The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• NLD Questions on Privatization ‘Disgrace’ Govt: Information Minister
• Arakan Army Official Acknowledges Recent Weapons Seizures
• Parliament to Change Presidential Elections Date: Document
• Women Hold Dialogue on Peace Process Inclusion
• From the Archive: Reflections on Kachin History
• Clashes Reported Between Govt Troops, TNLA in Namhsan Township
• Outgoing Govt to Leave Unfinished Business for NLD
• KNU Responds to Backlash on Hydropower Project
• Citing Lack of Protection, Anti-Poppy Activists Return Home
• ‘Economic Growth Is Not the Best Way to Solve Economic Problems’: Policy Advocate
• ‘Radical’ Candidate in Hong Kong Poll Exposes Underlying Tensions
• Indonesia Govt to Back Revisions to Anti-Graft Law: Senior Minister

NLD Questions on Privatization ‘Disgrace’ Govt: Information Minister Posted: 29 Feb 2016 05:18 AM PST Ye Htut, Minister of Information, speaks to media after a meeting in Union Parliament in Naypyidaw on August 18, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON—Burma's information minister Ye Htut has said that a National League for Democracy (NLD) MP's proposal to examine the rapid privatization of state-owned land disgraced the existing government. "Frankly speaking, we think that pointing fingers at the predecessors, without thinking about what they should do in the future, will bring nothing but displeasure with one another," Ye Htut said. He said that the Parliament should draw upon lessons from the previous term and then focus on matters related to the new government, which will take office in early April. NLD MP Khin San Hlaing submitted an urgent proposal to the Lower House of Parliament on Thursday calling on the outgoing government to scrutinize permissions given to sell or lease state-owned facilities and projects to private companies. She also criticized the forced removal of squatters on land affected by such transactions. Government officials did not appear before Parliament though they were invited to respond to the allegations. On Friday, shortly after Lower House MPs voted to approve the proposal, the information ministry announced the suspension of 68 projects, including unfinished buildings and factories. Ye Htut told The Irrawaddy that officials' attendance in Parliament would be decided on a case-by-case basis. "It will depend on the case. We will discuss the cases which are in the national interest. But for some cases, like that of Daw Khin San Hlaing's proposal, they can ask the transition committee which was formed to oversee the power transfer," said Ye Htut. "But they didn't ask and talk [about it] at the Parliament, so it seems they acted to disgrace the existing government," he added. Ye Htut told The Irrawaddy on Friday that each ministry had planned to announce and transfer suspended projects to the next government at the end of this month. However, Khin San Hlaing's proposal, which he claimed included false information, pushed the officials to release the list earlier. "We have nothing to hide. We are already prepared to hand over systematically to the next government," he said. Critics have said that officials' absence in Parliament demonstrated disrespect to the legislature and the voting populace. Khin San Hlaing told lawmakers during Friday's parliamentary session that the proposal was not intended to create misunderstanding but to give responsible officials a chance to explain the issue of privatization from their own point of view. The post NLD Questions on Privatization 'Disgrace' Govt: Information Minister appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Arakan Army Official Acknowledges Recent Weapons Seizures Posted: 29 Feb 2016 04:53 AM PST Commander-in-Chief of the Arakan Army, Brig-Gen Tun Myat Naing. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A spokesperson for the Arakan Army on Monday acknowledged that weapons recently seized by authorities in Rangoon and in Arakan State belonged to the armed group, but denied allegations of involvement in narcotics. On Monday, state-owned newspaper The Global New Light of Myanmar ran a front page story detailing recent weapons seizures that followed the arrest of two men, Aung Myat Kyaw and Wai Tha Tun, the former of whom was described as a lieutenant colonel in the Arakan Army. The article detailed guns, explosives, ammunition and other military equipment that were confiscated from two separate houses connected to the two men in Rangoon Division's North Dagon and Hlaing Tharyar townships. Six RPG launchers, detonators and explosive materials were also confiscated from a building allegedly belonging to the Arakan Army in Ramree Township, Arakan State, according to the article. Arakan Army spokesperson Khine Thu Kha on Monday acknowledged that both men, now detained, were Arakan Army operatives. He described the weapons seizures as "minor" and claimed that the Arakan Army had the full support of all Arakanese. However, Khine Thu Kha described allegations related to the confiscation of narcotics as false and made intentionally to "damage the dignity" of the Arakan Army and sow mistrust between the armed group and Arakanese citizens. Police allegedly confiscated 330,800 stimulant tablets from a residence belonging to Wai Tha Tun in Rangoon Division's North Okkalapa, Monday's article stated. Since conflict between the Burma Army and the Arakan armed group broke out in Kyauktaw Township in the western state