Friday, December 6, 2013

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Suu Kyi Criticizes Gender Bias at Burma Universities

Posted: 06 Dec 2013 05:07 AM PST

Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma, Myanmar, women's rights, education, discrimination, Women's Forum Myanmar

Aung San Suu Kyi speaks during a press conference at the Women's Forum Myanmar in Rangoon on Friday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has criticized an education policy in Burma that makes it more difficult for women to study certain subjects at universities than their male counterparts, saying women have a valuable role to play in the transition toward democracy but have been denied equal opportunities.

"We wanted a culture of democracy, we are trying to build a culture of democracy, and that starts with equality," she said Friday, speaking to an audience of more than 600 in Rangoon at the opening of Burma's first international women's forum. "In politics, our women have suffered as greatly as the men during the struggle for democracy over the last nearly three decades. But equally suffering does not always mean that we benefit equally."

She said women in Burma were capable of serving as leaders in the transition toward a more democratic system.

"It's not for the lack of qualification but because of lack of equal opportunity that we do not have enough women in positions of influence and decision-making," she told reporters later in the day.

Suu Kyi was elected last year to Burma's Parliament, where 95 percent of seats are held by male lawmakers. She has expressed ambitions to become the country's next president in 2015.

She said Burmese women were well qualified, often comprising the majority of top students in schools. "But there's a discrimination against them," she added. "In certain faculties, girls are required to get more marks than boys in order to enter."

Women applicants are required to earn significantly higher marks than men if they seek to study six subjects at universities, including medicine and law, activists say. The policy was put in place because women currently outnumber men in these faculties.

Men are also required to earn higher marks than women to study two subjects in which they outnumber women, but women's rights activists say the score differential is less significant.

Suu Kyi said this issue was being discussed by a parliamentary committee which she chairs that is drafting a law to reform higher education.

At the Women's Forum Myanmar, a two-day event organized in part by the French Embassy and supported by the Burma government, Suu Kyi also called on women to encourage a new mindset of gender equality at home. "I've often referred to this old Burmese saying, which I find rather objectionable, quite frankly, that you must treat your son like a lord and your husband like a god. … It doesn't do them any good to be treated that way," she said at the opening ceremony. "We've got to start changing these attitudes."

She added later, "It's women who can open up their family. A woman who is incapable of opening her family will be incapable of making a meaningful role in an opening society."

Many women in Burma were imprisoned for their political activism under Burma's former military regime, which ceded power to a quasi-civilian government in 2011. Suu Kyi said women also played a vital role by supporting husbands who were jailed as political prisoners, often making arduous journeys across the country to bring them food and medicine in overcrowded, squalid prisons. "These are the unknown soldiers of our revolution," she said.

Su Su Lwin, a lawmaker who works on education policy for Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party, confirmed that the issue of discrimination had been discussed by lawmakers drafting the higher education bill.

"But I would say we need to discuss more, because at the moment we have needed to focus more on the autonomy of universities," she told The Irrawaddy at the forum, referring to efforts to allow universities to break away from state control. "But gender definitely is an issue, and there should be equity of access to higher education."

"What is more important," she added, "is that after a person acquires some education, there needs to be more equity in the job search process. The discrimination is not written in black and white, but it's the culture that discriminates."

In some cases, so does the Constitution, says Ma Htar Htar, a women's rights activist who leads the Akhaya women's network in Rangoon.

"The Constitution says a president must have military experience," she told The Irrawaddy. "But in reality, in the past women were not allowed in military schools. There is no woman right now with military experience."

In the past Burmese women were only allowed to serve as army nurses. Earlier this year the Ministry of Defense invited women to join the armed forces in commissioned posts, saying successful candidates could start as second lieutenants.

But Ma Htar Htar said the training program was also discriminatory.

"Boys who finish 10th standard [in high school] can join the training program, but women can only enter after graduating university," she said. "And while boys can leave the program to become captains, women only become second lieutenants."

Throughout history, women in Burma have valued a degree of independence and participation in the public sphere not seen in some other countries in the region. In 1958, Mya Sein, a lecturer in history at Rangoon University and then-president of Burma's National Council of Women, said her research had found "vestiges of a matriarchal system which must have flourished here at one time."

"The inheritance of certain oil wells, for instance, belonged exclusively to women; in some cases the inheritance to the headmanship of a village was through the female line," she wrote for The Atlantic magazine. "During the days of the Burmese kings, women were frequently appointed to high office and became leaders of a village, chieftainess, and even ruled as queen. …To this day we have no family surnames in Burma and a woman keeps her own name after marriage."

But statistics paint a less rosy picture. In a Gender Inequality Index published by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) this year, Burma ranked 80th on a list of 186 countries, while neighboring India ranked 132, Thailand ranked 66 and China ranked 35. The index was based on women's achievements in reproductive health, empowerment and the labor market.

In Burma, 75 percent of women aged 15 and older were engaged in the labor market, either working or actively looking for work, compared with 82 percent of men, according to the index report. About the same percentage of women and men had completed at least secondary education, at 18 percent and 17 percent respectively.

But only about 5 percent of seats in Parliament are held by women, among the lowest scores in the index. For maternal mortality, Burma was found to have 200 deaths per 100,000 live births, compared with 21 deaths in the United States, 48 in Thailand and 200 in India.

The post Suu Kyi Criticizes Gender Bias at Burma Universities appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma Media Complain SEA Games Access Is Restricted

Posted: 06 Dec 2013 04:45 AM PST

SEA Games, Myanmar, Naypyidaw, Burma, Media.

People line up Friday to buy tickets for a SEA Games football match on Saturday between Burma and Cambodia at Thuwunna Stadium. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — As the Southeast Asian Games (SEA Games) got underway this week, local Burmese media groups say access to events has been restricted, limiting their ability to cover the landmark sporting event.

Although the opening ceremony is not until Dec. 11, some SEA Games events began in Naypyidaw on Wednesday. It is Burma's first time hosting the regional games, and the occasion offers the country a chance to show that it can successfully organize international events, ahead of its debut chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) in 2014.

