The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- KNPP, Kayah State Gov’t to Resume Regular Meetings
- Special Branch Sues Editor of Sittwe-Based Publication DMG
- Second BRI Forum Roundup—How Myanmar Fares
- Endangered Irrawaddy Dolphin Population Decreases Further
- Amid Mon-Karen Tensions, Troops Withdrawn and Normalcy Temporarily Restored
- Villagers Who Were Shot Dead in Custody Denied Funeral Rites, Locals Say
- Firebrand Monk Calls for Military Parliamentarians to be ‘Worshipped’
- Sri Lanka Police Discover Suspected Training Camp for Islamist Militants
- Fake Mews? Confusion Over Cat at Thai King’s Coronation Ceremony
- ‘I Shall Reign with Righteousness’: Thailand Crowns King in Ornate Ceremonies
- What’s Next for NDAA and Its Border Boomtown of Mong La?
| KNPP, Kayah State Gov’t to Resume Regular Meetings Posted: 06 May 2019 07:53 AM PDT CHIANG MAI, Thailand—The Kayah State government and the Karenni National Progressive Party agreed to conduct regular monthly meetings to resolve issues related to regional peace and development during talks in Loikaw, the capital of Kayah State, in the presence of a Union-level delegation sent by the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC). On Monday, the KNPP, state government and Union-level governmental delegation discussed ways of keeping their negotiation channels open. The Union-level peace negotiators were led by U Khin Zaw Oo, the secretary of the Peace Commission. Also present were Kayah State Chief Minister L Phaung Sho and the Myanmar military's Loikaw regional operations commander Brigadier General Myo Thant Naing. The KNPP delegation was led by its vice chairman, Khu Oo Reh. "We agreed to hold effective monthly talks with the state government, which were suspended for about six months," said Nei Neh Plo, the KNPP spokesman. The talks focused on cooperation in the development, health and education sectors at the state level. The KNPP and the state government conducted six monthly meetings from April to October last year but the discussions were halted following disputes about the military's additional deployment of troops in Kayah State, according to Nei Neh Plo. He said they have been negotiating with the military on the issues, and thus it is hoped the continued monthly discussions with the state government, in which military delegates were included, would be able to help reduce the tensions. These monthly meetings were first conducted last year after three KNPP soldiers and one civilian were allegedly murdered by Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, troops at the regional operations command based in Loikaw in December 2017. The Tatmadaw is conducting an inquiry but there have not been any results from the investigation so far. The area has also seen frequent disputes over territorial control and troop deployments, which local people see as a threat against them. The KNPP signed its first bilateral ceasefire in March 1995, but it broke down after three months. It entered bilateral ceasefire agreements in March 2012 and has since entered negotiations for the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, but has yet to sign the pact. It was also a member of the now defunct United Nationalities Federal Council. Since two of its UNFC partners—the New Mon State Party and Lahu Democratic Union— signed the NCA in February 2018, the KNPP has entered into further negotiations with the Union government to be able to sign the NCA. In March, they held formal talks in Naypyitaw with the NRPC and the military, and held three informal talks during the last six months, in November, January and early March, in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand. The group will continue negotiations with the Union government's peace negotiators on signing the NCA and further talks are likely to happen later this month. "The KNPP will continue the discussions to move forward on the NCA path and will keep the negotiations open with the government," said Nei Neh Plo. U Hla Maung Shwe, an adviser to the government Peace Commission, who was at Monday's meeting, told The Irrawaddy that the KNPP and the Union-level peace negotiators were able to "build trust" and said that trust needed to be kept up and expanded to the state level. The NRPC continues to hold peace talks with the non-signatories of the NCA aimed at securing their participation in the formal political dialogue. U Hla Maung Shwe said that during the current two-month extension of the military's unilateral ceasefire in five military commands in Kachin and Shan states, their priority is on trust building between the EAOs and the government, including the military. The post KNPP, Kayah State Gov't to Resume Regular Meetings appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Special Branch Sues Editor of Sittwe-Based Publication DMG Posted: 06 May 2019 06:14 AM PDT YANGON—The Home Affairs Ministry's Special Branch (SB) has opened a lawsuit against U Aung Min Oo, chief editor of Sittwe-based Development Media Group (DMG), under Article 17(2) of the Unlawful Association Act. Article 17(2) stipulates that anyone who promotes or assists an unlawful association shall be punished by five years' imprisonment. DMG is the most popular publication among Arakanese readers, as it provides timely information about the ongoing armed skirmishes between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw), as well as about rights abuses in northern Rakhine. As DMG's editor is currently not in Sittwe, Rakhine State's capital, No. 1 Sittwe police station summoned two reporters, Ko Nay Win San and Ko Thet Naing, for questioning on Sunday and Monday. U Aung Min Oo confirmed to The Irrawaddy via messenger that he has been sued by SB, but it remains unclear whether the lawsuit is related to DMG's coverage of the armed conflict in Rakhine. No. 1 Sittwe Police Station chief Captain Aung Mya Oo confirmed the questioning and lawsuit to The Irrawaddy on Sunday. "We are questioning them because SB has filed a case against the editor-in-chief U Aung Min Oo under 17 (2)," said the captain. But he refused to disclose the reason for the lawsuit because it's now in the questioning process. Chief reporter Ko Nay Win San recalled that police inquired about the role of his editor, the name of the publisher, and the news organization's structure. The police did not provide the name of the plaintiff or the reason for the prosecution. Ko Nay Win San said he was aware of a case named "Aung Min Oo and responsible persons" of the publication in the police files. According to him, the police offered only a brief explanation for the summons, saying it was related to DMG's news articles. Ko Nay Win San was asked about the purpose of his feature "Moonless Night in Mrauk-U" published in early 2019 to mark the first anniversary of a deadly crackdown by police in Mrauk-U in January 2018 that killed seven protesters and wounded