The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Saw Mra Razar Lin: A Woman Warrior-Turned-Peacemaker
• Irrawaddy Division Coal Power Plant Grounded on Local Pushback
• Monks Vow to March Against Rangoon Projects After Govt Breaks Promise
• Clashes Continue at DKBA Asia Highway Toll Booth
• Case of Missing Ta’ang Party Leaders in Shan State Still Unresolved
• Dateline Politics: ‘There Will Be Ups and Downs, Like Waves’
• Govt, Ethnic Reps Hopeful after Peace Talks in Chiang Mai
• China Lobbies Hard Ahead of Manila’s South China Sea Arbitration Case
• Cambodia Faces Uphill Struggle to Reform its Orphanages
• Malaysian Leader Faces Risk of Criminal Charges Over Fund

Saw Mra Razar Lin: A Woman Warrior-Turned-Peacemaker Posted: 06 Jul 2015 12:34 PM PDT Saw Mra Razar Lin, a member of the Arakan Liberation Party. (Photo: Nang Seng Nom / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Once the sole female peace negotiator between the Burmese government and ethnic armed groups, Saw Mra Razar Lin has worked shoulder-to-shoulder with powerful men for decades. Before she joined peace discussions as a representative of the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), Saw Mra Razar Lin was also a soldier. At 55, she is still lively and strong, carrying with her the experience of being a rebel, an exile, a mother. A few decades ago, Saw Mra Razar Lin was a schoolteacher in western Burma's Arakan State, and few people knew who she was. That changed after the 1988 popular uprising in Burma, when pro-democratic activity swept across the nation, infecting her with a passion for politics. Like many other activists at that time, she soon went underground. Saw Mra Razar Lin left her Kyaukphyu home and headed for the border with Bangladesh, where she joined up with Arakan's underground revolutionary element. "When the pro-democracy uprising happened in 1988, I rallied people in Sittwe [the Arakan State capital] and preached about democracy. After that I rose to prominence," she recalled during a recent interview with The Irrawaddy. "I decided to work together with the Arakan revolutionaries whose views I shared." At first she became a part of the National United Front of Arakan, a revolutionary group that shortly thereafter disbanded due to difficulties in the region's rough and mountainous terrain. With too little food and not enough guns, Saw Mra Razar Lin decided to leave the group and head for Thailand, where she could help them acquire more firearms. Life as a woman soldier was difficult, she said. At almost all times, she was the only woman around. This made her time extremely hard to bear when she was ill, because no one was around to care for her. At one point she came down with a terrible case of malaria, and simply suffered through the sickness on her own strength. Saw Mra Razar Lin said she spent a full two years with her brothers-in-arms without seeing a single fellow female. "I wouldn't dream of going through it again, life was very hard," she said of her time underground and in the jungles. Unable to even call her family, who still lived in Burma, she remembered the days as incredibly lonely and harsh. As Saw Mra Razar Lin said, "there was no phone and no food in the revolution." While Saw Mra Razar Lin may have had enough of the soldiering life, she held onto the principles of the Arakan rebellion. In 2012, she realized she could play a different kind of role in Burma's civil war: that of a peacemaker. As a representative of the ALP at the negotiating table with President Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government, Saw Mra Razar Lin became the first woman to enter into peace negotiations. She was later joined by Naw Zipporah Sein, vice-chairperson of the Karen National Union. The two of them are among only a handful of women who have been involved in the talks, despite the tremendous toll that conflict has taken on the lives of Burma's ethnic women. Women ought to be more involved in resolving conflict, she argued, because, "women suffer from fighting." Saw Mra Razar Lin explained that in many of Burma's conflicts, while the men go the frontlines, women are left behind to deal with starvation, displacement and, in many cases, sexual abuse. If for no other reason, she said, women should be more integral to peacemaking solely because "most women want to stop the wars." After living the life an exile for more than two decades, mostly in Bangladesh, Saw Mra Razar Lin was invited to return to Burma in late 2012. She made her comeback decorated with international awards for her activism and dedication to bringing about democracy in Burma. When the ethnic negotiating bloc, the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) was formed in Kachin State the following year, she was appointed as one of the chief Arakanese representatives. "It's important that a large number of women take part in the peace talks," she told The Irrawaddy, remarking that while many women have tried to get involved in the process, they are often prevented from participating because they lack combat or political experience. Burdened by household roles and maternal responsibilities, women in Burma find it difficult to match the education and experience of their male peers, she explained. That inequality ripples through every tier of power in Burma, she said, lamenting the country's lack of female leadership—not just in the peace talks, but in local and national politics. Part of the problem, she said, was that omen in Burma lack political knowledge and experience, which can only be improved by women who take initiative and push themselves through the ranks against all obstacles. As for her herself, Saw Mra Razar Lin—a wife and mother of five with a home in Bangladesh—she admitted that she pays more attention to politics that to traditional "family duties." Every woman faces unique obstacles, she said, and will ultimately have to make her own decisions about what they want and how to achieve it. "Life is tough for everyone," she said. "It is important that women do not feel downhearted." The post Saw Mra Razar Lin: A Woman Warrior-Turned-Peacemaker appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Irrawaddy