on marital rape, challenging traditional gender roles and victim blaming myths, using government-backed public awareness campaigns, gender experts said.
“It feeds into this bigger concept of men’s access to women’s bodies … whether it’s date rape, marital rape or sexual harassment, that women’s bodies exist for male pleasure,” said Jennifer Wells-Qu of women’s rights group Equality Now.
To help rape victims come forward, countries can also introduce women-only community courts, like in India, said Wells-Qu, the charity’s Beijing-based Asia associate.
Meanwhile, activists are trying to educate lawmakers about the impacts of marital rape, such as miscarriages, poor newborn health, HIV infection and increased suicide rates.
“Removing the exception to marital rape protects wives and sends a strong message that all rape is heinous,” said Sumitra Visvanathan, head of the Women’s Aid Organization in Malaysia.
When Neelambika’s divorce eventually came through, her husband moved out of their family home.
In an attempt to overcome her trauma and change public perception on marital rape, Neelambika published a book this month on her experiences and is campaigning for reform.
“Many rape victims don’t have any recourse,” she said. “If they’re still married, they fear retaliation from their husbands. When is it going to stop?”
SHANGHAI—An explosion at a pesticide plant in eastern China has killed 47 people and injured more than 600, state media said on Friday, the latest casualties in a series of industrial accidents that has angered the public.
The blast occurred on Thursday at the Chenjiagang Industrial Park in the city of Yancheng, in Jiangsu Province, and the fire was finally brought under control at 3 a.m. on Friday (1900 GMT), state television said.
Survivors were taken to 16 hospitals with 640 people being treated for injuries. Thirty-two of them were critically injured, it said.
The fire at a plant owned by the Tianjiayi Chemical Company spread to neighboring factories. Children at a kindergarten in the vicinity were also injured in the blast, media reported.
The cause of the explosion was under investigation, but the company — which produces more than 30 organic chemical compounds, some of which are highly flammable — has been cited and fined for work safety violations in the past, the China Daily said.
President Xi Jinping, who is in Italy on a state visit, ordered all-out efforts to care for the injured and to “earnestly maintain social stability,” state television said.
Authorities must step up action to prevent such incidents from happening and find out the cause of the blast as quickly as possible, Xi added.
“There have recently been a series of major accidents, and all places and relevant departments must fully learn the lessons from these,” the report cited Xi as saying.
The Jiangsu environmental protection bureau said in a late Thursday statement the environmental monitoring station in the area had found no abnormal concentrations of toluene, xylene or benzene.
Concentrations of acetone and chloroform outside the perimeter of the explosion zone were also within normal limits, it added.
Jiangsu will launch inspections on chemical producers and warehouses, according to an emergency notice published by official media on Friday.
The notice, published on the news website of Jiangsu province’s Communist Party, said the government would shut down any chemical firms found not complying with regulations on dangerous chemicals.
Public anger over safety standards has grown in China over industrial accidents ranging from mining disasters to factory fires that have marred three decades of swift economic growth.
In 2015, 165 people were killed in a series of explosions at a chemical warehouse in the northern city of Tianjin.
The explosions at Tianjin, one of the world’s busiest ports and not far from the capital, Beijing, were big enough to be seen by satellites and register on earthquake sensors.
Despite repeated pledges by the government to tighten safety, chemical plants in particular have been plagued by disasters.
In November, a series of blasts during the delivery of a flammable gas at a chemical manufacturer killed 23 people.
HANOI — Vietnam has lodged an official protest with China following the sinking of a Vietnamese fishing vessel in the disputed South China Sea, Vietnam said late on Thursday.
Vietnam and China have for years been embroiled in a dispute over the potentially energy-rich stretch of waters, called the East Sea by Vietnam.
The fishing vessel was moored near Da Loi island in the Paracel archipelago on March 6 when a China Maritime Surveillance vessel chased it and fired water cannon at it, Vietnam’s Foreign Ministry said in a statement.
The boat sank after hitting rocks while it was being chased. All five fishermen on board were rescued by another Vietnamese fishing boat, the ministry said.
A Vietnamese rescue agency said earlier that the Chinese vessel rammed the fishing boat.
“The Chinese vessel committed an act that violated Vietnam’s sovereignty over the Hoang Sa archipelago, threatened the lives and damaged the properties and the legitimate interests of Vietnamese fishermen,” the ministry said in the statement, referring to the Paracel islands by their Vietnamese name.
Vietnam had lodged a protest with China’s embassy in Hanoi and demanded that China deal strictly with its Maritime Surveillance agency to prevent similar incidents and to compensate fairly the fishermen for their losses.
A Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman in Beijing was cited by Chinese media as saying earlier that the fishing boat had sunk when the Chinese vessel approached, and that the Chinese crew had rescued the fishermen.
China claims 90 percent of the South China Sea, where it has steadily expanded military and other installations on artificial islands and reefs, unnerving the region and angering Washington.
In addition to Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan also have claims to parts of the sea.
NEW YORK — Children under age 15 are almost three times more likely to die from diseases due to lack of clean water and sanitation than from violence in countries in conflict, the United Nations’ children’s agency reported on Friday.
Most vulnerable are young children under age 5, who are 20 times more likely to die from diseases than violence, said the report by UNICEF, released to coincide with World Water Day.
Specifically, children die of diarrhea-related illness, such as cholera, when conflict restricts access to clean water, it said.
The research looked at the health consequences of unsafe water and sanitation for children in 16 countries undergoing conflict, including Myanmar, Afghanistan and Yemen.
“In these conflicts — and other emergencies — providing rapid, comprehensive and safe water and sanitation is a matter of life and death,” said the report.
UNICEF reported 85,000 diarrheal deaths due to poor water, sanitation and hygiene in children from 2014 to 2016, compared with just under 31,000 deaths due to violence, citing World Health Organization (WHO) data.