Reporters based in Rangoon trying to find their way up to Naypyidaw, where the majority of events are taking place, have been faced not only with hotel rooms price hikes, but with bureaucratic obstacles.

Many journalists, as they were instructed, applied ahead of time to the Ministry of Information for laminated passes to access SEA Games events. But reporters and photographers trying to enter venues were told this week they must also obtain separate permission from the National Olympic Council and the Sports Ministry for "security reasons."

Photojournalist Hein Htet told The Irrawaddy the system of registration was overly complicated, and that even media with the correct approval were denied access to one Chinlone event in Naypyidaw.

"They let in the first group of journalists who arrived early, but those who arrived late, they did not let them inside [the venue]," he said.

Additional permission is also required for media to enter training facilities, the different stadiums and the games' opening and closing ceremonies.

Ko Ko, chairman of the Yangon Media Group, complained the authorities did not appear to be coordinated in organizing the games.

"They do not have good communication between ministries," he said. "This is why our reporters have problems regarding the issue of registration cards. If they say these restrictions are for security, they need to make an announcement earlier about what reporters need to do to register."

Ko Ko warned that if foreign media receive the same treatment, the authorities' mismanagement of the games could do reputational damage to the country.

"If they even do this to foreign media, they need to give proper messages," he said. "They do not know how to treat the media well. We will have more problems in 2014 for the Asean events."

The post Burma Media Complain SEA Games Access Is Restricted appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Increase Compensation for Thilawa Farmers: Japan NGO

Posted: 06 Dec 2013 04:39 AM PST

The Thilawa port is located about 25 km southeast of Rangoon. (Photo: Simon Roughneen / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Japanese NGO Mekong Watch claims that the Burmese government and private project developers have failed to comply with Japanese government guidelines during the resettlement process of dozens of farmers who lived in the planned Thilawa Special Economic Zone.

The group said the government and developers should accept the demands of farmers, who want more than US $30,000 per acre in compensation.

Mekong Watch said the compensation of 68 affected families in Rangoon Division's Thanlyin Township had violated guidelines on environmental and social considerations of the Japanese International Cooperation Agency (JICA). The development agency is building infrastructure for Thilawa SEZ, which is being supported by Japan.

"So far, the developers and the government have failed to comply with the several provisions of JICA’s guidelines. And also, JICA has failed to make the [Burmese] government follow the guidelines," Mekong Watch told The Irrawaddy in a statement.

Mekong Watch is a Tokyo-based NGO that monitors the impact of Japanese investment projects in Southeast Asia.

The 68 families were forced to make way for the construction of the first 400-hectare phase of the 2,400-hectare Thilawa SEZ, which began two months ago. In September, they had signed agreements accepting the government's compensation offer of six years' worth of harvests and a roughly 60 square meter plot of land.

Later, however, the farmers complained that they signed the agreement under duress, a claim that was supported by local NGO Thilawa Social Development Group and Mekong Watch. The small rice farmers said they should have received more than $30,000 per acre compensation for loss of farmland.

Farmer Aung Zin Oo said he was given a small plot of land and about $2,500 in compensation for six years of harvest of a 0.6-acre paddy field and an additional $800 to cover his cost of moving and the loss of several fruit trees.

"They gave us compensation in three installments, and most us have been paid for housing and relocation by November 19," he said, adding that he wanted more money for the resettlement.

The disagreement between the farmers and the government stems from events in the 1990s, when the then military government confiscated land of hundreds of farmers with little or no compensation in order to create an industrial zone.

The plan failed to take off and farmers resumed cultivating the confiscated lands. When the plans were revived with the support of the Japanese government last year local land prices skyrocketed.

The small-scale rice farmers said they owned the land and should be compensated at the level of the soaring land prices. The government rejected farmers' land rights claims and only offered compensation for loss of future harvests, fruit trees and costs of moving.

Mekong Watch supports the rice farmers in their quest to obtain tens of thousands of dollars per acre.

It claims that the current compensation arrangement violates JICA guidelines stipulating that governments hosting Japanese public investment should ensure that affected people "improve their standard of living, income opportunities, and production levels, or at least to restore these to pre-project levels."

Mekong Watch said JICA should engage with local communities "to listen to their voices, given that most of the local people are still afraid to raise
their concerns or are actually not aware of their rights."

Asked if the farmers were demanding too much compensation at $30,000 per acre, Thilawa Social Development Group member Mya Hlaing said, "I believe that this is in keeping with the current market prices of land at Thilawa."

"If the government doesn't want to give this amount they can bargain with the farmers," he added.

The government is responsible for resettlement and compensation and officials have dismissed farmers' complaints, saying that they had followed World Bank and JICA guidelines.

"People can come and talk with us any time, if they think we are not following JICA policy. But no one comes to explain which facts are not in line with JICA policy," said Mie Mie Aung, a member of the Thilawa SEZ Management Committee.

Thilawa SEZ is being planned the Burmese and Japanese governments, together with a consortium of Japanese firms and the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry.

The sprawling complex, located about 25 km south of Rangoon, will include a deep sea port, Japanese factories, and large housing projects. The Burmese side owns 51 percent of the project and is responsible for developing the 2,400-hectare core zone.

The post Increase Compensation for Thilawa Farmers: Japan NGO appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Photo of the Week (December 06, 2013)

Posted: 06 Dec 2013 04:24 AM PST

River Cruise Offers a New Perspective on Rangoon

Posted: 06 Dec 2013 03:54 AM PST

Passenger of a tour boat enjoy the sunset on the Rangoon River. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON —If you're tired of downtown's hustle and bustle, and the endless traffic jams, and want to see the other side of Burma's rapidly growing commercial capital, just jump in a boat.

The current dry season—high-season for Burma's tourism industry—is expected to be see record breaking visitor numbers. Burmese tour operators are setting up new cruises to attract more customers, especially the increasing numbers of foreigners in Rangoon.

Since Nov. 9, the Royal Green River cruise line has been offering sunset tours on the Rangoon Rover every weekend.

"We are getting interest from both locals and foreigners since we launched the two-hour sunset tour. About 50 foreigners have joined the tour in three weeks. Among the locals, mostly families and couples are joining the cruise," said Yan Linn Kyaing, manager of the Royal Green River.