in late December, state media has carried several critical reports of the ethnic armed force which the government refused to recognize during negotiations toward the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement. In January, the New Light reported the Burma Army's intention to "remove" the ethnic armed group from Arakan State and accused it of attempting to ally with insurgent groups in unspecified "other countries." In the most recent skirmish, the Arakan Army clashed with government troops on Saturday in Buthidaung Township, according to a statement released by the ethnic armed group. The post Arakan Army Official Acknowledges Recent Weapons Seizures appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Parliament to Change Presidential Elections Date: Document Posted: 29 Feb 2016 04:44 AM PST National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi sits in a meeting room after the opening of the new Upper House of Parliament, February 3, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Burma's democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi is likely to speed up elections of the country's president, in a last-minute change following weeks of talks with the military that has stood by the constitution that bars her from assuming the highest office. Burma's parliament, dominated by the National League for Democracy (NLD) which swept historic elections in November, will change the date of presidential elections, previously set for March 17, according to the agenda for Tuesday's parliamentary session. NLD members and analysts say the party was likely to speed up the vote to end weeks of bickering between the army and the NLD over whether the junta-drafted Constitution, which bars Suu Kyi from becoming president, should be amended. The original date, set only two weeks before the term of the new government was set to start on April 1, gave Suu Kyi plenty of time to negotiate the terms of the transition. But in the face of the unrelenting military, Suu Kyi decided to speed up the vote to gain time to prepare for government, analysts say. "It's become clear that amendment of article 59 (f) [barring Suu Kyi from becoming president] is impossible. So they want the presidential nomination to happen earlier so that they can take more time in handling cabinet formation," said political analyst Yan Myo Thein. The NLD swept the historic Nov. 8 election, securing some 80 percent of elected seats in parliament, or enough to push through its president. Suu Kyi is barred from the presidency because she has foreign children. Another factor that may have forced the NLD's surprise change of tactics was lack of cooperation from the outgoing administration of President Thein Sein. Last week, the NLD criticized the military and the army-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) over a controversial copper mine project run as a joint venture between a Chinese weapons manufacturer and the Burmese military. It also zeroed in on other lucrative public works projects awarded by the outgoing government at the last minute. In a rare show of outrage, the military MPs stood up, while one of the members of the army caucus rejected the NLD's allegations in parliament. "Present government is responsible only to the previous parliament that formed it," said Thein Sein's spokesman, Ye Htut, backing ministers who refused to come to Parliament to face questioning by the NLD. The rare heated debate showed the challenges facing Suu Kyi as she tries to overcome years of corrosive distrust between the junta that had ruled the country for nearly half a century and pro-democracy activists. Now both sides are forced to share power. The military controls a large chunk of the country's administration through three security ministries, has guaranteed a quarter of the seats in the parliament and a constitutional veto. The post Parliament to Change Presidential Elections Date: Document appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Women Hold Dialogue on Peace Process Inclusion Posted: 29 Feb 2016 03:34 AM PST A panel at the strategic dialogue hosted by the Alliance for Gender Inclusion in the Peace Process (AGIPP) in northern Thailand. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — As part of a push to include more women in Burma's peace process, women peace advocates held a three-day strategic dialogue with civil society leaders who are working toward the advancement and empowerment of women. Members of the Alliance for Gender Inclusion in the Peace Process (AGIPP) brought women from different backgrounds to Chiang Mai, Thailand for the dialogue—which ended on Monday—on the theme of "More Women in the Peace Process Equals Sustainable Peace in Myanmar." AGIPP, a network of the eight women's groups, has been actively advocating on the topic since last year. Dialogue facilitator Nang Raw Zahkung, who is the deputy director of the Nyein (Shalom) Foundation and a steering committee member of AGIPP, told The Irrawaddy that the meeting in northern Thailand "aimed to share the views of the women in the peace process" and to develop "a collective approach to mobilize for the inclusion of more women." Nearly half of the fifty participants were parliamentarians, peace facilitators or female representatives from ethnic armed groups. Drafted in late 2015, soon after the country's so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement, the draft framework for political dialogue promoted