“It isn’t surprising,” Tomas Jensen, advisor for tropical medicine at the medical charity Medecins Sans Frontieres, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
“They are often the ones at greatest risk, especially young children who haven’t built up immunity to bacteria that can cause diarrheal disease,” he said.
Diarrhea-related illness is the second leading cause of death for all children under 5, depleting body fluids and causing dehydration, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Particularly vulnerable to dehydration are children and infants, who lose fluids more quickly than adults and are less able to communicate their needs, experts say.
In conflict, journeying to a water source may carry the risk of being shot or sexually assaulted, the report said.
Water might become contaminated, its sources destroyed or residents may be denied access, it said.
In Yemen, which has had one of the worst cholera epidemics in recent history, a third of the cases were children under age 5, according to the WHO.
The UNICEF report noted a few exceptions, saying children under 15 in Iraq and Syria were more likely to die of violence, as were children under age 5 in Syria and Libya.
Methods of warfare in those countries, such as aerial bombing of urban areas, landmines and unexploded ordnance put children at high risk, a UNICEF spokesman said.
On this day in 1973, U Pe Maung Tin, a renowned scholar of Pali and Buddhism, who was known for his dedication to promoting Myanmar literature during the colonial period, passed away at the age of 85.
Having done a master's degree in Pali in India's University of Calcutta, he was appointed Pali professor at Rangoon University at the age of 24. His translation of the "The Path of Purity" from Pali to English won him credit among Buddhism scholars worldwide.
After obtaining his Bachelor of Letters (B.Litt.) degree from Oxford University in 1922, he came back to Myanmar, and established the Myanmar department at Rangoon University during a time when Myanmar literature was increasingly ignored by the Burmese themselves.
He invited scholars of Myanmar literature to lecture at Rangoon University, established a master's degree course in Myanmar literature at the university, revived ancient Myanmar literature and promoted the study of stone inscriptions.
He also designed Burmese school textbooks in order to promote Myanmar literature starting at high school level. Due to his relentless efforts, there was a saying that anyone who engages with Myanmar literature owes it to U Pe Maung Tin.
U Pe Maung Tin sowed the seeds of Khit San literature, which was a new style of writing distinct from traditional writing style of Burmese at the time. He was also the first Burmese principal of Rangoon University, and when student protests broke out in 1936, he stood by the students and refused to take action against student demonstrators, saying they had demonstrated against the government and not the university.
During his lifetime, he took a leading role in several organizations concerning Myanmar literature, history and culture. He wrote many books, monographs and articles on Myanmar’s history and Myanmar literature, culture and language emerging as a major contributor to the development of Myanmar literature. His sister Tee Tee was a prominent philanthropist and her husband Gordon H Luce, was a colonial scholar on Myanmar history.
YANGON—The Kachin State government has decided to shelve a Mongolian company's proposal to conduct a feasibility study on the extraction of gold and other minerals in Myanmar's largest national conservation area, a sanctuary nearly triple the size of Singapore in Kachin's northernmost township, due to serious environmental concerns.
The project was proposed by Inner Mongolia Duojin Investment Company Ltd, according to the Kachin State Forest Department.
The proposal covers an area of 492,900 acres in Putao Township including Hkakaborazi National Park and its southern extension area, which together form the largest national park in the country, as well as the ASEAN Heritage Park-Hponkan Razi Wildlife Sanctuary, which is home to globally threatened wildlife species including the black musk deer, red panda and white-bellied heron. The area also covers protected forests in the township's Northern Mountain Forest Complex; these include subtropical evergreen forests, mixed deciduous forests, pine-rhododendron forests and alpine meadows.
Kachin State Chief Minister Khet Aung told The Irrawaddy, "I strongly dislike the project. It could destroy our heritage and ecosystem."
"How could I allow it?" he said.
A map of a project proposed by Inner Mongolia Duojin Investment Company Ltd.
Amid a backlash from environmentalist and local residents, the Kachin State cabinet and related departments held a meeting on the issue on Tuesday. At the meeting, the Forest Department submitted a review recommending that the project not be allowed.
U Kyaw Kyaw Lwin, the deputy director of the state Forest Department, told The Irrawaddy, "We decided not to allow that project."
The state government has not issued an official decision on the matter yet, however.
The Forest Department said the team started reviewing the company's proposal and field study in January. The department decided the areas deserved to be preserved in the interests of coming generations.
U Kyaw Kyaw Lwin said the project threatened to harm not only the national conservation areas but also the N'Mai Kha River, which is one of the main sources of the Ayeyarwady River, the lifeline of Myanmar.
"The project faces a strong backlash from locals residents. It could easy provoke a conflict between the company and locals. That's one reason that we decided to scrap the proposal," he said.
Kachin State is rich in natural resources, particular minerals including gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, amber, jade, crystal and coal.
YANGON — Two Tanintharyi Region ministers tendered their resignations in the wake of Chief Minister Daw Lei Lei Maw’s arrest and firing over corruption allegations earlier this month.
The President's Office announced on Wednesday that the region's planning and finance minister, U Phyo Win Tun, and electricity and energy minister, U Kyi Hlaing, were "allowed to resign" from their posts.
While the announcement gave no reason for the resignations, many believe they were linked to the corruption investigation.
Daw Lei Lei Maw was arrested on March 10 along with Global Grand Services (GGS) Managing Director U Thein Htwe, Director U Aung Myat and General Manager U Thura Ohn under corruption charges. The cases were opened against all four by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) at the Dawei Myoma Police Station in Tanintharyi after a month-long investigation.
U Ye Myint Swe, a regional lawmaker, said U Phyo Win Tun was named in the complaint that locals had sent the ACC and the President’s Office earlier this year about the chief minister.
In the complaint, more than 100 residents of Myeik and Dawei districts called for an investigation of Daw Lei Lei Maw, U Phyo Win Tun and the National League for Democracy's Tanintharyi committee chair, U Aung Soe.