Royal Green River's boat can carry a maximum of 60 passengers for day trips and 24 passengers for nighttime trips.

Boat trips in Rangoon are also offered by Yangon River Cruise, which runs sunset tours every Monday, Tuesday and Friday, and on weekends, and costs 15,000 kyat for locals and US$20 for foreigners. Dora River Cruise offers trips costing between $50 to $60.

On a visit last week, about 30 passengers waited at Botataung Jetty, ready to for the Royal River trip. Families and couples had jumped eagerly aboard the new ship, while a group of girls dressed in modern Western clothing posed for photos in front of the cruiser.

Leaving from the jetty at 4:30 pm, the ship left behind the repetitive sights, crowded roads and noisy sounds of daily life in the city. The modern boat took us to unusual sights that differ from the buildings and black roads, but retain the city's influence.

"I always dreamed of experiencing a ship sailing along the Rangoon River while I was sitting at Botataung harbor with my boyfriend. Today, he gave me this tour as a present," said a shy Ei Thet Mon, 30.

The music played from the ship, and the sound of seagulls, added to the romance. The sights on the shore were lit by the sun, showing illuminating a side of the urban landscape not usually appreciated.

Guests on the boat enjoyed watching fishing boats, schooners filled with passengers, and seagulls on the water. On the banks of the river, primary schools and shipping containers gave way to the Shukhin Thar ferris wheel and finally trees, as the boat moved away from downtown.

The trips costs 20, 000 kyat for locals and $25 for foreigners, with tickets including a snack a drink.

"The people are very nice. It's inspiring and you're served with a smile from Myanmar. I like to watch sunset and it is a pleasant tour," said Keshaw Pandey, a passenger who was in town on business from India.

Turning back toward the Botataung Jetty at 5:30 pm, the sunlight began to disappear, and the sights on the return journey were changed as if by magic. The Rangoon side was bright with electric lights, while the other side was dark. This contrast led the guests to think on the country's uneven development.

"It can change my perspective," 50-year-olf passenger Win Naing Aung said. "I can look as far as the eye can see. It's different from the everyday views, which are blocked by buildings. I forget some of my worries during this two-hour sunset tour."

"Although I came alone this first time, I will come again with my family. I hope they will enjoy it too," he added.

The post River Cruise Offers a New Perspective on Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

First Women’s Forum Kicks Off in Rangoon

Posted: 06 Dec 2013 02:17 AM PST

France, Myanmar, woman's rights, women's issues, women's forum, reform

Aung San Suu Kyi delivers an opening speech at Burma's first Women's Forum on Friday. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma's first women's forum kicked off in Rangoon on Friday morning. The two-day event will bring together hundreds of leading women from various sectors and regions to discuss the role of women in Burma's rapidly changing society.

Women politicians and activists, businesswomen and women journalists from Burma and across the world joined the forum, where opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi gave an opening speech.

Suu Kyi said women had an important role to play in peace-building and socio-economic development of Burmese society, which is quickly opening up due to political reforms and emerging from decades of ethnic conflict.

"Women, I believe, have a great role to play in building a culture," said Suu Kyi, adding that women should help foster new attitudes in Burmese society.

"It takes time to change a culture, a mindset," the Nobel Laureate said. "Our women have to understand that their role is to build a new culture and to me one of the most important things that the women of this country can do, and our friends and supporters can help change, is our own attitude."

She added that it was equally important that traditional attitudes change and become more progressive towards women and girls.

Organized with support of the French Embassy and the Paris-based Women's Forum for the Economy and Society, the event includes speeches, panel discussions and workshops on women's roles in Burma's "fast-opening society."

Speakers on Friday included French Ambassador Thierry Mathou, Burma's Minister of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Myat Myat Ohn Khin, Thet Thet Khine, vice-president of the Myanmar Women Entrepreneurs Association and K.H. Wang, executive director of Smart Reader Worldwide, a Malaysian-based child education organization.

Panel discussions on Friday morning focused on "nurturing women's entrepreneurship" and "new paths for the young and the lost generation."

K.H. Wang said during one of the discussions that, "This is a very good platform for women to get together. And participants here will be able to share their points of view, their experiences and important and encouraging views of the speakers.

"It should also be done in ASEAN and in the other Asian countries," she added.

Other discussion and workshop issues during the event include women's roles in driving growth in emerging markets and promoting responsible international investment, freedom of expression and women's health.

Prominent French speakers scheduled to share their views include Minister of Culture and Communication Aurélie Filippetti, International Monetary Fund (IMF) managing director Christine Lagarde and Christophe de Margerie, the CEO of French energy giant Total.

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When Listening Is Not Enough

Posted: 06 Dec 2013 02:09 AM PST

Thein Sein, Gwen Robinson, Burma, Myanmar, reform, Foreign Policy

President Thein Sein, center left, stands with 88 Generation student leaders, including Min Ko Naing, center right, in Naypyidaw in September 2013. (Photo: President's Office)

A recent profile of Burma's President Thein Sein by Gwen Robinson of the Washington-based magazine Foreign Policy offers a rather flattering take on the man who has, admittedly, presided over some of the most dramatic political changes the country has seen in decades.

The tenor of the portrait was not unexpected; the former Southeast Asia correspondent for the Financial Times seems to hold the general-turned-politician in high esteem, often writing articles about Burma's reforms in a positive light. She has also been allowed to accompany the president on some of his trips—the only foreign journalist to do so.

It is clear that top officials in the administration have chosen Robinson to serve as a New Burma booster, promoting the image of Thein Sein and his government in the international arena. I must say, their efforts in this regard and in message control more broadly have been successful so far. The PR team behind the curtain has done well over the last couple of years, employing strategic communications for Thein Sein's government in order to normalize its relationship with Western countries, many of which had imposed political and economic sanctions on it.

In her article, Robinson praised Thein Sein for guiding the country's reform process, dubbing him the "listener-in-chief"—a leader keenly attuned to the opinions and advice of those around him.