a dozen. "I explained to them that the purpose of my story was to ensure that such a tragedy is never repeated," said Ko Nay Win San. Another reporter, Ko Thet Naing, was also asked about DMG's reporting on a shooting incident by a military unit in Rathedaung Township's Tha Mee Hla village in January. Monday's questioning lasted for about one hour, he said. In a statement issued to mark World Press Freedom Day on May 3, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi urged reporters to cover the news in line with journalistic ethics. In light of her comment, the DMG editor said, "Then what about indictments against journalists who cover [the issues] ethically?" DMG is the third organization sued by the military and the military-controlled Home Affairs Ministry so far this year. The military recently sued The Irrawaddy online publication and Radio Free Asia (RFA) for defamation over their coverage of the armed clashes between Myanmar military troops and the AA group in northern Rakhine. The Irrawaddy reporter Min Aung Khine contributed to this story from Sittwe. The post Special Branch Sues Editor of Sittwe-Based Publication DMG appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Second BRI Forum Roundup—How Myanmar Fares Posted: 06 May 2019 05:37 AM PDT YANGON— Despite global concerns about the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) causing unsustainable debt for countries involved, China managed to attract no less than 40 heads of state and delegates from 150 countries and 90 international organizations from around the world to Beijing for the Second Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation held in late April. During the two-day conference, China produced 283 deliverables. Chinese and Myanmar representatives, led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, agreed to nine deliverables—including three bilateral agreements—which demonstrate the country's willingness to be involved in BRI projects in the future. Chinese President Xi Jinping's signature foreign policy unveiled in 2013, the BRI is a grand vision to revive the historic Silk Road trade route and create a "21st-Century Maritime Silk Road." Ultimately planning to encompass nearly 70 countries and two-thirds of the world's population, it would create a network of trade routes from China to Europe passing through Central Asia, the Middle East and Russia. Myanmar occupies a unique geographical position in the global BRI plan, lying at the junction of South Asia and Southeast Asia, and between the Indian Ocean and southwestern China's landlocked Yunnan province. What about Myanmar? After the Second Belt and Road Forum, China officially released 283 concrete results in six categories, namely initiatives proposed or launched by the Chinese side; bilateral and multilateral documents signed during or immediately before the forum; multilateral cooperation mechanisms under the forum framework; investment projects and project lists; financing projects; and projects by local authorities and enterprises. Bilateral agreements Before the BRI forum officially started, China's top economic planning agency, the National Development and Reform Commission of China (NDRC) signed a bilateral document, a cooperation plan on China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) 2019-2030 with the Ministry of Planning and Finance of Myanmar. In September, a 15-point memorandum of understanding (MOU) for the CMEC was signed. The economic corridor is set to be part of the BRI and aims to construct basic infrastructure connecting key economic centers in Myanmar. Under the MOU, the governments agree to collaborate on projects in a number of sectors including basic infrastructure, construction, manufacturing, agriculture, transport, finance, human resources development, telecommunications, and research and technology. The MOU outlined the agreement that the CMEC will promote cooperation on industry, transportation, energy, agriculture, a "digital silk road", finance, tourism, environmental protection, people-to-people exchanges, science and technology, personnel training, water resources and flood prevention and control, according to Myanmar's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The estimated 1,700-kilometer-long corridor will connect Kunming, the capital of China's Yunnan province, to Myanmar's major economic checkpoints—first to Mandalay in central Myanmar, and then east to Yangon and west to the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ). The Ministry of Commerce of China signed the MOU on the Formulation of the Five-Year Development Plan for Economic and Trade Cooperation with Myanmar's Ministry of Investment and Foreign Economic Relations in late April which aims to enhance cooperation in investment and productivity. Myanmar and China also signed an agreement that outlines the countries' collaboration on the economy and technology. Under an economic and technical cooperation agreement, China will provide a grant of 1 billion yuan (225 billion kyats, or US$148 million) for socioeconomic development projects particularly projects to improve people's livelihoods, feasibility studies for major projects and humanitarian assistance for internally displaced persons in northern Myanmar. Multilateral cooperation at BRI forum At the forum, eight countries including Myanmar jointly released a Statement of Intent for Cooperation on Promoting Specification-setting for Pesticide Quality under the Belt and Road Initiative. As multilateral cooperation mechanisms under the BRI framework, China's ecology and environment ministry, along with 25 countries (including Myanmar) and international organizations (including the United Nations Environment Programme, the United Nations Industrial Development Organization and the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe) launched the BRI International Green Development Coalition. The coalition was proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping at the first Belt and Road Forum in May 2017. He spoke about the importance of promoting new philosophies of green development and enhancing cooperation in environmental protection and building an ecological civilization to achieve the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. China and the other member countries agree to support green development philosophies; work towards the 2030Agenda for Sustainable Development; push forward green and low-carbon construction, operation and management in infrastructure buildings; emphasize ecological civilization in investment and trade; and enhance cooperation in ecology, environment, biodiversity and addressing climate change, according to the BRI International Green Development Coalition. According to China's state media China Daily, Shanghai Cooperation Organization Environmental Information Sharing Platform and Green Supply Chain Platform and another four sub-platforms