a 30 percent quota for women's inclusion in future peace talks. "We aim for our representation to reach this 30 percent quota, as now there is not yet such a proportion," said Nang Raw Zahkung. Doi Bu, a former upper house lawmaker from Kachin State's Unity and Democracy Party (UDPKS), said that women need to be ready to take part in the process. "Even though women are more than half of the population, we tend to think of staying behind, mostly in the political arena and the peace building process," she explained. "In addition, men also need to be reminded to be inclusive of women's participation, as they are the decision makers, even sometimes making decisions to let their wives, peers or daughters to go to such a meeting." The outspoken ex-lawmaker was one of the parliamentary delegates to Burma's Union Peace Conference in January, and will continue serving as delegate from her political party, of which she is joint secretary. Nang Phyu Phyu Lwin, the current chair of the AGIPP, said that "it is very encouraging that more women in some states, such as Shan [State], are also participating in the joint ceasefire monitoring team." She said that recommendations from the women's strategic dialogue would be shared to the stakeholders in the Union Peace Conference. But, for the nationwide effort, the general consensus is that there remains much work to be done. "We must be interested not only in family affairs, but also in the community and in ethnic affairs," Nang Phyu Phyu Lwin said. "We must participate from the community level on up; without the representation at the community level, we cannot be at the high decision making level." The women's dialogue on gender inclusion was also joined by foreign researchers and experts on the issues of gender quotas and gender content in peace processes and ceasefires. During the session, women also met with leaders of the ethnic armed alliance the United Nationalities Federal Council. The post Women Hold Dialogue on Peace Process Inclusion appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

From the Archive: Reflections on Kachin History Posted: 29 Feb 2016 03:10 AM PST Baptist Rev. Ja Gun in Laiza, Kachin State. (Photo: Carlos Sardiña Galache / The Irrawaddy) Feb. 29, 2016 — Baptist Rev. Ja Gun passed away on Monday morning in Laiza, Kachin State. The 70-year-old, a prominent Kachin historian and linguist, was known to have chronic high blood pressure and diabetes. His funeral will be held on Tuesday in Myitkyina. With the sad news of his passing, The Irrawaddy revisits an interview with Rev. Ja Gun that was first published in July 2012. LAIZA — Baptist Rev. Ja Gun is one of the most prominent historians and linguists in Kachin State. Educated at the University of Rangoon during the 1960-70s, a period of great student activism in which he took part, he now tutors Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) soldiers about local political history and endeavors to change "their worldview, which in the past has been limited by the Burmese curriculum." Speaking to The Irrawaddy in late June, Ja Gun discussed the historical roots of the present conflict between the KIO and the Burmese government as well as the main stumbling blocks towards attaining peace and reconciliation from a Kachin perspective. Can I start with the pre-colonial era. What was the relationship like back then between the Kachin people and Burmese Kingdom in Mandalay? The Kachin people were living between the Burmese Kingdom and the Chinese Kingdom—we were sandwiched between these two powers. Whenever the Burmese kings wanted to cross to China, they had to consult with the Kachin chiefs first. We are living in this buffer zone and, since time immemorial, the Kachin people controlled this borderland. We had an off-and-on relationship with the Burmese kings. Sometimes the strong rulers came to our land and then conquered Mougong and Bhamo, just the lowlands. In former times, the Kachin people were mercenaries. Kachin people had the advantage that they could adapt to this weather, this situation and this mountain region. The Burmese soldiers had good weapons, but it was very difficult for them to overcome the natural hindrances. Whenever there was a war those who made an alliance with the Kachin won. There seems to be a sense of superiority among the Burmese majority towards the ethnic minorities, like the Kachin or the Karen, who they call hill tribes. What do you think are the origins of this? The Burmese were very much proud of the fact that they had kings and the Kachins were very aggressive and the fact was that we never have been subjected to [the rule of] any people, neither Chinese nor Burmese. The British were the first who conquered the Kachin people. The Kachin were always fighting, sometimes fighting within and sometimes fighting their enemies. The Shan civilized first and the Kachin people tried to adopt the Shan civilization and our terminology is loaned from the Shan, and we learned the farming of the wet lands from the Shan people. The Burmese kings had no intention to control the Kachin because they regarded the Kachin as wild people. So they totally ignored us. Let's move to the colonial times. How did the British change Burma and the Kachin? British Burma and the Burmese Kingdom were quite different things. The kingdom of the Burmese kings was very limited—they could not rule the whole of Kachin State, Wa State, Karenni State and the others—they just ruled