For me, he remains Snr-Gen Than Shwe's hand-picked successor. The junta chief of the previous military regime chose Thein Sein to be Burma's next president after a 2010 national election that was widely condemned as flawed. Where Robinson sees a reformist, I am more inclined to see a raconteur who—through speeches containing promises and exhortations of progress made—pleases the Western ear, but fails to affect real, meaningful change for the average citizen.

Many buzz words can be found interspersed throughout Thein Sein's speeches—transparency, accountability, anti-corruption, good governance. The verbiage seems tailored to satisfy an international audience.

But in many respects, his fine words have not been backed by concrete, positive reform. He has been at the helm for more than two years, but the country as a whole still wallows in poverty while a handful of cronies become even richer. The badly neglected education sector has yet to be reformed at all. In terms of health care, people who can afford it still jet off to Bangkok and Singapore for treatment, such is the lack of trust in local doctors' competence and medical facilities' adequacy. And activists who take to the streets to voice dissent can, and do, still find themselves imprisoned for doing so.

Under such circumstances, those praising this president as a reformist would do well to take a closer look.

Thein Sein is not worthy of the title "listener-in-chief" just yet. Most accounts of the now-president describe him under Than Shwe's rule as a quiet, submissive and nonconfrontational member of a regime with one of the world's most appalling human rights records in the last half-century. So while he may be a listener, his past indicates that he is no chief, at least when it comes to upholding democratic values. This is the man, after all, who chaired the 2008 National Convention, during which the Constitution—hardly considered an enlightened document among the pro-democracy contingent—was drafted.

There's nothing wrong with a president who is listener-in-chief. Burma needs a leader who will to listen to the voices of his or her own citizens. But given the serious shortcomings of the reform process to date, a little less listening within the huddle of his inner circle of advisers, and a little more acting on behalf of the people, is perhaps in order.

Ko Aung is a Burmese contributor who has been involved with the Burmese democracy movement since 1988. This commentary was translated from its original Burmese-language version.

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Burma’s Suu Kyi Pays Tribute to Nelson Mandela

Posted: 06 Dec 2013 01:56 AM PST

Aung San Suu Kyi, Nelson Mandela, Myanmar, Burma, ASSK, Rangoon, South Africa, National League for Democracy,

Nelson Mandela raises his fist to the crowd in Port Elizabeth, April 1, 1990. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — Burmese democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi on Friday expressed condolences for the passing away of Nelson Mandela, the South African leader who died Thursday night.

Nelson Mandela, who died at the age of 95 at his home in Johannesburg after receiving intensive medical care for a lung infection, became his country's first black president after spending 27 years in prison for opposing the apartheid regime.

Suu Kyi herself spent nearly two decades under house arrest in Burma. Since her release in 2010, she has become a member of Parliament and expressed her desire to contest the presidency in elections in 2015.

"I would like to express my extreme grief at the passing away of a man who stood for human rights and equality," the National League for Democracy (NLD) chairperson told reporters in Rangoon.

"He made us all understand that nobody should be penalized for the color of his skin, for the circumstances in which he is born. He also made us understand we can change the world—we can change the world by changing attitudes, by changing perceptions. For this reason I would like to pay him tribute as a great human being who raised the standard of humanity."

Suu Kyi was speaking at the opening ceremony of a two-day international women's forum in Burma's biggest city. The forum, organized in part by the French Embassy and supported by the Burma government, is expected to draw over 400 international and Burmese participants, including International Monetary Fund managing director Christine Lagarde, to discuss social and economic issues from women’s perspectives as Burma continues to transition toward a more democratic system.

Suu Kyi's fellow founding member of the NLD, Win Tin, a veteran journalist and former political prisoner, also expressed his sadness over Nelson Mandela's passing.

"I just heard about him this morning and I was sad to hear it. His life and mine had parallels. He stayed in prison for 27 years and I stayed in prison for 20 years. I could understand his feelings, as we had similar lives," Win Tin told The Irrawaddy in a phone interview.

"We really admire the work he did after his release from prison, especially his work for national reconciliation. His work was successful, but our country has not succeed in this."

Win Tin said genuine reconciliation required both sides to collaborate. In the bid to end apartheid, Nelson Mandela, who was released in 1990, worked with South African Prime Minister F.W. de Klerk. The two were jointly awarded the Nobel Peace prize in 1993.

"But, in our country, the army did not agree to have national reconciliation," said Win Tin.

He called on Burma's current leadership to "study the methods of Mandela."

Hkun Htun Oo, leader of the Shan National League for Democracy, representing ethnic Shan people in Burma, described Nelson Mandela's death as "a loss to the world."

"He was a leader not only in Africa; he was a leader of the world," the Shan politician said.

Hkun Htun Oo praised Nelson Mandela's forgiveness.

"He did not seek revenge, even though he was put in prison for 27 years. He always thought about how to work toward a better future, and he did not take revenge," he said.

"We all need to learn from his method of giving amnesty. He proved in South African how the system of democracy can be successful, and no one can deny this.

"Our country will also have success if we can have a democratic system, this is my belief. Nelson Mandela paved the road already, and we all should walk this road."

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Letters to the Editor (December 06, 2013)

Posted: 06 Dec 2013 01:15 AM PST

Dear Editor,

I am writing to you in response to the article regarding timber trade. (Rapid Plantation Expansion Fuels Deforestation in Ethnic Region, Nov. 29, 2013)

Since the inception of Max Myanmar Group back in 1993, we were never involved in any sorts of timber-related business. Our principle is to conserve our environment rather than exploiting or destroying it. The allegations made by the Forest Trends Group are unfounded and false. It should have made a thorough study of its report before publishing it. We are truly disturbed and saddened by the report’s claims about the company.

Thanking you for your kind consideration. I remain.

Sincerely Yours,

Aung Myo Saw
Spokesperson
Max Myanmar Group of Companies
123, Alanpya Pagoda Road, Dagon Tsp.
Yangon, Myanmar
www.maxmyanmargroup.com

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Burma to Allow Foreign Banks to Begin Some Operations Next Year

Posted: 05 Dec 2013 10:47 PM PST

banking, finance, Myanmar, Burma, foreign investment

Piles of Burmese kyat currency in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma will allow some foreign banks to begin offering limited financial services next year, a senior central bank official said, as the Southeast Asian country slowly opens up its banking sector following a series of economic and political reforms.