Division Coal Power Plant Grounded on Local Pushback Posted: 06 Jul 2015 08:45 AM PDT A view of Goyangyi beach in Irrawaddy Division's Ngapudaw Township, where a coal-fired power plant is planned. (Photo: Salai Thant Zin / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The fate of a planned coal-fired power plant in Irrawaddy Division's Ngapudaw Township remains unclear amid local opposition, with representatives from two companies jointly involved in laying its groundwork offering differing accounts of the project's status. Local newspaper 7 Days reported on Monday that the proposed 300-megawatt power plant in Nga Yoke Kaung sub-township had been "stopped," citing Irrawaddy Division's Electricity and Industry Minister Saw Mya Thein, who told the Burmese-language daily that a halt to the project was due to local opposition. Japan's Mitsubishi Corporation has partnered with local conglomerate A1 Group of Companies to undertake preliminary field research at the site of the planned power plant. "The companies have been doing surveys. Because [people] are rejecting this, they have stopped," Saw Mya Thein was quoted as saying. "The companies also don't want to continue. The chief minister has also asked them to stop." Yukihiro Iwasaki, deputy general manager of Mitsubishi Corporation in Burma, confirmed that feasibility studies including soil tests and other survey work had been suspended owing to resistance from local residents. "We just stopped all surveys," he told The Irrawaddy, adding that the company is working with Burma's Ministry of Electrical Power and Irrawaddy Division Chief Minister Thein Aung to assuage the concerns of local communities. Iwasaki said the proposed plant would be equipped with "clean coal" technology designed to limit carbon emissions and negative environmental impacts. But Yan Win, chairman of the A1 Group of Companies, offered a different explanation for the suspension of survey work in Ngapudaw Township, saying Burma's monsoon season was the cause. "No, we will not stop. We will continue," he said, adding that surveying would resume once the seasonal rains abated. A total of $1 billion is needed to finance the project, with about 70 percent of the investment expected to come in the form of loans from the World Bank and Asian Development Bank, according to Yan Win. Mitsubishi in April invited a delegation from Burma including local residents of Ngapudaw Township and policymakers to tour two coal power plants in Japan to learn about the East Asian economic power's successful use of clean coal technology to curb carbon emissions. Yan Win said a report of that visit has been submitted to Burma's Ministry of Electrical Power and A1 is engaged in ongoing efforts to educate locals about the project in Nga Yoke Kaung. Efforts to reassure local residents have not prevented a vocal opposition to the project from emerging, however. Five locals from the village of Nant Thar Pu signed a letter objecting to soil sample drilling on their lands and indicating that they likewise could not accept the proposed power plant. About 200 locals from Nant Thar Pu village in February physically prevented A1 employees from completing a land survey in the area. In May, the Beautiful Beach Development Network (BBDN) submitted a petition signed by 8,684 Nga Yoke Kaung residents to President Thein Sein, demanding that plans for the coal-fired power plant be scrapped. Naing Linn Htut, an Irrawaddy Division resident with the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability (MATA), said local communities remained suspicious of the companies' claim to have suspended the plan pending further consultation with affected residents. Toe Toe Naing, from Kanchay village in the Nat Hmaw village tract, said area residents would prefer to receive some form of official indication that the planned power plant was shelved permanently. "We are half happy [about the suspension] but dare not be entirely happy. … We'd be happier if the project was completely stopped due to rejection by more people," she said. Nga Yoke Kaung is currently off Burma's national grid but Toe Toe Naing said the government has announced that some electricity would soon be provided from the grid. Irrawaddy Division's Electricity and Industry Minister Saw Mya Thein told The Irrawaddy that talks among stakeholders would ultimately determine the coal power project's fate. "The project will go ahead if the company, government and locals agree. There are locals who support and oppose. So, negotiation is ongoing. We cannot say whether the project will go ahead or not at this time." Opposition to the power plant in Ngapudaw Township has been mirrored in other parts of Burma, including in Mon and Arakan states. According to the Dawei Development Association, more than a dozen coal-fired power plants are currently planned nationwide, and if completed would join three existing coal-fired plants in generating power for chronically undersupplied Burma. The 7 Days report on the latest setback for coal power proponents came the same day Burma's state media appeared intent on promoting the industry, with state-run dailies running front page stories of a visit by Thein Sein to Japan's Hekinan coal-fired power plant, the country's largest. The president was schooled on the "environmental friendly technology for producing electricity from coal," according to The Global New Light of Myanmar. The post Irrawaddy Division Coal Power Plant Grounded on Local Pushback appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Monks Vow to March Against Rangoon Projects After Govt Breaks Promise Posted: 06 Jul 2015 06:48 AM PDT The Society to Protect the Shwedagon petitions to stop the developments near the Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A Buddhist organization opposing five developments near the Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon have vowed to resume their campaign after the government failed to meet their demand of an official hiatus. Monday's announcement by the Society to Protect the Shwedagon, a movement borne of a nationalist Buddhist group known as the Ma Ba Tha, threatened to "ex-communicate" the government if it did