central Burma. So the British conquered all these places because they wanted to make a fence for the Indian sub-continent. During the resistance to British advances in 1886 we didn't find any Burmese commanders resisting, but all the Kachin rulers resisted the occupation at that time. The Burmese throne, in the hands of King Thibaw, had been withdrawn in 1885, so the British thought that they had automatically won Kachin State. But as soon as they arrived the Kachin chiefs resisted the British and finally the British learnt that we, the Kachin, were not the property of the Burmese king. So our feeling today is that joining the Union is a voluntary association. Shan, Kachin and other ethnic minorities had their own history, their own home, their land, their own native language before colonial rule. And then, at the time of the British government, the British organized all those ethnic minorities in our land and made British Burma. During World War II, the Kachin fought alongside the British while the Burmese spent most of the conflict alongside the Japanese under the leadership of Gen Aung San. How did this affect relations between the Kachin and Burmese? The Kachin and the Chin peoples were sympathizers of the Allied Forces, so Aung San and his Burmese Independence Army (BIA) came up during Japanese rule and killed many Kachin people because they accused them of being the stooges of foreign imperialism. I have many records of this. They used Japanese guns everywhere. Until 1944, the BIA came to villages and made trouble for the Kachin people. It's a funny thing to say that the BIA liberated Burma from Japanese occupation. The Allied Forces and the Kachin, the northern Kachin rangers, expelled all the Japanese in conjunction with some hill peoples. The Burmese and Shan sided with the Japanese. The Kachin rangers celebrated Panam Manaw festivities after the victory in Bhamo on March 24-26, 1945, and Aung San started the anti-Japanese movement in Rangoon the day after on March 27. So they were only involved for two or three months. Because of the victory against Japanese occupation, the Kachin people were the main race to talk about political matters because we had the upper hand in our land—that is, in the transitional period. There were no Burmese troops there at that time, only Kachin troops. At the Victory Manaw, the Kachin leaders invited Aung San and his anti-fascist people. They came up and met with us and then we agreed to join for independence. In 1947, the Kachin signed the Panglong Agreement with other groups. Did the civilian government of U Nu respect the agreement? After the death of Aung San, U Nu maintained the Panglong spirit, but the greatest loss of all for us was the U Nu-Attlee Agreement. With the Panglong Agreement we attained equality, but the ethnic minorities had no wisdom at that time. The U Nu-Attlee Agreement was very important because it transferred all the power to U Nu's AFPFL [Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League] including defense and financial matters. With the 1948 Constitution, the big parties like the AFPFL controlled the whole Parliament and with the U Nu-Attlee Agreement the Rangoon government received all properties and power from the British government. The KIO was created in 1961. What happened at that moment and why was it created then? At that time, representation of ethnic minorities in the constituent assembly was very limited. With the 1948 Constitution, the Burmese government manipulated the ethnic minorities by controlling representatives in Parliament. The first disadvantages came when we transferred some Kachin villages to China. Kachin people, especially Kachin students, opposed that transfer but due to the Constitution we had no voice because our representation was very limited. And the second problem was the state religion. In our Constitution we wanted separation between church and state but U Nu used Buddhism for his political manipulations. We did not hate the Buddhists, we hated his manipulation of Buddhism in political affairs. Our promise in the Panglong Agreement was fairness and fundamental rights— protection of minorities, equality, freedom of speech, freedom of religion and fundamental democracy. That's what we included in the Panglong Agreement. But with the 1948 Constitution U Nu tried to manipulate the law and then, due to these two facts—the state religion and the transfer of power—there would be no hope in Parliament for the Kachin people. So we started our armed struggle on Feb. 5, 1961. Until now, we want to talk about political matters first. No ceasefire agreement, no development programs—we don't need these programs. We have to start talking about political matters as our problems have been rooted in political issues since the Panglong Agreement. At the beginning of the KIO's existence, the Kachin wanted independence but then, in the 1970s, they changed and started to demand autonomy. Why did they change their stance from independence to autonomy? We realized we would not attain our fundamental goal, so we would talk conditionally about internal self-determination. Our independence, deep in our hearts, is non-negotiable but because of our conditions—we are landlocked—and also due to our neighboring countries, our military strength and our leadership, we need to adapt to survive. At that time, socialist governments tended to get together. The same happened in the Soviet Union, in Yugoslavia, and also