Thirty-four international banks have representative offices in the country, but they have thus far been forbidden from opening branches or offering services other than advising clients. According to a decades-old plan, the government will eventually allow them to form joint ventures with local banks before allowing them to open independent branches.

The senior official said the Central Bank is now formulating a plan to speed up the process by letting a select number of foreign banks begin operating in 2014 in "certain areas of banking services," which he did not define.

"Since things have changed rapidly with the passage of time, we can't afford to stick to something laid down about 20 years ago if we really want to carry out meaningful reforms," he said, requesting anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to media.

The official said authorities have yet to decide how they would choose among the foreign banks with representative offices, which include Standard Chartered, Bangkok Bank, Siam Commercial Bank and Australia and New Zealand Banking Group.

Foreign involvement would help reform the antiquated banking system in Burma, Asia's second-poorest country after Afghanistan, which has been looking to attract foreign investment since a quasi-civilian government took office in 2011 after half a century of military rule.

Foreign banks could also help jumpstart economic development by providing access to much-needed financing for corporate clients, according to Khwima Nthara, a senior country economist with the World Bank.

"I do not doubt the government appreciates the role that foreign banks can play in financing," he said.

Nthara added that authorities are right to move slowly in opening up the banking sector.

Strictly limiting the role of foreign banks could help insulate the economy from any future financial crisis that could see them withdraw capital, and it would allow the domestic sector to develop without being swallowed up by the internationals, he said.

"The question is really how best to have them involved so you increase availability of credit, of financing, but also the local banks' capacity is strengthened," he said.

Zaw Lin Htut, deputy manager of Burma's biggest private bank, Kanbawza Bank, said he had not yet heard of the plan to allow some foreign banks to begin operating next year, but he welcomed the idea.

"Foreign clients need funding and it's not a small amount to invest in Myanmar," he said. "As domestic banks, we cannot fund too many corporate customers."

He added that domestic banks would benefit by learning about corporate investment from the international banks.

"Corporate clients need local banks as well," said Zaw Lin Htut. "I'm sure we can work together in the future."

Burma's banking sector was crippled by decades of mismanagement under military regimes and cut off from much of the global economy due to Western sanctions. The European Union, Australia and other countries have lifted sanctions in response to widespread political and economic reforms.

The United States has eased sanctions and the Treasury Department issued a general license to Myanma Economic Bank, Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank, Asia Green Development Bank and Ayeyarwady Bank.

A general license eases restrictions and lets the banks deal with US citizens and companies, but leaves sanctions laws on the books, giving Washington leverage should Burma start to backslide on reforms.

The World Bank is advising the government on financial reform and country manager Kanthan Shankar told Reuters in October that a draft of the new banking law would be completed by the end of this month.

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Thein Sein Asks Philippines for More Aid

Posted: 05 Dec 2013 10:37 PM PST

Myanmar, Burma, Philippines, Typhoon Haiyan, aid, investment, Thein Sein, Benigno Aquino

Burma's President Thein Sein, left, is pictured alongside his Filipino counterpart, Benigno Aquino, on the former's visit to the Philippines this week. (Photo: Facebook / Ye Htut)

MANILA — Burma's president called Thursday for more investment and development assistance from the Philippines, saying his country needs help to catch up with the rest of Southeast Asia after emerging from nearly two decades of economic sanctions.

President Thein Sein's visit represents a milestone in relations with the Philippines, one of the harshest critics of Burma's former ruling junta. Thein Sein's elected government took office in 2011, ending a half-century of military rule.

Thein Sein met Thursday with Philippine President Benigno Aquino III. Aquino said he was confident that Southeast Asia's regional bloc—the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or Asean—would make significant progress toward achieving economic integration by 2015 under Burma's chairmanship next year.

The two presidents witnessed the signing of six agreements in areas including no-visa visits for Filipinos traveling to Burma for up to 14 days, and cooperation in trade, agriculture and renewable energy.

Thein Sein, who arrived in the Philippines on Wednesday and leaves Friday, said he urged Aquino to ask Filipinos to invest in Burma and for the Philippines to assist his country in fields such as health, education and economic development.

"As you know, we have lagged behind in terms of development compared to other Asean member-states as Myanmar was imposed with economic sanctions for nearly two decades," he told reporters through an interpreter.

Aquino said he offered Thein Sein assistance through technical cooperation and training courses, and voiced support for democratic and economic reforms in Burma.

"These reforms include the holding of free elections, the release of political prisoners, dialogue with the opposition, the expansion of political rights and the promulgation of new economic laws such as the new Foreign Investment Law," Aquino said. "These herald a new chapter in Myanmar's history."

Aquino also thanked Thein Sein for Burma's US$150,000 in aid to victims of Typhoon Haiyan—which killed 5,759 people and left 1,779 missing last month—and a deadly earthquake that struck the central Philippines in October.

The post Thein Sein Asks Philippines for More Aid appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Japan-Asean Summit Statement to Call for Free Airspace Over High Seas

Posted: 05 Dec 2013 10:30 PM PST

Asean groups Vietnam, Thailand, Singapore, the Philippines, Malaysia, Burma, Laos, Indonesia, Cambodia, and Brunei.

Le Luong Minh, left, secretary-general of Asean, shakes hands with Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe before their talks at Abe's office in Tokyo on Nov. 5, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Yoshikazu Tsuno)

TOKYO — Japan and the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations are set to call for freedom of airspace over the high seas in a communique at next week's Tokyo summit, a move directed at China's aviation defense zone, Kyodo news agency said.

A draft of the joint statement also expresses the resolve of Japan and Asean to bolster cooperation in maritime security, Kyodo said on Friday.

"The Air Defense Identification Zone is already an international issue. The meeting would lack edge if a strong message could not be issued [on the matter]," Kyodo quoted an unnamed Japanese diplomatic source as saying.

Japan and four members of Asean—Vietnam, the Philippines, Brunei and Malaysia—all have territorial disputes with China in either the East or South China Seas.