During State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's visit to the region last month, local residents demanded that all three be replaced because of corruption and nepotism. The state counselor vowed to take decisive action against officials who harm the public interest.
U Ye Myint Swe said U Kyi Hlaing was not named in the complaint. But the lawmaker said he believed the minister resigned because he was mostly responsible for awarding an electricity distribution project to GGS that was part of the corruption investigation.
"It is not possible that he doesn't know about the contract because he is the electricity minister. Whether it was done intentionally or unintentionally, I think he resigned because of that," he said.
The ACC said Daw Lei Lei Maw abused her position by awarding several contracts to GGS in exchange for bribes.
GGS produces electricity from gas purchased from the government. The company owes more than 8 billion kyats ($5.24 million) for gas deliveries between July 2017, when it launched its power supply service, and late 2018.
U Phyo Win Tun and U Kyi Hlaing could not be reached for comment.
One of the local residents who joined the complaint sent to the ACC and President’s Office said he hoped the Anti-Corruption Commission would file more charges but was encouraged by the arrests and resignations so far.
"I am satisfied to see changes in our region," he said.
Yangon's newest co-working space is now open in a unique location right next to the Yangon River. For the opening day this Friday, the space will be open to the public for use for free throughout the day. From 5 p.m. there will be a networking session where you can meet the team behind the space as well as like-minded folk. Seedspace Yangon is a chapter of the Yangon Innovation Center, an initiative by the Yangon Regional Government operated by Seedstars Myanmar in collaboration with Thura Swiss and CB Bank. Registration recommended.
March 22 | 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. | Seedspace Yangon | Kyan Mar Yay Seik Kan Compound, Corner of Pansodan Road and Strand Road, Kyauktada Township
Women and Art in Myanmar
Nathalie Johnson, founder of Myanm/art Gallery with give a presentation on the history of women artists in Myanmar. The presentation, in English, will be followed by a panel discussion in Burmese. The four prominent female artists who will be on the panel are Yadanar, Nge Lay, Zun Ei Phyu and Thyitar. Note usual security conditions for entering the American Center apply.
March 22 | 4:30 p.m. to 6 p.m. | Freedom Hall | American Center, University Avenue, Bahan Township
Rich Palette Art Show
This is a group show by famous local artists Win Tint, Maung Oo, Nang Khuu, Thet Su Nady, Kaung H San and Htoo Aung Moe.
March 23 to 25 | Gallery 65 | No. 65, Yaw Min Gyi Road, Dagon Township
Safe Food from Safe Farms
This Saturday and Sunday, Kandawgyi Park will be the venue for a food market focusing on healthy, organic food products. On both days the event opens from 7 a.m. to 12 p.m. This is where you can find FDA-certified organic vegetables and produce from members of the Myanmar Fruit and Vegetable Producers (MFVP).
March 23 and 24 | 7 a.m. to 12 p.m. | Myaepadaytha Island, Kandawgyi Park, Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township
Yangon Zay x Real Fitness
This weekend's edition of the trendy market Yangon Zay will feature demonstrations and activities organized by Real Fitness, a gym chain with locations across Yangon. Join zumba and combat exercise workouts and later enjoy the food and drinks from the regular pop-up vendors. Tickets 6,000 kyats.
March 23 and 24 | 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. | The Tea Factory, No. 2 Kanyeik Thar Street, Kabar Aye Phayar Road
The Food of Northern Thailand Pop-up with Austin Bush
Famous chef and author of a new cookbook dedicated to northern Thai cuisine, Austin Bush, will be at Union Bar & Grill for one night only. This Saturday evening you can order from an additional special menu, or choose a set menu for 35,000 kyats, to experience the unique flavors of northern Thailand, including the herbal, spicy and wholesome dishes of pounded salads, fried snacks and sausages.
March 23 | 7 p.m. to 10 p.m. | Union Bar & Grill | 42 Strand Road, Botahtaung Township
Free Walking Tour: Insights into Old Yangon
This walking tour, organized by sustainable tourism hub Jozaso, will show you around the unique neighborhoods of Yangon and share stories of interesting residents from historical times.
March 24 | 8:30 a.m. to 10:30 a.m. | Jozaso Sustainable Tourism Hub, 97 Bo Ywe Street (Upper Block)
Like salt. Like a Spine – Poetry Reading
Come to Myanm/art modern art gallery for a unique poetry reading to round up your weekend. Local poets will be joined by American poet Greg Bem for an evening of readings of various types of poetry.
Conyat Create and Pansuriya are partnering to host discussions on the issue of gender and climate change in Myanmar. This is the third part in the series of talks on climate change and the title of the discussion is 'The Role of Women in Adapting to Climate Change: Examples from Myanmar.' The speakers are Shashank Mishra of UN Habitat and Su Ei Nandar of Plan International.
At this event organized by AmCham Myanmar, U Aung Naing Oo, director general of Myanmar's Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA) will discuss the current investment outlook and DICA's plans for the year ahead. The talk will be followed by a Q&A session. Tickets $15 for AmCham members and $25 for non-members. Pre-registration recommended.
March 26 | 2 p.m. | Melia Yangon | 192 Kabar Aye Pagoda Road, Bahan Township
Myanmar-Japan Literature Exchange 2.0
At this event organized by the Japan Foundation, PEN Myanmar and Yangon Book Plaza, renowned Japanese poet and author Yoko Tawada will give a talk on transcending boundaries between humans and non-humans which is a common feature of her writing. The talk will be in English with Burmese translation.
March 27 | 2 p.m. to 4 p.m. | Yangon Book Plaza, Lanmadaw Street (Middle Block), Lanmadaw Township
The global debate on the discloser of beneficial ownership, especially in the extractive industries, is scaling up. More access to information about who really benefits from the revenues is raising accountability and helping in the fight against corruption.