will support Belt and Road member countries with environmental data such as information on environmental protection laws, regulations, standards, policies, concept, technical exchange and industry cooperation. China officially announced the establishment of Belt and Road Energy Partnership (BREP) on the first day of the forum and Myanmar agreed to join along with 27 other Asian countries including Laos, Nepal, Pakistan, Mongolia and Cambodia. According to the documents, BREP aims to promote mutually beneficial energy cooperation, help countries jointly solve problems with energy development and to achieve shared development and prosperity. The BRI energy ministerial conference will be held every year and will initiate training projects for energy ministers and energy cooperation talent training as needed. China and member countries also released Cooperation Principles and Concrete Actions of the Belt and Road Energy Partnership at the forum. The document said member countries are to enhance policy exchanges, build bilateral and multilateral project cooperation and technology exchange platforms and to promote pragmatic cooperation in the energy field. Myanmar's Union Minister for Electricity and Energy U Win Khaing joined the Belt and Road Energy Ministerial Conference in Suzhou, China in October last year. At the second BRI forum, over 30 countries and regions including Myanmar agreed to establish the International Commercial Dispute Prevention and Settlement Organization (ICDPASO) offered by the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade and China's Chamber of International Commerce. Since August, the vice chairperson of the NDRC, Ning Jizhe told the media that China will strengthen legal risk prevention and control, and initiate the establishment of the BRI's international commercial dispute settlement mechanism and institutions. Chinese media reported that cross-border commercial disputes in international trade accepted by China’s people’s courts have dramatically increased. China established International Commercial Courts in Shenzhen, Guangdong, and Xi’an, Shaanxi last year to deal with mainly international commercial disputes between equal commercial entities. Under ICDPASO, China wants to adopt a “trinity” dispute settlement mechanism to mediate international commercial disputes and play a full role in mediation in resolving disputes with the wishes of the parties, members of the International Commercial Expert Committee and international commercial mediation agencies. Investment projects and project lists Except for these bilateral and multilateral agreements, Myanmar and China also signed CMEC project harvest lists and handed over the Feasibility Study Report of the Muse-Mandalay Railway. According to the list of deliverables in the document, the Ministry of Planning and Finance of Myanmar and the NDRC signed a document on the early harvest projects list of the CMEC. Myanmar's government has not officially publicized the list. In December 2018, Mandalay Region Finance and Planning Minister U Myat Thu told The Irrawaddy that China proposed implementing 40 projects, but finally the two sides tentatively agreed to implement nine projects as part of the economic corridor project, including three economic cooperation zones in Kachin and Shan states. In October, two state-owned companies—the China Railway Group Ltd. and Myanmar Railways—signed an MOU to conduct a feasibility study on the Mandalay Muse railway project, which itself is part of the CMEC, together. The Mandalay-Muse railway project will be 431 kilometers (268 miles) long and pass through armed conflict areas in Shan State. China Railway Group Ltd. covered the full cost of the study, which will assess the environmental and social impacts of the proposed railway line. According to the Ministry of Transport and Communications, the survey was carried out on the Naung Cho (Nawnghkio)-Lashio section of the railway between Jan. 6 and April 13 and the Lashio-Muse section between Jan. 15 and April 2. Muse, which lies on Myanmar's border near China's Yunnan province, is the largest trade portal between the two nations. Mandalay is central Myanmar's commercial center and the country's second largest city. The railway is expected to become a lifeline for China-Myanmar trade. Currently, Myanmar is implementing five priority transportation corridors. The Muse-Mandalay railway would be part of the South Transportation Corridor section of the Trans Asian Railway Network (TAR), a project implemented by the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. At the forum, China signed deals worth a total of more than $64 billion with several countries. It repeatedly reassured existing and potential partners that Beijing does not intend to saddle them with unsustainable debts and that it aims to benefit all parties involved in the initiative. China signed 13 bilateral and 16 multilateral agreements with Asian nations, including Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. However, there were no infrastructure projects included in those agreements. This second forum was completely different to the first BRI Forum held two years ago when most of the deals were related to bridges, railway links and roads. The post Second BRI Forum Roundup—How Myanmar Fares appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Endangered Irrawaddy Dolphin Population Decreases Further Posted: 06 May 2019 04:37 AM PDT MANDALAY—The discovery of the body of a young female Irrawaddy dolphin found in Thabeikyin Township, Mandalay Region on Saturday has further reduced the population of the increasingly rare dolphin breed from 72 to 71. The carcass of the dolphin aged approximately one-year-old and measuring 1.2 meters (4 feet) in length was found floating in the river in Thabeikyin. It is believed to have died two or three days ago, according to the Wildlife Conservation Society Myanmar (WCS Myanmar). "When we found the carcass, it was rotten and we could not tell exactly the cause of death. On the other hand, we can assume that electric fishing or other environmental matters, such as poisoning from pesticides or mercury waste from the gold mines, could be the cause of death," said U Han Win, the officer in charge of the Irrawaddy Dolphins Conservation team at WCS Myanmar and an official at the agriculture ministry's Department of Fisheries. The death of this female Irrawaddy dolphin is the second one this year and brings the population down to 71. "Only one death [among] these endangered species is already too much. We've conducted many education programs through WCS about conserving these Irrawaddy dolphins. However, this incident shows that locals—especially the fishermen—still need to follow the rules and regulations," he added. Since 2005, a defined protection zone for the endangered Irrawaddy dolphins has been in place stretching along the Irrawaddy River between Mingun