The Tokyo summit to mark the 40th anniversary of Japan's ties with Asean comes after China last month declared an air defense identification zone in an area that includes islands at the heart of a territorial dispute with Japan, triggering protests from Tokyo, as well as Washington and Seoul.

In announcing the new air defense zone, China warned it would take "defensive emergency measures" against aircraft that failed to identify themselves properly in the airspace, raising regional tension.

Kyodo said a draft of the summit's statement stresses the importance of the freedom of aviation over the high seas and pledges Japan and Asean to contribute to the peaceful development of international aviation order. The three-day Tokyo summit is scheduled to start on Dec. 13.

Japan's ties with China deteriorated sharply in September 2012 when it purchased from a private owner three disputed islands in the East China Sea, called the Senkaku in Japan and Diaoyu in China.

China claims almost the entire oil- and gas-rich South China Sea, overlapping with claims from Taiwan, Malaysia, Brunei, the Philippines and Vietnam. The last four are members of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean).

Japan Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who returned to power last December for a rare second term, promising to stand tough in the island dispute, visited all 10 Asean nations over the past year, but has not held an official summit meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping.

The post Japan-Asean Summit Statement to Call for Free Airspace Over High Seas appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Ex-PM Thaksin a Saintly Figure in Rural Thailand

Posted: 05 Dec 2013 09:30 PM PST

Thailand, Thaksin Shinawatra, Yingluck, Suthep, amnesty, politics

Former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra at the Supreme Court in Bangkok before he went into exile. (Photo: Reuters)

KAMBON, Thailand — Here, in a village where electricity is still a novelty, they'll quickly tell you who was responsible for bringing change to this long-neglected corner of Thailand.

Thaksin Shinawatra is a former prime minister, a billionaire businessman and the brother of the current prime minister. He has lived for years in luxurious, self-imposed exile in Dubai, but is still widely seen as Thailand's most powerful politician. He is despised by his opponents among Thailand's traditional elite, who disdain him as a corrupt leader who spent billions of the government's dollars to amass a huge following among the poor and uneducated.

But around here he is a saint.

"Ten years ago, the road you drove on to get here was dirt. There was no electricity, there was no irrigation," said Pichai Poltaklang, a retired primary schoolteacher and local organizer for Thaksin's political movement, commonly known as the "Red Shirts." He ticks off government programs: the virtually free health care, the low-cost education loans, the old-age pension. "Before Thaksin came to power we were left out."

As Thailand faces an immense social and political divide, a schism pitting the rural poor against a traditional urban elite that has again ignited bloody protests in the streets of Bangkok, places like Kambon are at the heart of Thaksin's power.

There are tens of thousands of villages like this scattered across Thailand's north and northeast, and millions of villagers who Thaksin can call upon if the scattered protests of recent weeks descend into full-scale street violence and his sister's government is threatened.

If no one here is calling for bloodshed, a quiet threat is always implicit. Occasionally, it's explicit.
"Across the northeast we can seize every government office in every town, in every city, in every province," said Thongplean Boonphunga, a middle-aged rice farmer. The elite may deride Thaksin's followers as uneducated bumpkins, but, she notes, the country people have numbers on their side.

"They can't control the whole country. We can," he said.

Kambon is in Thailand's northeast, a sprawling, populous region of rice paddies and small farms that was long ignored by successive governments in Bangkok. As Thailand's economy boomed, and the country became one of Southeast Asia's financial powerhouses, millions of farmers struggled in villages that had barely changed since the days of their grandparents.

But that changed under Thaksin, who was born in the north, and who used millions made as a telecommunications magnate to vault himself into politics. He became prime minister in 2001.
To his rural followers, Thaksin is a man who understands their plight and looked for ways to improve their lives.

To his many critics, he took a cold look at Thailand's demographics, focusing on populous but poor regions where he knew government spending would make an immediate impact and bring followers.
The followers came in droves.

"The Thaksin government gave them concrete moments in their lives" where they saw real change, said David Streckfuss, an American scholar based in Thailand. "They also realized their power" in electing him over and over, he said.

Thaksin quickly became Thailand's most popular politician, with that popularity holding on tightly after he was ousted in a 2006 military coup, and then after he went into exile to avoid a corruption conviction he says was politically motivated. He has not been back to Thailand since 2008.

The 2006 coup split Thailand's social divisions wide open, and set the stage for years of on-and-off political turmoil. Since then, elections have been interspersed with carefully orchestrated chaos, weather by Thaksin's "Red Shirts" or by the "Yellow Shirts" of the traditional elite.

The most recent trouble began in November, when the ruling party—led by Thaksin's younger sister, Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra—tried to push an amnesty bill through Parliament. Critics said it was designed to allow Thaksin back into Thailand.

Even though the government backed down on the amnesty bill, protesters flooded into government buildings, trying to force the collapse of Yingluck's government. The protesters, led by former Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban, say Thaksin voters are easily swayed by his populist policies, and they are demanding the creation of an unelected "people's council" to administer the country.

The political standoff resulted in three days of intense clashes between protesters and police. But the clashes abruptly ended Tuesday and both both sides called an informal truce to celebrate the revered king's 86th birthday on Thursday.

While he used his annual birthday speech to call for stability, King Bhumibol Adulyadej made no direct comments on the political crisis.

In Kambon, like everywhere else in Thailand, they're waiting to see what will happen Friday, when the enforced unity of the royal birthday is over and politics will again rule. The autumn harvest is underway, and in the fields the air is sweet with the smell of freshly cut rice stalks.

No one here is eager for protests now, when there is so much work to do—major Red Shirt protests tend to coincide with the spring hot season, when farmers have more free time—but protest leader Suthep Thaugsuban has vowed that "our battle" will resume on Friday.

So they are closely watching what is happening in Bangkok.

Noothuan Wongthong, a 52-year-old farmer with a lilting voice and wool gloves to protect her hands from the dried rice stalks she hacked with a hand-made sickle, was working for a neighbor on a recent morning.

Like her neighbors, she can quickly list programs that have benefited her: the guaranteed price for rice, the loans, the medical care that has paid for repeated blood tests after she began to grow strangely tired. She worries what will happen if protesters drive Yingluck from power.