Myanmar, an Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) candidate country, formed a Beneficial Ownership Taskforce in June to move the country toward membership. Countries that join the EITI must disclose the beneficial ownership of the companies in their extractive industries by Jan. 1, 2020. With the deadline only nine months away, the EITI International Secretariat and industry experts stressed the need for more government collaboration between sectors and agencies during a workshop on beneficial ownership for the Asia and Pacific region in Manila this week. A delegation from Myanmar attended the event to learn and share their views.
The Irrawaddy spoke with Eddie Rich, deputy head of the EITI International Secretariat, about the initiative’s goals and Myanmar’s progress toward reaching them.
What is beneficial ownership and why is it important for EITI countries to disclose beneficial ownership?
Beneficial ownership is the process about which you understand the natural owner, the flesh and blood owner, of companies. And this is to deal with what has been exposed in the Panama Papers, the Paradise Papers and lots of recent scandals as a mechanism, that creating shell companies which own other companies but…are hiding the real owner. That has been a mechanism for money laundering, it has been a mechanism for terrorist financing, it’s been a mechanism tax evasion and avoidance. It’s been a mechanism also for nepotism. So the revelation of the Panama Papers and then the Paradise Papers showed the extent of this problem, how systematically individual and companies are gaming the whole system in order to particularly avoid tax, but also some very dark motives.
The EITI, the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, is a global standard for good governance in the sectors, and they highlight it very early on, in fact before the release of the Panama Papers [in 2016], that transparency of beneficial ownership was going to be a critical issue for anti-corruption in the 21st century, and that it was required that all 52 countries reveal disclosing information about the natural owners of the extractive companies in their countries. And in many of these countries, of course, like Myanmar, this is in many ways the most important sector, politically and economically.
Panelists join a discussion at the Beneficial Ownership Asia and Pacific Regional Workshop in Manila, the Philippines, on Tuesday. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy
Myanmar is also trying to work on that — beneficial ownership, a task force and every preparation.
Exactly. So you know who, for example, is behind the gemstones companies that are operating in Myanmar, which has been, as you know much better than me, a source of some of the conflicts.
People, or the companies, are reluctant to share the information because that is directly related. They are operating in the conflict areas, or they are concerned about being targeted if they revealed this information. What are the guarantees that EITI or other international advocacy groups can give to these companies for them to share the beneficial ownership information?
A couple of points there. First of all the EITI is not an advocacy group. We are a members-based organization with countries that are implementing, who signed up to the global standard that is established.
So it is the countries themselves, along with civil society and companies who establish the standard. So a way of saying this is, the companies are the ones who actually asked for this requirement. The companies are the ones who want this because they want the level playing field; they want to know how their competitors are operating. And they feel it’s part of being a safer environment.
But you are right, there are also concerns on the other side, that if this information about ownership is known, that the owners themselves could be subject to additional threats. There is no single case that I am aware of where there has been an attack on somebody because of the revelation of beneficial ownership information.
We, the EITI, don't ensure the protection of the people. That is for law enforcement agencies within each country. So if a country commits to the EITI, they commit to full beneficial ownership in the extractive sector, and as part of that, they are responsible for ensuring the protection of the individuals.
What could we say [are] the pros and cons, the advantages and disadvantages, of having this beneficial ownership [disclosure] of the EITI countries?
The advantages are that it creates better information about the ownership to inform public policy, but it ensures that you can follow the money. If a country has disclosed its beneficial ownership, the owners of the companies, then if tax is very low for a company, you can try and understand why. And you can see one of the owners might be registered in the Cayman Islands, and you say, “Aha, well, maybe that person needs to be domesticated back into Myanmar to ensure that all the money is paid in Myanmar for Myanmar's resources.
In simile, you can see if a license to explore or to exploit resources has been given to somebody who has been politically exposed, is a relation of a minister or senior officials. So to make sure there is much fairer system. That's why companies like it, most companies, because it creates a level, a more fair playing field. Those are the pros.
The cons, we hear that it’s difficult to collect the information, and I think we need to understand that. And those are the kind of issues we are discussing. We hear it is difficult to define what a beneficial owners is, or establish a threshold, or ensure that the information is accurate, make sure that you got the right disclosure mechanism. These are all the kinds of questions that come up, and that's what we are discussed in these two days.
Myanmar is now a [EITI] candidate country, but what do we need to do to become a full member?
Myanmar has undertaken validations and it is being assessed right now, and the [EITI] board will make decision on that, I think, in the next month or so. And it is likely that it will direct you to a few — it will indicate that there has been very positive progress. Myanmar has come a way in last few years about declaring, disclosing lots of information about the sector. It will indicate one or two areas where there are specific actions required in order to become a full member.
Until that, until the board has made the decision, I don't think I should indicate what they will decide. We’ve advised them and made recommendations to them, but this is finally the board decision. So hold on a month or so and you should have a lot more information.
You have [put] a lot of focus on 11 countries in Southeast Asia and Eurasia. Compared with Myanmar, are we [in a] similar situations with other countries in terms of EITI candidacy and the work that MEITI has been doing? What are the challenges and similarities?
Myanmar is learning a lot and I think other countries are learning also from Myanmar. That’s kind of one of the key advantages, I think, of the EITI, that there is a global network that learns best practices from each other. But each country also has its own specific situation.
In Myanmar, you have a lot of state-own enterprises and you have these funny things called your "other accounts" as part of the state-own enterprises, and trying to unpick and understand what is part of these other accounts is a key specific issue for Myanmar. And on beneficial ownership, you have established of course this company registration under DICA [Directorate of Investment and Company Administration]. That’s come in long way and that's going to try to establish more details. Systematically, when a company registers, they will have to disclose their ownership. So, again, it's learning off other countries and it’s also establishing good practices that other countries may wish to follow.