and Kyauk Myaung in Sagaing Region, covering around 370 kilometers (230 miles). In October 2018, another protection area spanning 100 kilometers (62 miles) was defined between Male and Shwe Gu townships. The protection zones have strict measures in place to protect the dolphins, but rules go largely unenforced. Catching or killing dolphins is prohibited, as is trading their meat. A ban on electro-fishing and regulations on the types of nets permitted are also intended to protect the species, which is listed as critically endangered in Myanmar. According to surveys conducted by WCS, the number of Irrawaddy dolphins found in the protection zone was fewer than 20 between 2007-2009. That number increased dramatically after 2010 to 86. In 2014, the number declined to 63, shocking researchers. Over the course of the next four years, it rose again reaching 76 in 2018. A WCS survey conducted in February this year stated that a total of 72 Irrawaddy dolphins were found in the survey area which involved the section of the Irrawaddy River from Mandalay to Bhamo in Kachin State. Most of the deaths of the endangered species are attributed to electro-fishing, which is illegal in the country, said U Kyaw Hla Thein, site manager with the Irrawaddy Dolphins Conservation Team. According to WCS Myanmar, 18 fishermen were arrested and brought to court and 50 fishing boats using electro-fishing methods were seized in 2018. This year, 61 villages in the wildlife protection zone along the river are undergoing training in conservation of the Irrawaddy dolphins. "Despite threats of jail time and the education programs, the practice of electro-fishing and the use of gill nets, especially in the protection zones, are still happening. Environmental issues such as pollution are still a threat to the lifeline of the dolphins," U Kyaw Hla Thein said. "Many local civil society groups and activists are also involved in conservation and the knowledge to protect these endangered species is dramatically rising. However, there is still not enough cooperation from the local community." As well as Myanmar, Irrawaddy dolphins can also be found in the Mekong River in Cambodia and Laos, and in Mahakham in Indonesia, according to WCS Myanmar. In Myanmar, the endangered species are particularly famous among researchers and local fishermen for their co-fishing partnerships. A traditional fishing method in the area sees dolphins work with fishermen to round up shoals of fish and drive them towards the awaiting nets. The phenomenon is drawing increasing numbers of tourists to that area along the Irrawaddy River. To promote the conservation of the unique dolphins, the local community, WCS Myanmar and local organizations have established community-based tourism projects which facilitate Irrawaddy dolphin co-fishing experiences for tourists. The post Endangered Irrawaddy Dolphin Population Decreases Further appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Amid Mon-Karen Tensions, Troops Withdrawn and Normalcy Temporarily Restored Posted: 06 May 2019 04:19 AM PDT Karen rebels have withdrawn troops from Tha Thein village, near the Three Pagodas Pass, on Sunday, amid recent military tensions with a Mon armed group, according to Karen State border sources. The move follows a meeting between the two factions on May 3. Nai Ah Kar, a New Mon State Party (NMSP) officer in the Three Pagodas Pass area, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) — the armed wing of the Karen National Union (KNU) — has withdrawn their troops already and all locals may now travel freely. Nai Ah Kar said the NMSP is also preparing to withdraw troops from the high-tension area, returning all Mon and Karen troops to their military barracks and deflating all tensions, returning the situation to normal. Saw Htee Edward, of the KNU's Liaison Office in Three Pagodas Pass, also confirmed that his troops have already withdrawn from Mon areas. Tensions arose following a small clash on April 29 between the KNLA and Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA), the armed wing of the NMSP, over a territorial dispute regarding a logging project. At the May 3 meeting near Three Pagodas Pass, a dozen KNU and NMSP leaders agreed on three points: that both sides would withdraw troops from areas of military tension; that the NMSP would temporarily stop a logging project in the area; and that both sides would give advanced warning when troops travel to each controlled area in the future, according to Nai Ah Kar. The disputed area has seen peace since the NMSP signed a ceasefire with the Myanmar government in 1995. Both the KNU and the NMSP later made verbal agreements to work towards local development and economic improvement, especially in the area of forestry. In a previous logging project carried out by the NMSP there, that group agreed to give the KNU 19,000 kyats for every ton of timber they harvested; this time, however, the KNU did not accept the payment, insisting the area belongs to them. The post Amid Mon-Karen Tensions, Troops Withdrawn and Normalcy Temporarily Restored appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Villagers Who Were Shot Dead in Custody Denied Funeral Rites, Locals Say Posted: 06 May 2019 03:17 AM PDT SITTWE—Buddhist funeral rites were denied for six local residents shot dead by the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) in the village of Kyauktan in Rakhine State's Rathedaung Township, local residents told The Irrawaddy. They said an informal burial was held on Friday. "At first, family members were not allowed to see the bodies. Soldiers informed the family members and villagers only after they took the bodies to the cemetery. And the funeral rites could not be performed. An informal funeral was held," Ma Soe Soe, a resident of Kyauktan village, told The Irrawaddy. According to Buddhist custom, funeral rites are performed by monks, to whom family members make donations in the hope that the deceased may benefit from the merit upon their rebirth. "As funeral rites could not be performed for them, they lost their rights," said Buddhist monk Sayadaw U Wunna Siri. Funeral attendees were also prohibited from taking photos of the funeral with their mobile phones, the villagers said. However, Brigadier-General Zaw Min Tun of the Tatmadaw True News Information Team said the bodies were handed over to family members at around 9.30 a.m. on Friday, adding that funeral rites were performed according to Buddhist tradition. "It is not that [funeral attendees] were not allowed to take photos and videos [of the funeral]. We handed over the bodies to family members, and allowed the funeral to be organized in line with religious customs," he told The Irrawaddy. He added that Buddhist rites were performed at the funeral. But Ma Soe Soe, the Kyauktan village resident, told The Irrawaddy, "The monks cannot even leave the monastery; how could a funeral possibly