not put a stop to projects near the sacred site. The Ma Ba Tha, an acronym for the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, launched a public campaign against the projects—a group of projects including the controversial Dagon City—in early June, claiming that major developments could cause structural damage to the pagoda. Led in part by well-known monk U Pamoukka, the Society to Protect the Shwedagon was established to carry out signature campaigns, raise awareness and organize public demonstrations in defense of the monument. Last month, the group met with Rangoon regional Commander Maj-Gen Tun Tun Naung and Rangoon Border Affairs Minister Col. Tin Win, during which the officials committed to halting the contentious developments and issuing an official statement to that effect within 15 days. The Society in turn agreed to cease holding public events related to the issue. U Pamaukka said at a public address on Monday that the deadline had passed over the weekend, and that the government's explanation for reneging on its promise was viewed buy the group as unsatisfactory. The monk said he was informed by Ragoon's Religious Affairs Officer Sein Maw that a letter officiating the projects' postponement was delayed by President Thein Sein's visit to Japan. When reached by The Irrawaddy on Monday, Sein Maw confirmed relaying the message to U Pamoukka but wished to offer no other comment on the issue. "We trusted and respected what they said, given their positions and power," U Pamoukka told an audience of about 100 supporters. "Now they lie… the government has made a bad impression on the people by what they did. They should not make promises so easily [if they cannot keep them]." Monday's meeting concluded with a resolution to resume a nationwide petition against the developments, starting on Tuesday, and to reconvene on July 19 to coordinate nationwide demonstrations should the petition fail to produce timely results. "We want to see all the fences, workers and machinery from the Dagon City project leave at that time, otherwise we will protest," said Aung Myaing, a leading member of the society, at Monday's address. U Pamoukka said the group has considered several potential methods of recourse if the government does not uphold its promise to halt the project. "We could mobilize public campaigns, or we could file a lawsuit against the army. If they fail to meet our request, we monks could ex-communicate the government," he said. The post Monks Vow to March Against Rangoon Projects After Govt Breaks Promise appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Clashes Continue at DKBA Asia Highway Toll Booth Posted: 06 Jul 2015 05:56 AM PDT DKBA soldiers on guard as their leaders attend an ethnic armed group summit in Law Khee Lar, Karen State, in June, 2015. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Clashes continued in southeastern Burma on Monday between government troops and ethnic Karen rebels in the lead-up to a major conference between the area's non-state actors and government representatives. Fighting broke out in Karen State's Kawkareik Township, near the border with Thailand, late last week as government troops entered the territory administered by the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), a splinter group of the state's dominant Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). DKBA Captain Saw Three Htoo told The Irrawaddy on Monday that clashes have occurred in four locations near the Asia Highway, linking Burma with northern Thailand at Myawaddy. Representatives of both sides of the conflict were set to meet on Tuesday in the state capital, Hpa-an, to bring about a swift resolution to intermittent clashes that have caused panic among locals and stagnation of trade in the remote area. Karen State Chief Minister Zaw Min had originally scheduled the conference between the government, the Karen National Union (KNU) and two other rebel armies, including the DKBA. The summit is intended to address the imposition of tolls along the highway, a major trade and commuter corridor. Rebel soldiers said on Monday that despite the agreement to meet, DKBA troops came under fire by the Burma Army at around 11 am near Klo Htoo Wah gate, claiming government forces used 105 and 120 mm artillery shells to attack their positions. Similar clashes broke out on Saturday, injuring two civilians, according to DKBA Deputy Chief of Staff Saw Moe Shaw, who said fire was exchanged after government troops entered Kawkareik without prior notice and demanded that the DKBA remove a security and toll station. The post Clashes Continue at DKBA Asia Highway Toll Booth appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Case of Missing Ta’ang Party Leaders in Shan State Still Unresolved Posted: 06 Jul 2015 05:45 AM PDT   Representatives of the Ta'ang National Party during the opening of a branch office in Mongkaung Township, Shan State. (Photo: Ta'ang National Party / Facebook) RANGOON — More than two weeks since the president and secretary of a local branch of the Ta'ang National Party in Shan State's Mongkaung Township were first reported missing, party officials have suggested they know where the men are being held amid ongoing denials from an ethnic armed group accused of involvement. The Ta'ang National Party's local branch office president Mai Aung Khan and secretary Mai Kyam Sar went missing on June 20, with party officials and Mongkaung locals accusing the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) of abducting the two men. A senior member of the Ta'ang National Party's Mongkaung branch, who wished to remain anonymous, told The Irrawaddy on June 22 that the RCSS was suspected because the party had received threatening letters from the Shan armed group. One such letter was reportedly received the day before the party opened its branch office in Mongkaung on June 4. The party's joint secretary Mai Win Htoo told The Irrawaddy on Sunday there was no ill-feeling between the armed group and local party leaders, but suggested the alleged abduction was tied to the upcoming national election, slated for November. "We know our men are still alive and where they are, but we don't