What are the next steps for guaranteeing the information release [about] beneficial owners? What are the next steps that you have prepared, or have you had any discussions to have protection of those data of the beneficial owners, because some are concerned about being targeted by the criminal groups?
Yes, as I said, I don't know of any specific cases where this has ever happened. I’m not saying it’s not a legitimate concern. It is. But we need to understand much better what is the real concern? Is there ways, and different ways in different countries, that that could be addressed? Does the address of each person actually need to be put, declare publically? Not necessarily; that’s a national decision. Is this information already known? Actually, does the beneficial ownership discloser make any different to what's already out there? What is the law enforcement like? What are the personal protections like?
So I think it’s too simplistic to simply say, ‘Ah. OK, because of threats of kidnapping and other targeting, we must say no to disclosure.’ I think we need to understand the problem better and looks for particularly country specific solutions, because they are going to be different in different countries.
How would you summarize that EITI and beneficial ownership are linked together?
Beneficial ownership is absolutely essential to a good governance sector. I talk often about the transparency triangle, which is: if you know the contracts, and you know who the owner is, and you have the payments which were paid for a particular project in terms of tax or royalties, then you should have a complete picture of whether the country got what it should have.
If I have a contract with you, and you don't pay me all of that, then I want to know who you are, where you’re from. And so I can see, why did she not pay me the full amount. So that’s part of the picture. We know who the people are, we know what they should have paid, and we know what they did pay.
SITTWE, Rakhine State — The Arakan National Party (ANP) on Wednesday formed a commission to investigate civilian deaths caused by the ongoing fighting between the Myanmar military and rebel Arakan Army (AA) in Rakhine State.
ANP General Secretary U Tun Aung Kyaw said the commission consists of nine members including himself, party Vice Chairwoman Daw Aye Nu Sein, and Central Executive Committee member and Lower House lawmaker U Oo Hla Saw.
"Being the party that won the majority [of votes] in Rakhine State, we feel obliged to investigate the suffering of civilians and present it to the government, which is responsible for the Union. We have formed the commission to find out how we can prevent and remedy those issues, and to present our findings to the government," U Tun Aung Kyaw told The Irrawaddy.
The commission also intends to determine which side in the conflict is responsible for the recent shelling that damaged some heritage sites in Mrauk-U, the former capital of the Arakanese Kingdom.
As part of their work the commissioners plan to visit the townships of Buthidaung, Rathedaung, Ponnagyun, Kyauktaw, where much of the fighting has taken place. They will meet with victims, village administrators and government department officials to assess the extent of the casualties, injuries and damage to properties and heritage sites.
The commissioners intend to finish their report in a week and submit it to the ANP’s Central Executive Committee first.
"As the Central Executive Committee has assigned us to investigate the deprivations of the civilians immediately, without delay, we will conduct the field assessment in seven days," U Tun Aung Kyaw said.
The Central Executive Committee will then forward the report to the country’s president, state counselor, commander-in-chief, Myanmar National Human Rights Commission and other organizations.
At a meeting held between the government and rights activists who have been fighting against the installing of a bronze statue of Gen. Aung San, the Karenni Chief Minister L Phaung Sho proposed two points of compromise as possible solutions to the activists' dispute. However, the rights activists refused the points of compromise at the meeting which was held in the Karenni capital of Loikaw on Wednesday.
The statute of Gen. Aung San, father of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and often named Myanmar's father of independence was installed at a park in Loikaw despite the protests of local rights activists who went on to stage a number of sit-ins in Loikaw, leading to the arrest and detention of scores young activists earlier this year.
One of the proposed compromises suggested by Chief Minister L Phaung Sho was that the text of the Panglong Agreement, a historically important agreement declaring autonomy for a number of ethnic areas, be placed below the statue. The second point was that the government would allow the local rights activists to install a statue of their own respected ethnic leader near the Gen. Aung San statue.
Khun Thomas, spokesperson for the rights activists, said his group could not accept the two points, and that they are sticking to their demands for the statue to be removed.
"We cannot accept their two points. Therefore, as we mentioned in our statement, the result of the meeting was not good," said Khun Thomas.
Eight people representing the government, including Chief Minister L Phaung Sho, the Karenni Deputy Planning and Finance Minister U Maw Maw and a number of members of the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) attended the meeting. Five people from the working committee responsible for the statue were also in attendance. Sevens right activists and four members of the Karenni National Progressive Party also attended while two lawmakers were present as witnesses.
At the meeting, Chief Minister L Phaung Sho argued that Gen. Aung San is national hero and that many people in the country respect him. However, sticking to the line they have repeatedly argued in the case of the statue, the activists responded that the problem is not with building the statue, but rather that the Karenni people have their own history which they feel is being ignored.
At the meeting, Deputy Planning and Finance Minister U Maw Maw who has denied accusations of his involvement in the statue plan, was seen in photos projected by the activists playing a part in bringing statue to the park where it is located in Loikaw.
U Zaw Htay, spokesperson of the Myanmar President's Office, attended the meeting as a representative of the NRPC. He said his presence at the meeting showed that the Union government was ready to negotiate for a solution to the problem. He emphasized that the government did not want to have further problems in the statue case and that they are eager to find a solution soon.
The activists proposed at the meeting that the government remove the statue and suggested that it could instead be erected at the local NLD office in Loikaw.
"They did not say whether they agreed with our proposal or not, but they explained why it is impossible to approve it," said Khun Thomas.
The right activists agreed to have one more meeting next month, from which they expect some good results will come.
"For us, we will deal with this problem peacefully. We wanted our region to have stability. They told us that the last meeting will be in April, and that some good results would come from it. That's why we agreed to have another meeting with them, said Khun Thomas.
"If we cannot get any agreeable answer from Union level, this could be our last [peaceful] effort. We have done what we should do and we will continue to fight for [the removal of the statue]," he said.