She's got a new Yamaha scooter, and a 27-inch TV. She gets more money when she sells her own rice, and is paid more when she works for other farmers. She doesn't want to lose her grip on the lower rungs of Thailand's middle-class life.

"Before Thaksin, the money never reached us here," she said. "Now it does."

The post Ex-PM Thaksin a Saintly Figure in Rural Thailand appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Nelson Mandela, South Africa’s Peacemaker, Dies

Posted: 05 Dec 2013 08:35 PM PST

Mandela, Nelson Mandela, South Africa, Apartheid, obituary

Nelson Mandela is accompanied by his former wife Winnie, moments after his release from prison in this Feb. 11, 1990, picture. (Photo: Reuters)

JOHANNESBURG — Nelson Mandela was a master of forgiveness.

South Africa's first black president spent nearly a third of his life as a prisoner of apartheid, yet he sought to win over its defeated guardians in a relatively peaceful transition of power that inspired the world.

As head of state, the former boxer, lawyer and inmate lunched with the prosecutor who argued successfully for his incarceration. He sang the apartheid-era Afrikaans anthem at his inauguration and traveled hundreds of miles to have tea with the widow of the prime minister in power at the time he was sent to prison.

It was this generosity of spirit that made Mandela, who died Thursday at the age of 95, a global symbol of sacrifice and reconciliation in a world often jarred by conflict and division.

Mandela's stature as a fighter against apartheid—the system of white racist rule he called evil—and a seeker of peace with his enemies was on a par with that of other men he admired: American civil rights activist Martin Luther King Jr. and Indian independence leader Mohandas K. Gandhi, both of whom were assassinated while actively engaged in their callings.

Mandela's death deprived the world of one of one of the great figures of modern history and set the stage for days of mourning and reflection about a colossus of the 20th century who projected astonishing grace, resolve and good humor.

Dressed in black, South African President Jacob Zuma made the announcement on television. He said Mandela died "peacefully," surrounded by family, at around 8:50 pm.

"We've lost our greatest son. Our nation has lost its greatest son. Our people have lost a father," Zuma said. "Although we knew that this day would come, nothing can diminish our sense of a profound and enduring loss."

At times, Mandela embraced his iconic status, appearing before a rapturous crowd in London's Wembley Stadium soon after his 1990 release from prison. Sometimes, he sought to downplay it, uneasy about the perils of being put on a pedestal. In an unpublished manuscript, written while in prison, Mandela acknowledged that leaders of the anti-apartheid movement dominated the spotlight but said they were "only part of the story," and every activist was "like a brick which makes up our organization."

He pondered the cost to his family of his dedication to the fight against the racist system of government that jailed him for 27 years and refused him permission to attend the funeral of his mother and of a son who was killed in a car crash. In court, he described himself as "the loneliest man" during his mid-1990s divorce from Winnie Mandela. As president, he could not forge lasting solutions to poverty, unemployment and other social ills that still plague today's South Africa, which has struggled to live up to its rosy depiction as the "Rainbow Nation."

He secured near-mythical status in his country and beyond. Last year, the South African central bank released new bank notes showing his face, a robust, smiling image of a man who was meticulous about his appearance and routinely exercised while in prison. South Africa erected statues of him and named buildings and other places after him. He shared the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize with F.W. de Klerk, the country's last white president. He was the subject of books, films and songs and a magnet for celebrities.

In 2010, Mandela waved to the crowd at the Soccer City stadium at the closing ceremony of the World Cup, whose staging in South Africa allowed the country, and the continent, to shine internationally. It was the last public appearance for the former president and prisoner, who smiled broadly and was bundled up against the cold.

One of the most memorable of his gestures toward racial harmony was the day in 1995 when he strode onto the field before the Rugby World Cup final in Johannesburg, and then again after the game, when he congratulated the home team for its victory over a tough New Zealand team. Mandela was wearing South African colors and the overwhelmingly white crowd of 63,000 was on its feet, chanting "Nelson! Nelson! Nelson!"

It was typical of Mandela to march headlong into a bastion of white Afrikanerdom—in this case the temple of South African rugby—and make its followers feel they belonged in the new South Africa.

The moment was portrayed in "Invictus," Clint Eastwood's movie telling the story of South Africa's transformation through the prism of sport.

It was a moment half a century in the making. In the 1950s, Mandela sought universal rights through peaceful means but was sentenced to life imprisonment in 1964 for leading a campaign of sabotage against the government. The speech he gave during that trial outlined his vision and resolve.

"During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people," Mandela said. "I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die."

He was confined to the harsh Robben Island prison near Cape Town for most of his time behind bars, then moved to jails on the mainland. It was forbidden to quote him or publish his photo, yet he and other jailed members of his banned African National Congress were able to smuggle out messages of guidance to the anti-apartheid movement, and in the final stages of his confinement, he negotiated secretly with the apartheid leaders who recognized change was inevitable.

Thousands died, or were tortured or imprisoned in the decades-long struggle against apartheid, which deprived the black majority of the vote, the right to choose where to live and travel, and other basic freedoms.

So when inmate No. 46664 went free after 27 years, walking hand-in-hand with his then wife, Winnie, out of a prison on the South African mainland, people worldwide rejoiced. Mandela raised his right fist in triumph, and in his autobiography, "Long Walk to Freedom," he would write: "As I finally walked through those gates … I felt—even at the age of seventy-one—that my life was beginning anew."

Mandela's release, rivaled the fall of the Berlin Wall just a few months earlier as a symbol of humanity's yearning for freedom, and his graying hair, raspy voice and colorful shirts made him a globally known figure.

Life, however, imposed new challenges on Mandela.

South Africa's white rulers had portrayed him as the spearhead of a communist revolution and insisted that black majority rule would usher in bloody chaos. Thousands died in factional fighting in the run-up to democratic elections in 1994, and Mandela accused the government of collusion in the bloodshed. But voting day, when long lines of voters waited patiently to cast ballots, passed peacefully, as did Mandela's inauguration as president

"Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world," the new president said. "Let freedom reign. The sun shall never set on so glorious a human achievement! God bless Africa! Thank you."