have been organized in line with Buddhist funeral rites? I attended the funeral. Family members were only able to see the bodies for a while. All the bodies were disfigured." Brig-Gen. Zaw Min Tun said the Tatmadaw had assigned a senior military officer to investigate the allegations, and that it would officially release the findings. On April 30, Tatmadaw troops arrived at Kyauktan village and summoned all the male villagers above the age of 15. Then, they interrogated 275 villagers at the village school on suspicion of having ties to the Arakan Army (AA). According to villagers who were injured in the incident, a detainee who had been scared by the ongoing detention jumped over the fence and escaped. Soldiers fired at the man and more than 200 detainees stood up to see what was happening. Unexpectedly, soldiers surrounded them from both sides and fired into the crowd, the injured villagers said. While six of the detainees were shot dead, eight others were injured. The Tatmadaw confirmed the fatalities but claimed its soldiers opened fire on the captive villagers because they tried to snatch guns from the soldiers, an account which differs to that shared by those at the scene. "We were sleeping when we suddenly heard gunfire. So, we were frightened and checked what was happening. Then a villager ran into the crowd, shouting 'Run! Run!' This was followed by soldiers opening fire on us. So, we all ran in different directions out of fear. We were surrounded by soldiers both inside and outside [the school]; how could we snatch guns?" said Ko Kyaw Kyaw Nyein, one of the injured detainees receiving treatment at Sittwe Hospital. The Tatmadaw released 126 villagers on Friday, and said that more would be released later. The post Villagers Who Were Shot Dead in Custody Denied Funeral Rites, Locals Say appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Firebrand Monk Calls for Military Parliamentarians to be ‘Worshipped’ Posted: 06 May 2019 01:04 AM PDT YANGON—U Wirathu, a firebrand nationalist monk has again sparked controversy by comparing military-appointed lawmakers to the Buddha at a rally on Sunday. Speaking in front of Yangon City Hall at the demonstration calling for Article 59(f) of the 2008 Constitution to be maintained and for Article 261 to be amended, the ultranationalist monk called for the military-appointed lawmakers to be worshipped like the Buddha. "Today, soldiers sit in the Parliament, braving the wrath [of the people]. They don't get the salaries of a lawmaker. The only get their soldiers' salaries. You should, in fact, worship the soldiers who protect the country despite the wrath and their [modest] soldiers' salaries. But now, you loathe them as an enemy. It is not yet time to amend the Constitution," said U Wirathu. The military-drafted 2008 Constitution guarantees the military 25 percent of seats in Parliament. Any amendment to the Constitution requires approval from more than 75 percent of lawmakers, giving the military veto power. U Wirathu also criticized the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) government and the NLD-dominated Parliament, saying that they should change their behavior first because they themselves do not meet democratic norms. "I'd like to ask legislators if they are as qualified as their international counterparts. If they are, we would be happy to see that all the soldiers are removed [from the Parliament]," said the monk. While the monk was addressing the crowd, one man heckled him from the audience, leading to a brawl between him and nationalist attendees. "As Sayadaw was speaking on the stage, he jeered at him below the stage. He mocked the Sayadaw from the start of his talks, so we pulled him out for fear that he would get into trouble with the nationalists. But then, it resulted in a spell of commotion," said a female nationalist who was at the event. Members of the police force took the man to a nearby police station. U Wirathu is notorious for his anti-Muslim rhetoric and is seen as having stirred the tensions that caused communal violence in Rakhine State in 2012. In 2013, his portrait was on the front cover of Time magazine with the title “The Face of Buddhist Terror.” He was banned by the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, the highest Buddhist authority of Myanmar, from preaching for one year due to his hate-invoking speeches. On Friday, Thai authorities banned a sermon by U Wirathu scheduled to be held in Phuket in the far south of the country. Myanmar migrant worker communities in Phuket regularly organize Dhamma sermons given by Buddhist monks invited over from Myanmar, and it was the first time an event had been prohibited, according to migrant worker advocacy groups. Other notorious nationalists U Win Ko Ko Latt and U Hlaw Swe also spoke at the event. Their speeches focused on opposing the amending of Article 59(f), a controversial part of the Constitution which bars Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from becoming president for having been married to a foreigner, and because her sons are British citizens. The demonstrators called for the protection of Article 59 and Article 361, plus the amending of Article 261 in line with the law. Article 361 stresses the special position of Buddhism as "the faith professed by the great majority of the citizens" of the Union. In February, despite strong opposition from the military and the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the Union Parliament approved to form a 45-member committee to draft amendments to the Constitution. The post Firebrand Monk Calls for Military Parliamentarians to be 'Worshipped' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Sri Lanka Police Discover Suspected Training Camp for Islamist Militants Posted: 05 May 2019 10:08 PM PDT KATTANKUDY, Sri Lanka—Sri Lankan police on Sunday discovered a 10-acre camp in the eastern town of Kattankudy, where Islamist militants linked to the deadly Easter attacks are believed to have practiced shooting and bomb making. The walled terrain is nestled in a poor residential area on the outskirts of the home town of Zahran Hashim, who is believed to have been a key player in plotting the April 21 attacks. Islamic State has claimed responsibility for the church and hotel bombings that killed more than 250 people. The narrow, sandy plot is dotted with a cinderblock four-story watchtower, as well as mango trees, a chicken coop and a goat shed. “They wanted to show this place was normal. If someone comes to see, it looks like a farm. But what they were doing is terrorism,” said a senior police officer in the Batticaloa area, asking to remain anonymous because he was not authorized to speak to media. Police found bullet holes in the wall on one side of the grounds, as well as long tubes suspected of holding bombs, the officer said. Two owners of the plot of land have been arrested, the officer said. The post Sri