MRAUK-U, Rakhine State — As military artillery shells land and fighter jets bomb mountain ranges near rural villages, women and children from villages in restive northern Rakhine’s Mrauk-U Township have fled to urban areas in search of refuge.
Ywar Haung Taw Village is one of these villages which experienced shelling by the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, which started Monday and continued through Thursday. The village lies about 10 kilometers from the Mrauk-U heritage zone. More than 200 people from Ywar Haung Taw are seeking refuge in the town of Mrauk-U at Chit Thaung Monastery which has become a temporary camp for the displaced.
Daw Thein Thein Aye told The Irrawaddy that she vividly remembers the explosion of several artillery shells in her village, one of which landed in a home, severely wounding a woman and a man on March 18.
She speculates that the artillery fire either came from the Mrauk-U-based Light Infantry Battalion No. 540 or from the police regiment situated next to Koe Thaung Pagoda in the heritage zone of Mrauk-U which is a popular tourist destination.
A collection of 120 and 60 millimeter shells which exploded in Mrauk-U Township’s Ywar Haung Taw Village seen at a monastery in the village on March 20, 2019. / Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy
“There was no fighting in my village, but many bullets and artillery shells landed in our village,” she said.
Daw Mhwe Yaing Sein, another woman from the same village, explained that she had been afraid to leave her home as military troops were occasionally seen in the nearby forest during the day time. In rural Rakhine, many villages have not yet adopted modern toilets and traditionally practice open defecation in wooded areas near their homes.
Several women from Ywar Haung Taw explained that military troops stationed themselves in the forest and have been patrolling the village since Monday. Daw Khine Saw Than said that, smelling the strangers around the village, the dogs would bark throughout the night.
“We are scared of when [it gets dark]. We cannot sleep inside our home, so my family members and I sleep on the ground [under the house] as we have not prepared a bomb shelter like other villages,” said Daw Khine Saw Than.
The burnt-out site where the home of U Maung Win Yee once stood as photographed on March 20, 2019. / Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy
As women and children left the village for the town of Mrauk-U on Tuesday, most men stayed behind look after their homes during the day, sleeping together at the village monastery at night. The Irrawaddy traveled to Ywar Haung Taw with a local resident named Karen Chay on Wednesday in order to observe the situation.
On the way to the village, this reporter travelled close to the police regiment at Koe Thaung Pagoda and witnessed them firing artillery several times. After driving for another 15 minutes, Karen Chay led us to a home which had been hit by artillery shell.
A survivor of the shelling Daw Kyar Htay Sein explained that while her family and the family of neighbor U Maung Win Ye were lying on the floor of their home, they heard artillery shooting. This reporter saw the 120-millimeter mortar which landed on their home. U Maung Win Ye and his wife were wounded.
With bullets flying across the village, no one was able to stop the fire which had overcome the house and by morning it had been reduced to ashes.
“We never see a single [Arakan Army (AA) soldier] in my village. It was all about [the military's] aggressive actions towards us and [they] blame [their actions] on the AA."
On Tuesday and Wednesday, the military carried out an airstrike using two fighter jets on the mountain range close to Myebon Township’s Pan Myaung Village, a neighboring village of Ywar Haung Taw which is at the border of Mrauk-U Township.
A Google Maps screengrab showing the locations of police and military bases with white marks close to Ywar Haung Taw Village in Mrauk-U Township.
Pan Myaung resident Daw Than Than Win was shot on her thigh by a government soldier at her home at about 1 p.m. on Wednesday while government soldiers raided her village. She was transported from the village to Mrauk-U General Hospital in the afternoon.
Recounting the ordeals to The Irrawaddy, she said that while walking to the toilet, a young soldier, who she guesses to be aged about 20 years old, knelt down with an assault rifle outside the fence and then shot at her. Her daughter and a sibling quickly came out and dragged her into the temporary bomb shelter they had made near the house.
“If my daughter and sibling failed to drag in me like that, I could have been killed by bullets,” said Daw Than Than Win.
Daw Than Than Win's daughter said that army fighter jets were bombing in the mountain range since earlier on Wednesday morning. She said it was around 1 p.m. when they heard gunfire nearby and found her mother had been shot in front of her home. She said about 130 men from the village were captured by soldiers and interrogated, and all but four were later set free.
A local relief group from Mrauk-U told The Irrawaddy that about 1,500 people from Pan Myaung Village were displaced and fighting was still ongoing in the region as of Thursday. Since last December, government military troops and AA rebels have been clashing in five townships of northern Rakhine State and Paletwa Township in southern Chin State.
Local charity groups estimate that the displaced population in northern Rakhine has now reached approximately 20,000.
DHAKA — Myanmar on Wednesday handed back four Bangladeshi nationals arrested nine-and-a-half years ago for entering Myanmar waters illegally while fishing the Naff River, which defines part of the border between the two countries.
A delegation from Bangladesh received the nationals at a meeting in the north of Myanmar’s Rakhine State, said Pronoy Chakma, an assistant commissioner of the Teknaf Sub-District of Cox’s Bazar District in Bangladesh.
Two of the men — Muhammad Jashim, 44, and Muhammad Ilias, 29, from Cox’s Bazar’s Nazirpara Village — were sentenced to 21 years and that the other two — Azgar Ali, 39, and Sabbir Ahmed, 36, from Cox’s Bazar’s Maulvipara Village — were sentenced to 25 years, said ASM Mizanur Rahman, a Bangladesh police inspector who attended the meeting in Maungdaw Township.
“They were mainly charged with trespassing. They served nine-and-a-half years and the Myanmar government reduced their sentences,” he said.
Police in Teknaf said Myanmar released Jashim and Ilias from jail on Jan. 24 and the other two on Jan. 28, after the two governments discussed their case.
They said about 30 more Bangladeshi nationals were still in jail in Rakhine, most of them for entering Myanmar waters illegally while fishing.