Mandela also stood hand on heart, saluted by white generals as he sang along to two anthems, now one: the apartheid-era Afrikaans "Die Stem," ("The Voice") and the African "Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika" ("Lord Bless Africa").

Since apartheid ended, South Africa has held four parliamentary elections and elected three presidents, always peacefully, setting an example on a continent where democracy is still new and fragile. However, corruption scandals and other missteps under the ruling African National Congress, the liberation group once led by Mandela, have undercut some of the early promise.

Zuma periodically observes that the South African white minority is far wealthier than the black majority, an imbalance that he regards as a vestige of the apartheid system that bestowed most economic benefits on whites.

When Mandela came to power, black South Africans anticipated quick fixes after being denied proper housing, schools and health care under apartheid. The new government, however, embraced free-market policies to keep white-dominated big business on its side and attract foreign investment. The policy averted the kind of economic deterioration that occurred in Zimbabwe after independence; South Africa, though, has one of the world's biggest gaps between rich and poor.

Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela was born on July 18, 1918, the son of a tribal chief in Transkei, a Xhosa homeland that later became one of the "Bantustans" set up as independent republics by the apartheid regime to cement the separation of whites and blacks.

Mandela's royal upbringing gave him a regal bearing that became his hallmark. Many South Africans of all races would later call him by his clan name, Madiba, as a token of affection and respect.

Growing up at a time when virtually all of Africa was under European colonial rule, Mandela attended Methodist schools before being admitted to the black University of Fort Hare in 1938. He was expelled two years later for his role in a student strike.

He moved to Johannesburg and worked as a policeman at a gold mine, boxed as an amateur heavyweight and studied law.

His first wife, nurse Evelyn Mase, bore him four children. A daughter died in infancy, a son was killed in a car crash in 1970 and another son died of AIDS in 2005. The couple divorced in 1957 and Evelyn died in 2004.

Mandela began his rise through the anti-apartheid movement in 1944, when he helped form the ANC Youth League.

He organized a campaign in 1952 to encourage defiance of laws that segregated schools, marriage, housing and job opportunities. The government retaliated by barring him from attending gatherings and leaving Johannesburg, the first of many "banning" orders he was to endure.

After a two-day nationwide strike was crushed by police, he and a small group of ANC colleagues decided on military action and Mandela pushed to form the movement's guerrilla wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, or Spear of the Nation.

He was arrested in 1962 and sentenced to five years' hard labor for leaving the country illegally and inciting blacks to strike.

A year later, police uncovered the ANC's underground headquarters on a farm near Johannesburg and seized documents outlining plans for a guerrilla campaign. At a time when African colonies were one by one becoming independent states, Mandela and seven co-defendants were sentenced to life in prison.

The ANC's armed wing was later involved in a series of high-profile bombings that killed civilians, and many in the white minority viewed the imprisoned Mandela as a terrorist. The apartheid government, meanwhile, was denounced globally for its campaign of beatings, assassinations and other violent attacks on opponents.

Even in numbing confinement, Mandela sought to flourish.

"Incidentally, you may find that the cell is an ideal place to learn to know yourself, to search realistically and regularly the process of your own mind and feelings," he wrote in 1975 to Winnie Mandela, a prominent activist in her own right who was in a separate jail at that time.

Mandela turned down conditional offers of freedom during his decades in prison. In 1989, P.W. Botha, South Africa's hard-line president, was replaced by de Klerk, who recognized apartheid's end was near. Mandela continued, even in his last weeks in prison, to advocate nationalizing banks, mines and monopoly industries—a stance that frightened the white business community.

But talks were already underway, with Mandela being spirited out of prison to meet white government leaders. After his release, he took charge of the ANC, and was elected president in a landslide in South Africa's first all-race election.

Perceived successes during Mandela's tenure include the introduction of a constitution with robust protections for individual rights, and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which he established with fellow Nobel laureate Archbishop Desmond Tutu. It allowed human rights offenders of all races to admit their crimes publicly in return for lenient treatment. Though not regarded as wholly successful, it proved to be a kind of national therapy that would become a model for other countries emerging from prolonged strife.

Despite his saintly image, Mandela was sometimes a harsh critic. When black journalists mildly criticized his government, he painted them as stooges of the whites who owned the media. Some whites with complaints were dismissed as pining for their old privileges.

In the buildup to the Iraq War, Mandela harshly rebuked President George W. Bush. "Why is the United States behaving so arrogantly?" he asked in a speech. "All that [Bush] wants is Iraqi oil." He suggested Bush and then British Prime Minister Tony Blair were racists, and claimed America, "which has committed unspeakable atrocities in the world," had no moral standing.

Until Bush repealed the order in 2008, Mandela could not visit the US without the secretary of state certifying that he was not a terrorist.

To critics of his closeness to Fidel Castro and Moammar Gadhafi despite human rights violations in the countries they ruled, Mandela explained that he wouldn't forsake supporters of the anti-apartheid struggle.

To the disappointment of many South Africans, he increasingly left the governing to Deputy President Thabo Mbeki, who won the next presidential election and took over when Mandela's term ended in 1999.

"I must step down while there are one or two people who admire me," Mandela joked at the time. When he retired, he said he was going to stand on a street with a sign that said: "Unemployed, no job. New wife and large family to support."

His marriage to Winnie Mandela had fallen apart after his release and he married Graca Machel, the widowed former first lady of neighboring Mozambique.

With apartheid vanquished, Mandela turned to peacemaking efforts in other parts of Africa and the world and eventually to fighting AIDS, publicly acknowledging that his own son, Makgatho, had died of the disease.

Mandela's final years were marked by frequent hospitalizations as he struggled with respiratory problems that had bothered him since he contracted tuberculosis in prison.

He stayed in his rural home in Qunu in Eastern Cape province, where Hillary Clinton, then U.S. secretary of state, visited him in 2012, but then moved full-time to his home in Johannesburg so he could be close to medical care in Pretoria, the capital.

His three surviving children are daughter Makaziwe by his first marriage, and daughters Zindzi and Zenani by his second.

The post Nelson Mandela, South Africa's Peacemaker, Dies appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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