want to give any information to the media because our people are in a dangerous situation," he said. President of the Ta'ang National Party, Mai Ohn Khine, said the party had tried to reach out to RCSS representatives without success. "I can't imagine why they arrested our people. I don't know what to do now," Mai Ohn Khine said. When contacted by The Irrawaddy on Monday, RCSS spokesperson Col. Sai La maintained the armed group had no information on the alleged abductees. He said the RCSS had acted on the Ta'ang National Party's original request to investigate the matter, but the party had not been in contact again. Col. Sai La said it was difficult to confirm whether any RCSS members were involved. The name of a battalion commander provided by the Ta'ang party did not match anyone serving in the Mongkaung area, according to the spokesperson. "If such events occurred in our territory, we would resolve the matter peacefully. Negotiation is the best solution; there's no other way to solve the problem and we are ready to discuss," he said. The Ta'ang National Party contested Burma's 2010 general election, wining one seat in the Upper and Lower houses of parliament respectively, as well as four seats in the Shan State legislature. The party is preparing to compete in the upcoming national election but has not specified whether it would contest in Mongkaung Township. Additional reporting by Nyein Nyein. The post Case of Missing Ta'ang Party Leaders in Shan State Still Unresolved appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Politics: ‘There Will Be Ups and Downs, Like Waves’ Posted: 06 Jul 2015 02:05 AM PDT On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, English Editor Kyaw Zwa Moe talks politics with Zin Mar Aung and Cheery Zahau. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, English Editor Kyaw Zwa Moe talks politics with Zin Mar Aung and Cheery Zahau. Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to our weekly Irrawaddy Dateline Program. Last week, there was a debate on charter amendment in the Union Parliament, but the Parliament voted against amendment of fundamental provisions. In light of this charter crisis, we'll discuss whether the future of our country's politics is hopeless or if there are signs of encouragement. Ma Zin Mar Aung, a director at Yangon School of Political Science, and Ma Cherry Zahau, one of the secretaries of the Chin Progressive Party, will join me for this discussion. I am Irrawaddy English Editor Kyaw Zwa Moe. Efforts were made to amend important provisions such as 59 (f) and 436 of the Constitution. The majority of the people want to amend it, but the efforts failed as it was rejected by military representatives and other lawmakers. Does this look like a negative trend for the country's politics? Is it disappointing? Or do you see any means to resolve it, Ma Zin Mar Aung? Zin Mar Aung: We expected that result. We had hoped there would be changes because there was dialogue. But then again, we expected that we would see this result if it was decided in the Parliament without the dialogue. But if we take a look at the results, more than 60 percent of lawmakers voted for amending the Constitution while opposition lawmakers constitute only five percent of the Parliament. If decisions were to be made by a majority of votes, the proposal [to amend the charter] would not have failed. The proposal failed only because of the constitution [which requires more than 75 percent of votes to make certain changes]. It was not an unexpected result and the situation therefore is not necessarily hopeless. In my view, the situation remains unchanged. KZM: Ma Cheery Zahau, our country has been facing a constitutional crisis because the charter was drafted against democratic norms. How important is it that the Constitution be changed now, or can it be changed sometime later in the future? Which would be better? Cheery Zahau: The Burma Army already holds 25 percent of seats in the Parliament. If people were able to freely elect the remaining 75 percent of lawmakers, and if the military cooperated with elected lawmakers in the interest of the country and the people, we could say there was hope. It is important that many lawmakers who represent people enter not only the Union Parliament but also the regional and divisional legislature. The military has already sent out a signal to the people, the entire country and the international community that it has held its place [in Parliament], and it does not want its place to be touched. We would not touch them. But the other 75 percent should be elected freely to Parliaments at both state and region levels, as well as the Union level. The military should also cooperate with them. If the military did so, our [democratic] transition would gradually move forward after the 2015 election. KZM: The Constitution serves to entrench the military, military representatives and several successive governments doesn't it? The military would not accept it if concentrated efforts were made to suddenly change the Constitution. It would take counter-actions. But if opposition and ethnic parties won more seats in the Parliament in the 2015 election, would there be any potential for constitutional change between 2016 and 2020? ZMA: In my view, politics is about power and in this regard, the military utilizes its strength to carry out its functions. Opposition only accounts for five percent of the Parliament. We can count on the people's strength outside [the Parliament], but in legalized, institutionalized administration or legislation [there is no opposition]. In fact, regarding the administration, the military has taken up all the positions. Township administrative officials are appointed by the Home Affairs Ministry. The Home Affairs Ministry is under the military and the army chief. Taking a look at the legislative branch, as Ma Cheery said, there are only 75 percent of lawmakers who could represent the people. We are not playing the whole field, but just three quarters of it. This is the only room we have for direct election of those who can really represent the interests and voices of the people. If people could grasp this chance and elect those who