Mohammad Barikul Islam, the head of Bangladesh’s consulate in the Rakhine State capital, Sittwe, was scheduled to attend the meeting in Maungdaw but could not because of fighting in the area between the Myanmar military and insurgents, the Teknaf officers said.
On its Facebook page the same day, the consulate said the four men had been repatriated.
The officers added that they were soon reunited with their families.
WASHINGTON—U.S. President Donald Trump warned on Wednesday that the United States may leave tariffs on Chinese goods for a "substantial period" to ensure that Beijing complies with any trade agreement.
The stance could complicate U.S.-China trade talks set to resume next week, as Chinese officials have been pressing for a full lifting of U.S. tariffs as part of any deal, people familiar with the talks have said.
Trump said his top negotiators, U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, would leave for Beijing this weekend, confirming plans for talks next week disclosed on Tuesday by an administration official.
The face-to-face talks will be the first since Trump delayed a March 1 deadline to avert a rise in tariffs on $200 billion worth of Chinese imports to 25 percent from the current 10 percent.
"The deal is coming along nicely," Trump said to reporters at the White House, adding that the China trip was intended "to further the deal."
But when asked about lifting U.S. tariffs on Chinese goods, Trump said: "We're not talking about removing them. We’re talking about leaving them for a substantial period of time because we have to make sure that if we do the deal, China lives by it."
Trump did not elaborate on his plans for the tariffs. His negotiators have demanded that China agree to an enforcement mechanism to ensure that Beijing follows through on any reform pledges in any deal.
Washington is demanding that China end practices it says force the transfer of American technology to Chinese companies, improve access for American companies to China’s markets and curb industrial subsidies.
Since July 2018, the United States has imposed duties on $250 billion worth of Chinese imports, including $50 billion in technology and industrial goods at 25 percent and $200 billion in other products including furniture and construction materials, at 10 percent. China has hit back with tariffs on about $110 billion worth of U.S. goods, including soybeans and other commodities.
The eight-month trade war between the world’s two largest economies has raised costs, roiled financial markets, shrunk U.S. farm exports and disrupted manufacturing supply chains.
Later on Wednesday, during a speech in Lima, Ohio, Trump emphasized again that he wanted the United States to reach a "great" trade deal with China.
"We’re so far down, it’s got to be a great deal. If it’s not a great deal, you never catch up," Trump said in remarks at a military tank manufacturing plant.
KUALA LUMPUR—Over the past year, the number of patients treated each day in the hospital unit where cardiologist Ade Imasanti Sapardan works in Indonesia’s capital has almost doubled to about 100.
Sapardan, who sees up to 150 people every week, cites worsening air pollution as a major reason for the rise in patients seeking treatment in the mega-city of Jakarta, home to 10 million people.
“People in Jakarta have bad pollution every day … everybody is not really breathing safe air,” Sapardan told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
Half her patients suffer from symptoms linked to air pollution — like chest pains, coughing and breathlessness.
Nine out of 10 people breathe polluted air, according to the World Health Organization (WHO), a problem that impacts more cities in Asia than anywhere else in the world.
Burning fossil fuels is a large contributor to air pollution, which kills about 7 million people prematurely each year. Green campaigners and energy experts say Asia’s growing demand for coal-fired power is one key cause of that pollution.
Coal demand outside Asia peaked in 1988 and has since fallen by a third.
During the same period, it rose 3.5-fold in Asia, now the world’s main driver of coal-power demand, according to a report published late last year by the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington.
"Cities with the worst air pollution are all in Asia and a lot of it is to do with coal," said Nikos Tsafos, a CSIS researcher.
"The region has such huge economic growth and potential, where the desire to bring electricity to people trumps all other concerns."
An air quality report published by Greenpeace and IQAir AirVisual this month showed that the world’s 100 most polluted cities are largely in Asia — with India and China dominating.
Jakarta and Hanoi are the two most polluted cities in Southeast Asia, according to the report.
But while China has already curbed coal use to meet politically important smog targets, and India this year launched a nationwide anti-pollution program, Tsafos said Southeast Asia was a "blind spot."
Lawsuit
Like many Asian countries, Indonesia is experiencing a rise in urbanization, population and economic growth and is scrambling to find ways to increase its power capacity.
Jakarta has about 10 coal power plants within a 100-kilometer (60-mile) radius of the city, green campaigners said, with up to three more being planned.
Now 20 Jakarta residents are to file a lawsuit against Indonesian President Joko Widodo, backed by non-governmental organizations including environmental group Greenpeace.
They argue policymakers have not done enough to tackle air pollution in the capital and hope to force the government to move away from coal power and into renewables.
Sapardan’s medical expertise will be used in the action, which will also target the governors of Jakarta and its surrounding regions as well as the country’s health and forestry ministers.
They want a tightening of air standards, coordinated efforts to tackle air pollution, and recognition by the central government of the link between coal-power plants and air pollution, to force a change in power policy.
"The global trend is now to stay away from coal, but in Southeast Asia it has gone the other way, including in Indonesia," said Tata Mustasya, climate and energy campaign coordinator at Greenpeace Southeast Asia.
"We still use coal and are expanding it to meet our power needs."
A spokesman for Widodo, who will stand for re-election in national polls next month, was unable to provide an immediate comment, while the energy ministry did not respond to requests for comment.
Asia-Pacific consumed 75 percent of the world’s coal in 2017, according to the BP Statistical Review of World Energy, up from 50 percent 20 years ago.
An abundance of locally produced, cheap coal and a failure to promote alternative energy sources were key reasons for Asia bucking the global trend away from coal, energy experts said.
"We have cases in the Philippines where people are suffering respiratory diseases because of coal-power plants and coal ash from which they will never recover," said Rayyan Hassan, executive director at the NGO Forum on ADB in Manila.
Cash flow
With many investment and development banks moving away from coal projects, financing Asia’s coal boom has been left to state-backed banks and bilateral agencies, energy experts and environmental campaigners said.