in the Western bloc. People everywhere were getting together so we tried to switch and make alliances with other groups—the Karen, the Chin, the Rakhine. So we wanted to ally with them and promote their political position as well. And our ultimate goal will probably be full independence. Do you think that a compromise between the Burmese and Kachin is more likely with Thein Sein in power than with former junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe? With this so-called transition to democracy? We expect in the near future that there will be internal strife within Thein Sein's government. Maybe Thein Sein one day will understand the problem of the ethnic minorities. Suu Kyi understands our situation and Thein Sein maybe understands it but it is a very difficult situation because of the very different political cultures. We are democratic but they want to establish a Burman hegemony—Burman dominant rule, that's their political culture. People who live outside Myanmar understand this, that unless they change their political culture it is very difficult to reconcile with each other. If the Burmans change their political culture, we will reconcile. Suu Kyi's position is good to reconcile one day. We do not want to dominate the Burmans, we want to defend our land that is associated with our history, our identity and even our religion in the older times. What do you think is the main obstacle to attaining reconciliation with the Burmans? The main stumbling block is the military, the military regime. The military regime is the replacement of the Burmese kings. Their attitude is to replace the Burmese kings, and the Burmese kings regarded us as wild men—they didn't consider us as a people. The post From the Archive: Reflections on Kachin History appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Clashes Reported Between Govt Troops, TNLA in Namhsan Township Posted: 29 Feb 2016 02:31 AM PST Members of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army in Kyauk Hpyu, Kyaukme Township of northern Shan State, February 2016. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Fighting broke out in Namhsan Township, northern Shan State, on Sunday between the Burma Army and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), according to the latter group. Last week, the TNLA reported that hundreds of Burma Army troops had been deployed to areas of northern Shan State where the Ta'ang armed force operates. On Sunday, two separate clashes were reported in the Namhsan area, with the TNLA claiming five Burma Army soldiers were killed. "One clash broke out in the morning for one hour and the second clash at noon," said a report from the armed group, which did not cite casualties on the TNLA side. Fierce fighting took place between the TNLA and the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) earlier this month in Kyaukme and Namkham townships, leaving upwards of 4,000 civilians displaced. Clashes first broke out last November, one month after eight armed groups signed the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement with the central government. The SSA-S was among the signatories while the TNLA was sidelined by Naypyidaw from the negotiations. Fresh fighting between the two sides broke out in Kyaukme Township on Monday, according to the TNLA. The Burma Army has reportedly called on both sides to return to their "designated" territories, with an article in the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar on Feb. 24, quoting the defense ministry, asserting that army operations were underway in Shan State. Burma Army troops have been operating across several townships in northern Shan State, according to the TNLA's general secretary Tar Bong Kyaw, including Kyaukme, Kutkai, Namtu, Manton, Namhsan and Mongmit townships. The TNLA has repeatedly accused the SSA-S of cooperating with the Burma Army—allegations refuted by the Shan force. "They helped the RCSS to fight us," said Tar Bong Kyaw, referring to the SSA-S by their political wing, the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS). "But when a lot of fighting broke out and many people had to leave from the area, [government] troops came into our area claiming to maintain peace." "There is a political transition in our country and we will try to avoid fighting as much as we can," he added. The post Clashes Reported Between Govt Troops, TNLA in Namhsan Township appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Outgoing Govt to Leave Unfinished Business for NLD Posted: 29 Feb 2016 12:00 AM PST Cranes are reflected in the window of a shopping mall under construction in Rangoon, November 11, 2015. (Photo: Olivia Harris / Reuters) RANGOON — Burma's outgoing government has put 68 controversial projects on hold, the information ministry announced on Friday, the same day as Lower House MPs voted to approve a motion calling for greater scrutiny of the sale of state properties and other assets during the transition period. The suspended projects include a coal-fired power plant in Tenasserim Division's Myeik Township, a hazardous chemical treatment plant in Rangoon Division's Hmawbi Township and a special economic zone planned for Shan State. Other projects include unfinished buildings and factories contracted to private firms, sites reportedly linked to allegations of land grabbing, and issues over "build-operate-transfer" agreements. The Ministry of Information's announcement was issued shortly after