could represent their aspirations and interests, they would have bigger bargaining power in politics after 2015. If the elected lawmakers who represented people were really strong, they would be able to mobilize the military more. I also hope that [the military] will recognize and listen to the strength of the opposition and voices of the people. KZM: I said the Constitution entrenches them. Looking at our neighbor, Thailand, its military frequently seizes power. There are frequent steps forward and then back again. I think Myanmar people will not want to see such a situation, nor does the military. So, how long will we need to maintain the status quo for the military, Ma Cheery Zahau? I mean how long should we not touch the 25 percent of its seats in the Parliament? The next five years, 10 or 15? CZ: If I were a military guy—the military already holds the power, the two most powerful positions in its hands—25 percent of seats in the Parliament and all the positions in the administration held by the Home Affairs Ministry through the army chief—I would let the other positions to be taken by people's representatives. Even then, there would be no loss to for military. If the military had a finger in every pie, it would never win the trust and reliance of the people. In fact, it never got over the past 60 years. Only five years ago, people dared to speak of the military, to look at the military. In the past, the military was an institution that people dared not talk about. If it continues to hold power, we are likely to see a crisis because of it. So I would suggest that the military transfer 75 percent of parliamentary seats and many other things, such as the judicial branch, to the people. KZM: The major duty of the 25 percent of military representatives sitting in Parliament is to protect the Constitution. It is their key duty. Ma Zin Mar Aung, the majority of people did not accept the 2008 constitution because it is not in line with democratic norms. An election was held in 2010 and there were mountains of voting irregularities. Many boycotted it. And the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) therefore won in a landslide. In 2011, President U Thein Sein's quasi-government came into power. It was followed by a by-election in 2012. The political trend has changed. The government invited Burmese expats to come back and many returned to the country. But there are still constraints. How long will this trend go on, whether the Constitution is changed or not? ZMA: The military holds the decision-making power with regard to constitutional changes. On the other hand, there is still the issue of national reconciliation. So we have to wait and see how the military wants to build national reconciliation. [Political trends] will depend on the way the military handles national reconciliation. The goal of national reconciliation has been set, but if roads leading toward that goal are twisted, it will become a problem. It depends on how magnanimous the military is. I hope the military has political farsightedness. I don't mean the military should be generous. Our interests are bonded. If [the military] would take the view that the interests of the opposition are the dignity and interests of the military as well as the interests of ethnic minorities and that we are in the same boat, then we will be able to see more relaxations and more of the right people in the right places, I hope. But it will take time and it will depend largely on the 2015 election. KZM: Ma Cheery, you are considering contesting the 2015 election. Let's take a look down the line, about 5 or 10 years after the 2015 election. How do you envisage Myanmar doing over the next decade? CZ: The country will be kept busy until 2020 because there are still many problems, such as farmland disputes and the peace process. In a democratization process, there are lots of undesirable laws which prohibit the democratic rights of individuals. On the economic front, commodity prices are rising again. There are many problems that need to be resolved for the livelihoods of the people. So 2015 to 2020 will be a very busy period. We need to work collaboratively. The military has ruled for sixty years, but it did not solve the country's problems. I want the military to have a cooperative attitude, to solve the problems of the people. If the military can put the people's interests before its institutional interests in bargaining, drafting laws and designing policies, there will be progress in 2020 and the path beyond will be fairly smooth. KZM: So, you are optimistic about the next 10 years? CZ: Much remains to be done. KZM: Ma Zin Mar Aung, a yes-or-no question for you. Do you think the political trend of Myanmar will improve in the next ten years? ZMA: This is a difficult question for me, because the politics are not black and white at present. KZM: Well, take a look into the past 20, 30 years, and the past five years as well as the next 10 years. Will the trend be upward or downward? ZMA: I think there will be ups and downs, like waves. We need to take unseen factors into consideration. We did not discuss many other factors throughout our discussion. There may be other factors. It will depend on how we can handle those. If the military becomes willing to talk, I'm sure the opposition is always ready to talk. Then, we will be able to work together better and that would be positive, we hope. KZM: Ma Zin Mar Aung, Ma Cheery Zahau, thank you very much. The post Dateline Politics: 'There Will Be Ups and Downs, Like Waves' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt, Ethnic Reps Hopeful after Peace Talks in Chiang Mai Posted: 06 Jul 2015 12:31 AM PDT Government peace negotiators (from left) Aung Min, Khin Ye and Hla Maung Shwe of the Myanmar Peace Center during talks held in Chiang Mai on July 3-4, 2015. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Burma's chief peace negotiator Aung Min said the door to inking a nationwide peace accord remained open after a two-day informal meeting between government representatives and a new negotiating bloc representing ethnic armed groups concluded on Saturday. The scene was set for a potentially prickly dialogue when Aung Min told reporters on Friday that the government did not want any changes to the draft nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), but that the 12 amendments proposed by ethnic representatives could be added to the text's appendix. However, the mood appeared more upbeat following the two-day talks—the first between government representatives and the ethnic's new Special Delegation team, formed at a summit in Karen State's Law Khee Lar last month. "Today's discussion was a success," Aung Min said in a brief comment to reporters. "We have opened a door to the next step in signing the NCA." He said further discussions would be held between both sides in Rangoon sometime in the third week of July, including on ethnic groups' proposed amendments to the draft text. The ethnic delegation also remained optimistic despite the initial reluctance of government interlocutors to accept the new negotiating team. Aung Min referred to the new delegation as old colleagues, albeit in a new configuration, as he had worked with each of the leaders during previous bilateral ceasefire negotiations. Zipporah Sein, the head of the Special Delegation and the vice chair of the Karen National Union, told The Irrawaddy the talks were a "positive development" and would continue. She said both sides would continue to discuss the issue of three ethnic armed groups, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, the Arakan Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, that are locked in ongoing conflict with the Burma Army in northern Shan State. "[Establishing] all-inclusiveness is as important as the nationwide ceasefire. We are trying to achieve it and the government should also try. The government side is also now working on it and that's a good sign," Zipporah Sein said. Pu Zing Cung, the deputy leader of the ethnic bloc, said sights were set on achieving nationwide peace under the incumbent government of President Thein Sein. "There are only a couple of amendments to actually make to the NCA draft text, which we have discussed, and [these] could be done following further meetings," he said. "Both sides pledged to move the peace process forward and to try to sign the NCA under this administration and finalize the framework for political dialogue." Aung Min also met separately with members of the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South in Chiang Mai on Saturday. The Shan armed group is not a member of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, now replaced by the Special Delegation, that has led ceasefire negotiations on behalf of ethnic armed groups. The post Govt, Ethnic Reps Hopeful after Peace Talks in Chiang Mai appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Lobbies Hard Ahead of Manila’s South China Sea Arbitration Case Posted: 05 Jul 2015 10:55 PM PDT A Chinese Coast Guard vessel maneuvers to block a Philippine government supply ship with members of the media aboard at part of the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea on March 29, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) HONG KONG / MANILA — China's claims to the disputed South China Sea will come under international legal scrutiny for the first time this week, but while Beijing has officially refused to take part in the case filed by the Philippines at a UN tribunal, it has made its presence felt. Indeed, Manila's international legal team was heading to the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague to initially argue that the five-judge panel has jurisdiction to hear the case, Philippine Foreign Ministry officials told Reuters. That is because of concerns China raised in a public position paper in December about the tribunal's jurisdiction over the matter, according to court statements. A little-noticed decision by the tribunal's panel in April acknowledged China's objections and announced that a hearing on jurisdiction from July 7-13 would be held first. Manila filed the case in 2013 to seek a ruling on its right to exploit the South China Sea waters in its 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ) as allowed under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). While legally binding, any decision that favors the Philippines would be unenforceable because there is no UN body to police such rulings, legal experts said. Nevertheless, such a ruling would be a diplomatic blow to Beijing and might prompt other claimants to the South China Sea to take similar action, legal experts and diplomats said. The case is being closely watched by Asian governments and Washington given rising tensions in the South China Sea, especially in the Spratly archipelago, where China is creating seven artificial islands that will allow its navy to project power deep into the maritime heart of Southeast Asia. China claims most of the waterway, including many reefs and shoals that Manila considers are within its EEZ. Parts of the EEZ contain rich fishing grounds and energy deposits. Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan also have claims to the South China Sea, through which US$5 trillion in ship-borne trade passes every year. Some international legal scholars and South China Sea experts said China was effectively taking part in the case even though it had officially refused to do so. "It appears the tribunal panel is bending over backwards to accommodate China's interests and appear even-handed to both the Philippines and China," said Ian Storey, a South China Sea expert at Singapore's Institute of South East Asian Studies. Experts said that did not mean the judges would find in Beijing's favor. "They are being as fair as they can … they seem to sense China will scrutinize every word in any final ruling," said one legal scholar following the case. When asked to comment, tribunal officials referred Reuters to statements on its website. Without China's permission, Manila cannot seek a ruling at the International Court of Justice in The Hague on the sovereignty of the disputed territory, legal scholars said. Instead, Manila has invoked dispute settlement procedures under UNCLOS, a system that allows for arbitration even when one side objects and refuses to