Lanka Police Discover Suspected Training Camp for Islamist Militants appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Fake Mews? Confusion Over Cat at Thai King’s Coronation Ceremony Posted: 05 May 2019 09:36 PM PDT BANGKOK—Animal lovers in Thailand were thrown into confusion on Sunday over whether a Siamese cat presented to the newly crowned Thai king and his queen was a living feline—or not. Thailand is holding three days of coronation events for King Maha Vajiralongkorn, 66, who was officially crowned on Saturday in elaborate ceremonies. It is tradition at royal coronations to present a cat—as well as several symbolic household items—to a new monarch as part of the private Assumption of the Royal Residence blessing ceremony, which was held on Saturday at the Chakrabat Biman residence. Cats are considered lucky by many Thais and the tradition of giving one as a housewarming gift signifies a stable home. On Sunday morning, several Thai media outlets carried a photo of two uniformed palace officials next to what appeared to be a docile Siamese cat and a fluffy white rooster. The image, distributed by the Bureau of the Royal Household, was not captioned. But by afternoon, the Thai-language news site Manager was reporting that the palace had used a “cat doll” instead of a live cat. A palace official, contacted by Reuters, said: “The royal ceremony required the use of a rooster and a cat. It should not be the focus whether the animals were real or not, but instead the ritual itself is important.” Reuters was unable to independently confirm whether live animals were used in the ceremony or the photograph. A Facebook page Maewthai.com—”ThaiCat.com”—posted a copy of the palace photo with a message from a well-known cat breeder saying he originally had been asked to select two gentle male Siamese cats for the ceremony but his cats were ultimately not used. “I feel grateful for His Majesty’s kindness for feeling compassionate about the cats, fearing that the animal would suffer from waiting too long during ceremonies, so the cats were not used,” said the breeder, whose post did not identify him by name. The breeder did not directly address whether the cat in the palace photo was a doll. That ambiguity confused some Thais who posted comments online. “So is it real or fake cat?” a Facebook user called Niphawan Rakpontee asked. Another user named Krittaya Parichayanan said “It’s a real cat isn’t it?" “This is likely a stuffed cat,” user Prapaporn Tongprasan said. Thailand has strict lese majeste laws carrying prison sentences of up to 15 years for insulting the king, queen or the heir-apparent. Historical images of the 1926 coronation of King Rama VII, the current monarch’s great uncle, show a group photo with female members of the royal family holding both a Siamese cat—a breed that originated in Thailand—as well as a rooster. The tradition of using cats in royal household ceremonies dates back centuries, said historian and writer Sujane Kanparit. “The meaning of having a cat is that it brings warmth to the household. It is an old court tradition that has appeared in the royal chronicles,” he told Reuters. Asked if the cat in the palace photo was alive or a doll, Sujane said: “I have no idea.” The post Fake Mews? Confusion Over Cat at Thai King’s Coronation Ceremony appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| ‘I Shall Reign with Righteousness’: Thailand Crowns King in Ornate Ceremonies Posted: 05 May 2019 09:26 PM PDT BANGKOK—Thailand’s King Maha Vajiralongkorn on Saturday completed Buddhist and Brahmin rituals to symbolically transform him into a living god as the Southeast Asian nation crowned its first monarch in nearly seven decades. The coronation of King Vajiralongkorn, 66, took place inside the Grand Palace throne hall in Bangkok after a period of official mourning for his revered father, King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who died in October 2016 having reigned for 70 years. The king sat on a golden throne under a nine-tiered umbrella to receive royal regalia including a gold-enameled, diamond-tipped crown in ceremonies that mixed glittering pomp with solemn religious rites. The monarch was joined by new Queen Suthida after a surprise announcement three days before the coronation that the thrice-divorced monarch had married for a fourth time. His coronation comes amid the uncertainty of an unresolved election battle between the current military junta chief and a “democratic front” trying to push the army out of politics. “I shall continue, preserve, and build upon the royal legacy and shall reign with righteousness for the benefit and happiness of the people forever,” the king said in his first royal command. Traditionally uttered after a king is crowned, the king’s first command serves to capture the essence of his reign. The king’s command was similar to that of his father’s. Late in the afternoon, the king was carried in a royal palanquin in a procession from the Grand Palace to the Temple of the Emerald Buddha, where yellow-clad Thais awaited his arrival, repeatedly chanting, “Long live the king.” After 80 Buddhist monks chanted, the king proclaimed himself the Royal Patron of Buddhism: “I will rightfully protect Buddhism forever.” Later, King Vajiralongkorn and Queen Suthida performed a private housewarming ritual at the royal residence in the Grand Palace where they stayed the night, as previous kings have done, ending the first of the three-day coronation ceremonies. In his first speech earlier on Saturday to members of the royal family, the Privy Council, and top government officials, among others, the king called for national unity. “I invite everyone here and all Thai people to share my determination and work together, each according to his status and duty, with the nation’s prosperity and the people’s happiness as the ultimate goals,” he said. Military junta leader Prayuth Chan-ocha, the speaker of the army-appointed parliament and the chairman of the Supreme Court—representing the three branches of government—also spoke to express “gratitude” to the king. Prayuth is seeking to stay on as an elected prime minister after the first elections since the military seized power five years ago. Final results of the March 24 vote will be announced after the coronation. Divine monarch Thai coronation rituals are a mixture of Buddhist and Hindu Brahmin traditions dating back centuries. One of the many official titles King Vajiralongkorn will take is Rama X, or the 10th king of the Chakri dynasty founded in 1782. Saturday’s rituals were about transforming him into a “Devaraja,” or a divine embodiment of the gods. The king received the royal golden plaque containing his name and title, the royal horoscope, and the royal seal, which were made in a three-hour ritual last week. He also received and put on five articles of the royal regalia from the chief Brahmin. The high-reaching crown, which