Japan ramping up its coal-power capacity after the Fukushima nuclear disaster had led to a boon in clean-coal technologies that were now being exported across Asia, said green activists, who also cited China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
"There is a narrative that says a lot of this is being enabled by the Belt and Road Initiative — that China is exporting coal technology and generation to the region," said Tsafos.
But as renewable energy becomes more competitive, market forces will help move Asia away from coal, said Yongping Zhai, an energy expert at the Asian Development Bank (ADB) in Manila.
The ADB’s 2009 energy policy states that the bank can still consider coal projects in rare cases where the power provides energy access to the poor and uses advanced technologies.
Despite this, the ADB has no coal-power projects in the pipeline and the last coal-power project it was involved with was back in 2013, said Zhai.
Although the effects of air pollution in Asia would be felt for decades, Tsafos said calls for clean air in China had led to a reduction in coal consumption and this could now be mirrored in other parts of Asia.
"Local air pollution can be a really good agent of change,” he said. "That’s where pressure can pop up really quickly because people can see the damage but also politicians can show that they’ve delivered results."
MYAING THAR YAR, Yangon Region—Than Ei lived in the Thilawa area near Yangon for years, growing vegetables in her backyard and sending her two children to school with money from her husband’s construction job.
Then came the government order to move. Than Ei’s family was among 68 households relocated in 2013 to make way for the Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ), the first such industrial area in Myanmar, about 23 kilometers (15 miles) southeast of Yangon.
Authorities said each family would get a home a few miles away, or a plot of land and money to build a house, as well as jobs in the new factories, with good wages.
But six years on, Than Ei and others who moved say their incomes are lower than before, and they have only limited access to services. Many families sold their homes and left the area after they ran out of money, Than Ei said.
"There is no land to grow vegetables or to keep chickens, and we are not close to transport or the market anymore," Than Ei said outside her one-room home in Myaing Thar Yar Village.
"My husband only got a job as a security guard two years after (the move). We had to take out a loan until then, which we are still paying off."
For developing nations like Myanmar — which emerged from decades of economic isolation in 2011 when the military stepped back from direct control — SEZs are seen as a way to attract much-needed foreign investment and create jobs.
Authorities say Thilawa SEZ is being built according to international environmental and social safeguards, which includes getting the consent of residents and offering adequate compensation.
But for those whose lives have been uprooted by the country’s economic ambitions, the reality is different, said Mike Griffiths, a researcher at the Myanmar Social Policy and Poverty Research Group, a think tank based in Yangon.
"They not only have lower levels of income, but are more likely to have higher expenditure, higher rates of debt and lower employment rates," he wrote in a report last year on the relocated households.
"The picture is of extreme vulnerability."
Risky model
The model for economic growth that Myanmar and other countries in the region hope to emulate is that of China, which in the 1980s set up about half a dozen major SEZs to boost its market reforms.
Experts say SEZs have contributed significantly to China’s economic growth, with the World Bank estimating in 2015 that they accounted for nearly a quarter of the country’s GDP.
Spurred by China’s example, governments from sub-Saharan Africa to Southeast Asia have adopted SEZs, but analysts say they have a mixed record of success.
"The model has passed its use-by-date, and officials have been slow to catch on," said Charlie Thame, a professor of political science at Bangkok’s Thammasat University.
"Even from an economic point of view they are fraught with risk, mostly borne by host states."
In poorer nations, SEZs "overwhelmingly fail to provide decent jobs or generate beneficial effects to local economies," he said, and domestic legislation and international investment frameworks largely fail to protect those affected.
No consultation
When completed, the Thilawa SEZ will cover some 2,400 hectares (9 sq. miles) of land. Dozens of manufacturers, largely making goods for export, are already operating there.
Thilawa is the only operational SEZ in the country, with the Dawei SEZ in the southern region of Tanintharyi on hold after some initial construction. A third SEZ is planned, with Chinese investment, in Kyauk Pyu in Rakhine State.
The site in Thilawa had been earmarked for industrial use under the junta government in 1996, but the original plans fell through.
When authorities announced the start of development for the SEZ six years ago, they said since the land already belonged to the government, villagers living on it were only eligible to be compensated for their crops.
None of the residents made to move were consulted on the economic or social impacts of the development, said Mya Hlaing, a member of the Thilawa Social Development Group, which was set up to represent the villagers.
"We were also promised training and jobs, but very few have got jobs — and even then, only as cleaners and security guards," he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
A spokesman for Myanmar Japan Thilawa Development, which operates Zone 1 of the SEZ, said the land acquisition was carried out by government authorities, and that those affected had been offered several job opportunities.
Myanmar authorities did not respond to calls and e-mails seeking comment.
Backlash
About 600 kilometers away in southern Myanmar, development of the Dawei SEZ has been suspended since 2013, after it sparked community protests and hit funding difficulties.
The project is a joint venture of the Thai and Myanmar governments, and includes a 140-kilometer road to the Thai border, a port, a power plant, a reservoir and an industrial estate.
Most residents affected by the initial phase of construction refused to move into the nearly 500 homes that had been built a couple of miles away.
"We were not told what types of factories would be built or what their impact would be," said Mar Lar, who sold some of her land in the southern Htein Gyi village but still lives in her own home.
Residents in Dawei fear construction on the stalled project will resume soon, even as a backlash against SEZs is growing.
Protests broke out in Vietnam last year over planned new SEZs.
In India, the Supreme Court has asked why land acquired for SEZs is not being used, and the Myanmar government has scaled back its Kyauk Pyu project with China over fears of a debt trap.
But back in Thilawa, the second phase of construction is about to kick off and will see the relocation of more than 800 families, said Aye Khaing Win, a community leader.
"The government says the SEZ has done many good things, but we have lost our land. We have not benefited," he said.