participate. The Law of the Sea does not rule on sovereignty but it does outline a system of territory and economic zones that can be claimed from features such as islands, rocks and reefs. The Chinese position paper last December said the "essence" of the Philippine case was sovereignty, and therefore beyond the scope of the tribunal. Storey said the hearing on jurisdiction could delay any final ruling by six to 12 months, meaning the case could linger beyond the single term of Philippine President Benigno Aquino, which ends next June. Aquino has been a key figure behind the legal challenge, at times drawing China's ire by comparing its South China Sea claims to Nazi Germany's expansionism before World War II. Chinese diplomats and legal experts have been following developments closely and taking outside opinions, according to sources with knowledge of Beijing's approach to the case. Some of that work has been handled by the Chinese Embassy at The Hague, which has established a formal line of communication with the tribunal, they said. Tribunal statements and the rules of the case reviewed by Reuters confirm that China can communicate with the tribunal via its ambassador to The Hague, while the court also updates China on procedural moves and opportunities for submissions. Despite the exchanges, China still planned to reject any decision that favored Manila, the sources said. Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying told a regular briefing on Thursday that the "unilateral" arbitration was "a political provocation in the guise of law that seeks to deny China's national sovereignty in the South China Sea." Charles Jose, the Philippine Foreign Ministry spokesman, disagreed: "The court is a fundamental first step toward a peaceful and rules-based resolution of the issue," he said. Zha Daojiong, a political scientist at Peking University, said he believed Beijing's strategy of not taking part and then refusing to accept any judgement was set. "Without China's participation, any ruling can only be an opinion," he added. The post China Lobbies Hard Ahead of Manila's South China Sea Arbitration Case appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Cambodia Faces Uphill Struggle to Reform its Orphanages Posted: 05 Jul 2015 10:34 PM PDT An orphan at Wat Norea orphanage learns to mix cement in Battambang, Cambodia, on September 20, 2003. (Photo: Reuters) PHNOM PENH — A visit to the temples of Angkor Wat, followed by a stop at an orphanage, are part of the travel experience for many of the more than four million tourists who come to Cambodia every year. What they often do not realize is that the impoverished Southeast Asian country is in the grip of a boom in orphanages, many of them unlicensed, with no safety checks, few real orphans, and subject to growing concern about neglect and abuse. Most of Cambodia's orphanages are financed by private donations from abroad, but no one knows exactly how much money flows into the country or how many centers there are. "It's hard to gauge because many orphanages are not transparent about their accounts, but it's a pretty safe guess that it's a multimillion dollar business," said James Sutherland, communications coordinator at Friends International, a social enterprise that works with disadvantaged children. Orphanages are expanding because Cambodia lacks a social welfare network to support poor families, its institutions still struggling to recover from the devastation caused by dictator Pol Pot's genocidal regime in the late 1970s. Between 2005 and 2010, the number of registered orphanages rose 75 percent to 269, housing almost 12,000 children, according to the United Nations children's agency Unicef. Since then, hundreds more have sprung up, usually run by private individuals or faith-based organizations, many of them from the United States or South Korea. One of the largest is Foursquare Children of Promise (FCOP), a US-based group dedicated to "building the kingdom of God," which runs more than 100 residential care facilities in Cambodia. FCOP was unavailable for comment. A Unicef report found that in many orphanages the standard of care is extremely poor, although Cambodia introduced minimum standards in 2006. Unicef's Cambodia country representative, Rana Flowers, said a lack of registration and of enforcement of minimum standards put children at risk of neglect and abuse. "I consider this to be a humanitarian emergency," Flowers told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. "This is a growing industry with little regulation, so anyone can open an orphanage to the detriment of thousands of children." The chances that a well-meaning tourist's cash will help a real orphan are slim as around 77 percent of children in orphanages have at least one living parent, according to Unicef. Many parents in poor rural areas see little choice but to place their children in orphanages because they cannot afford to send them to school. Mushrooming Industry The true scale of the orphanage problem should become clearer when a survey carried out by the Ministry of Social Affairs and aid groups is published later this year. "The number is likely to be closer to 600, which shows that this problem is out of control," an aid source, who requested anonymity, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. While the data is not directly comparable because the survey will include un-registered orphanages, it shows the government is struggling to contain the boom, despite its stated policy that residential care should only be a last resort for children. The government wants to stop more orphanages from opening and has promised yearly inspections, but it has only 30 inspectors, making it hard to monitor the industry. "We don't encourage more units to open," Oum Sophanara, director of the government's child welfare department, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. The government inspected 228 residential care units last year housing a total of 11,014 children. Only 22 of those are run by the government. "There are many more units that we have not been able to find," Oum said. Since 2011, the government has shut down 11 orphanages that failed to meet