weighs 7.3 kilograms (16 pounds) symbolizes the summit of Mount Meru, the Hindu god Indra’s heavenly abode, and its weight represents the monarch’s royal burden. King Vajiralongkorn put the crown on his head himself with the help of court officials, and adjusted it several times during the ceremony. Before the crowning ritual, he appeared dressed in white robes as he underwent a purification ritual, sitting under a canopied fountain that poured consecrated waters over his head. The country’s Buddhist Supreme Patriarch also poured sacred waters over the king, followed by Brahmin priests and royal family members. During the ceremonies, the king gave alms to saffron-robed, barefoot monks. The monarch also granted Queen Suthida, a former Thai Airways flight attendant and head of his personal bodyguard regiment, her full royal title. Outside the palace walls, people in yellow polo shirts sat on roadsides, holding up portraits of the king and the national flag as 19th-century cannons fired to announce the new reign. Yellow is the color of Monday, the day the king was born, and the color of the sun, which represents the monarch in the cosmos, according to Thai culture. One onlooker, Kanjana Malaithong, told local media she had traveled since 1 a.m. from northern Thailand to witness the ceremony, shown live on big screens outside the palace. “I’m so overjoyed … There’ll never be another chance like this, it’s a once-in-a-lifetime event,” she said. During 18 months of his reign so far, King Vajiralongkorn has moved to consolidate the authority of the monarchy, including taking more direct control of the crown’s vast wealth with the help of Thailand’s military government. Thailand ended absolute rule by its kings in 1932, but the monarchy remains highly revered as the divine symbol and protector of the country and Buddhist religion. The post ‘I Shall Reign with Righteousness’: Thailand Crowns King in Ornate Ceremonies appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| What’s Next for NDAA and Its Border Boomtown of Mong La? Posted: 05 May 2019 07:13 PM PDT The National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) was formed in 1989 after splitting from the former Communist Party of Burma (CPB), which rose in rebellion against the Myanmar government. The NDAA was one of the first groups to sign a ceasefire with the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw). The NDAA controls Mong La, Nanban and Sele districts, which constitute Shan State Special Region 4, also known as the Mong La Area. As June 30 marks the 30th anniversary of the NDAA's signing of a truce with the Tatmadaw, U Kham Maung, who is on the executive board of the Peace and Solidarity Committee (PSC), the political wing of the NDAA, recently talked to The Irrawaddy's Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint about how the PSC built a booming border town over the past 30 years, the state of the region's economy, and the political ideology of the PSC.  The NDAA will celebrate the 30th anniversary of the signing of the peace agreement on a grand scale, with a military parade and traditional dancing. While the United Wa State Army (UWSA), Myanmar's largest ethnic armed group, showed off drones and anti-aircraft missiles at the 30th anniversary of the signing of its truce with the central government, U Kham Maung said the NDAA does not possess such weapons. Mong La is growing much faster than major towns on the mainland. How did the NDAA work to bring about economic prosperity in the past 30 years? Before that, we fought a war as part of the CPB. At the time, we called the military government the "Ne Win military regime". As the CPB said that [the regime] was the common enemy of the people, we fought a war for over 20 years. People died and faced appalling material hardship. They had neither shelter nor food. So, the leadership thought that if we remained under the leadership of the CPB, we would have to continue fighting even if we were not willing to do so. So, we split from the CPB on April 19, 1989. Then, we established the NDAA with troops from #815 War Zone [designated by the CPB], which is Nanban and Mong La of Special Region 4 today, and Brigade 764 based in Sele District [the brigade was then under the direct control of the CPB]. We combined those two forces and established the NDAA. Then we contacted Military Intelligence [now the Office of the Chief of Military Security Affairs] and implemented a ceasefire.  On June 30, 1989, the country's leaders designated this region as Special Region 4 of eastern Shan State. We had long been in poverty. So our leaders thought about how to develop our area and we built Mong La under the guidance of our chairman U Sai Linn and with the participation of all the local ethnic people. When we signed the truce, the military government allowed us to retain the areas which we had taken control of through fighting, on condition that we stopped fighting. And they urged us to develop our own areas. At that time we had no schools. They asked us what we needed, and we told them we were lagging behind in the health and education sectors. We signed the truce on June 30, and the military government sent education, health, agriculture and veterinary staff in July. Given that they only had military experience, what difficulties did the leaders of Mong La region face in spurring regional development? At the time, our leaders only knew how to wage war. They understood nothing about regional development, and they had no experience. So, we struggled hard to build it into the splendid town it is today by trial and error. The government as well as our friends [other ethnic armed groups] gave us advice. We planned to build our town as a tourist town. Our town had nothing in the past [to attract travelers]. Then we built pagodas, a national races village and organized elephant and crocodile shows as well as a gay show, which we imported from Thailand. Mong La had quite a lot of hustle and bustle at the time, and we were able to attract many travelers. From 1995 to 2004, we received 500 to 800 20-seater and 30-seater buses of Chinese travelers from Xishaungbana daily. They arrived in the town around 8 am. They enjoyed the shows and visited pagodas, and went back around 2 pm. Our town was quite alive with visitors. Why did the tourism industry decline later? It is difficult to say. We didn't wish to see that. But China might have its own regulations. In December 2004, the Chinese government closed the Tar Law gate. So, it has been more than 10 years since I last visited China. It has tightened restrictions.  