its minimum care standards. Orphanage Tourism The growth in orphanages matches an explosion of tourism in Cambodia, where the number of foreign tourists has shot up to 4.5 million last year from less than 200,000 in 1994. Most of them go to Siem Reap, a town close to Angkor Wat in one of the country's poorest provinces, and the center of "orphanage tourism" in Cambodia. Orphanage tourism is prevalent in other parts of Southeast Asia too, such as northern Thailand where some centers charge volunteers up to $400 a week to spend time there. It is also increasing in Burma as tourist numbers rise, prompting the government to commit itself last year to a moratorium on opening new orphanages. Friends International is working with other charities to raise awareness through the "Don't Create More Orphans" campaign, launched in February. "It is getting a lot of traction but many tourists are still unaware how damaging orphanages are," said Sutherland. There is a growing view in Cambodia that growing up in a residential care center is damaging for a child's development and that children need to be loved and cared for by one or two familiar adults, rather than strangers. M'Lop Tapang is one of a growing number of community-based organizations that provide shelters, education and vocational training with the aim of bringing children back to their families. "Every child needs to have a family to belong to," M'Lop Tapang director Eve Sao Sarin told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. "When a child lives at home, they're in a community and have a much better chance to learn essential life skills." M'Lop Tapang does not let tourists or volunteers come to its facilities in the seaside town of Sihanoukville, except for its Sandan restaurant where it trains street children to become chefs and waiters. "We don't think it's a good way to fund-raise or promote our work," Sarin said. The post Cambodia Faces Uphill Struggle to Reform its Orphanages appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Malaysian Leader Faces Risk of Criminal Charges Over Fund Posted: 05 Jul 2015 10:22 PM PDT Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Razak speaks to the media at a mosque outside Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on July 5, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) KUALA LUMPUR — Malaysia's prime minister is facing the risk of criminal charges over allegations that hundreds of millions of dollars were funneled from an indebted state fund to his personal bank accounts, the first time a Malaysian leader has faced criminal allegations. The country's attorney general confirmed late Saturday that he had received documents from an official investigation that made the link between Prime Minister Najib Razak and the investment fund 1MDB. The existence of the documents was first reported by The Wall Street Journal's Asia edition on Friday, showing some US$700 million were wired from entities linked to the fund into Najib's accounts. The documents sent to the attorney general pave the way for possible criminal charges. It is one of the worst political crises for Najib, who has come under increasing criticism over his leadership. Najib, who has denied taking any money for personal gain, said Sunday that he would consult with his lawyers to decide his next course of action on the "malicious accusations" against him. "It's damning and disastrous for Najib," said Wan Saiful Wan Jan, who heads the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs think-tank. "This is really uncharted territory in Malaysian politics. For the first time ever, we are seeing a prime minister facing the possibility of a criminal charge," he said. 1MDB, set up by Najib in 2009 to develop new industries, has accumulated 42 billion ringgit ($11.1 billion) in debt after its energy ventures abroad faltered. Critics, led by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, have voiced concerns about 1MDB's massive debt and alleged lack of transparency. The Wall Street Journal report said five deposits were made into Najib's accounts and that the two largest transactions, worth $620 million and $61 million, were done in March 2013 ahead of general elections. Najib slammed the report as part of a "political sabotage" by Mahathir to remove him. Mahathir, who stepped down in 2003 after 22 years in power but has remained an influential political figure, has been leading calls for Najib to step down. 1MDB said it had never provided any funds to Najib. Attorney General Abdul Gani Patail, however, said a task force investigating 1MDB for alleged impropriety had given him papers "including documents related to allegations of fund transfer into the account of the prime minister." Abdul Gani said the task force raided offices of three companies linked to 1MDB that were allegedly involved in the fund transfer. He didn't give further details on the documents or say what actions would be taken. Najib's deputy, Muhyiddin Yassin, said the allegations must be investigated because they tarnish Najib's credibility and integrity. Opposition lawmakers have said Najib should go on leave and also declare his assets. Home Minister Zahid Hamidi said the allegations against Najib were "reckless" and "bordering on criminal offenses" because they were based on unverified documents. He warned that police would "not hesitate to use the full force of the law against those who attempt to harm Malaysia's economy and our democratic process." "Even if nothing comes up from the investigation, the damage to Najib's reputation has been done. The pressure for him to step down will increase," said Wan Saiful, the head of the think-tank. Najib, the son of a former prime minister, took over the premiership in 2009. He has fought criticism over his management of the economy, and being implicated in the murder of a Mongolian model nine years ago. Najib has said he had nothing to do with the model, and two security officers linked to Najib at the time were found guilty of her murder. The post Malaysian Leader Faces Risk of Criminal Charges Over Fund appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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