We also have a Hotels and Tourism Department. It contacted the Hotels and Tourism Department in China. Today, we still receive Chinese travelers, but the number has declined significantly. Your group signed the truce 30 years ago, but the government has asked it to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). What is the view of Mong La leaders on this? At first, we said we would take part in the political dialogue, but we would not sign the NCA because clashes have not taken place for nearly 30 years. But then, when we attended the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference, the country's leaders said the NCA is more comprehensive than the previous ceasefire agreement. We don't oppose the NCA, but we adhere to a policy of an all-inclusive peace process. If all the ethnic armed organizations would sign it, we are ready to sign it any time. By all-inclusive, which particular groups do you mean? What if the UWSA said it didn't wish to sign the NCA? There are 21 ethnic armed groups, and 10 groups have signed the NCA. I mean, if eight or nine remaining groups sign it, we will also sign. We have to take the views of other groups and the overall situation into consideration. So, it is difficult for us to sign it separately. It is up to the UWSA whether or not to sign it. We have to look at the other organizations.  Your group signed ceasefire agreements during the time of U Thein Sein's government. Does the current government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi recognize those agreements or has it introduced a new process? We signed three truces—one at the state-level and two at the Union level, signed separately in Kengtung and Mong La. And we are currently abiding by those agreements. President U Thein Sein's government promised us a [political] dialogue after signing the agreement at three levels. But now, we are told that we can participate in the dialogue only after signing the NCA. So, we are waiting to engage in dialogue. What would Mong La leaders like to discuss as part of the political dialogue? As we've said earlier, we will demand autonomy for Special Region 4. We demanded autonomy when the National Convention was convened in 1993. Under the 2008 Constitution, six other ethnic groups were given autonomy, but we weren't. And we don't know why. We just want to govern our region. This is our policy and political ambition. There is nothing special. We want autonomy according to the law. That's all. What is the size and population of Special Region 4? Eastern Shan State covers 4,952 square miles, and most of the areas are mountainous. The population is around 100,000, and there are 13 indigenous tribes, and the majority of them are Shan, Akha, Tai Lue and Kokang. The other tribes only account for a few hundreds to a few thousand. There are 413 villages in total. There are three districts, which we call regions—Nanban, Mong La and Sele—and there are 26 village tracts. Why wasn't Special Region 4 granted autonomy while other ethnic special regions were? We don't know why. We are asking the same question. Are NDAA leaders concerned that the government will try militarily or by other means to strip Mong La of Special Region status and incorporate Mong La into the mainland if Mong La remains as a Special Region without autonomy? It seems hopeless if we are not constitutionally granted autonomy. We want the Constitution to be changed. The fate of our Special Region 4 will be different only when the Constitution is changed. We wish that would happen. According to the existing Constitution, our Nanban Region is Mongyu Township, and Mong La, where our administration is headquartered, is in Kengtung Township. And Sele Region is in Mong Yang Township.  What was the position of the leaders of Special Region 4 when the 2008 Constitution was drafted? Our chairman Sai Lin attended [the National Convention]. He could no longer attend it due to health reasons in 1996, and his son [U Htein Lin] attended on his behalf when the National Convention resumed in 2004. Since then, we have demanded an autonomous region. What role would the leaders of Special Region 4 like to take in the peace process initiated by the government? We are encouraged by the statement of the Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services that peace will be delivered to the people by 2020. The federal Union presented by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is also good. But we don't know if they are as good as their word. We always welcome it. It is just around one year until 2020. It is up to the country's leaders. We can only wait and watch. The UWSA enjoys a higher status than the federalism which is being demanded by other ethnic groups. Which status do you prefer—federalism or confederation—if your group is to participate in political dialogue in the future? We don't understand much about federalism and confederation. What we want is the status quo, to maintain the control of Special Region 4. We have our own army, police force and people. And we have grown short-term and long-term crops. We have gone through 30 years like this and we want to continue as it is now. The Tatmadaw says there must be a single army, and calls for a DDR [Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration] process? What is the view of Special Region 4 leaders on this? The Army chief was talking about the entire project. We want to keep our own army. We can be a force [for the Tatmadaw] if there are external threats. We won't fight with the Tatmadaw. Our army is only meant for the protection of our region and our local people. We don't accept disarmament. Reintegration should be discussed only when there is a political guarantee. It is too early to discuss now. Our wish is to be able to protect our region with our own army.  Your group has a regular army, though it doesn't fight with the government. Why is your army kept ready? When we made peace, the country's leadership [the military government] told me not to expand our army. We didn't. But we have military readiness. We replace the troops. For example, I have served in the army for 45 years. Generally, I should have resigned and should have been replaced with a younger [officer]. But as I'm in a leadership position, I can't resign. As we keep a regular army, we have to replace [older troops] with new blood regularly so that it has military readiness. It is normal for an army to keep training. It is not good to keep soldiers idle without training. Our people will feel safe only if we keep training. However, we don't have any intention to wage war or invade. But if somebody came and bullied our people, we will fight to the death. Our army was formed to protect the people. We haven't expanded our army; we keep it at its original size. (Note: Conscription is exercised in Special Region 4. One person in every household has to serve in the army. Both men and women serve in the NDAA. If a family has two sons, one must serve in the army.) The post What's Next for NDAA and Its Border Boomtown of Mong La? appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now. | Email delivery powered by Google |
| Google, 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States | |