lawmakers in the Lower House of Parliament on Friday discussed and approved a proposal tabled by the National League for Democracy (NLD)'s Khin San Hlaing urging authorities to review permissions to sell or lease state-owned factories, facilities and projects before a new government takes power on April 1. The proposal also included for discussion the plight of squatters after large-scale evictions were carried out in Rangoon last month. Thein Nyunt, a former Lower House lawmaker and chairman of the New National Democracy Party, said there are many projects that government ministries signed off on for the private sector without any transparency. "We called for the Dagon City project to be stopped, but there are still many small projects that each ministry has agreed to without publicizing any of them," Thein Nyunt said, referring to the planned development that was cancelled by the government in July last year after a public outcry over its proximity to the Shwedagon Pagoda. "The outgoing government should openly provide information on these projects to the new government so that it can consider how best to solve any problems," Thein Nyunt said. Maung Maung Lay, vice chairman of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry, said the administration of President Thein Sein should attend to issues over controversial projects before its term ends. "If not, there will be more problems if the new government pulls out from these controversial projects," he said. "This is a good time for the current government to say what it's done in the past, to let all of the people know." The post Outgoing Govt to Leave Unfinished Business for NLD appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

KNU Responds to Backlash on Hydropower Project Posted: 28 Feb 2016 11:40 PM PST The Salween River, a waterway which separates Thailand and Burma and on which six dams have been planned; four of the proposed projects are located in Karen State. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) After receiving criticism for signing a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on a hydropower dam project, the Karen National Union (KNU) released a statement saying that it will ensure local communities are involved in decision-making and benefit sharing. The statement, published by the KNU on Friday, declared that the group's business body, Thoolei Company Limited, "will not ignore opinions of local communities and engage in activities that might lead to human rights violations." The group also promised to "undertake… a feasibility study of international standard" which would measure the project's social and environmental impact. The statement came after the KNU company faced a local backlash after signing an MoU on the Baw Ka Hta River hydropower project with the Burmese government on February 18 in Naypyidaw. Critics, including Karen environmentalists, said the MoU was signed without proper assessments of the dam's consequences and with a lack of consultation with affected civilians in Kyaukkyi Township, Pegu Division. The KNU responded by stating that the agreement was not for "the realization" of the Baw Ka Hta dam, as was reported by some sources, but for a "project feasibility study report" that will reportedly last for a period of 24 months. Progress on the hydropower project will also depend on the success of the ongoing peace process between the KNU and the Burmese government, the statement said. The KNU was one of eight ethnic armed groups to sign a so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement with the government in 2015. The KNU's central economic committee will undertake a field study with 14 district and central level leaders to address economic challenges that might be faced due to the influx of business operations during the current ceasefire. If completed, the Baw Ka Hta dam would have the capacity to produce 160 megawatts of electricity, which would reportedly be distributed throughout Pegu Division and Karen State. Yet local Karen villagers around the dam site fear that it will lead to a loss of their land. They have compared the project to Pegu Division's Shwegyin Dam, built on the river of the same name, where 45 villages were forcibly relocated from 2002 until 2011, when the dam was completed. The post KNU Responds to Backlash on Hydropower Project appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Citing Lack of Protection, Anti-Poppy Activists Return Home Posted: 28 Feb 2016 11:30 PM PST Pat Jasan members camped in Sadung sub-township in Kachin State on Saturday. (Photo: Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint / The Irrawaddy) MYITKYINA, Kachin State — An anti-poppy group in northern Burma has called off their immediate plans to destroy poppy in Kachin State's Waingmaw Township citing a lack of protection from authorities after a recent clash with armed assailants last week. On Thursday, members of Pat Jasan, a hardline Christian anti-opium group, were attacked on their way to destroy poppy fields in Waingmaw Township, leaving dozens injured. "The state government didn't provide enough security for us. Without army protection, we can do nothing. And because there is no sign at the moment that the army will help us, we are going back home," said Ja La, a Pat Jasan leader, on Saturday. Following last week's attack, Pat Jasan leaders held a meeting with the Kachin State government on Friday in the state capital of Myitkyina, according to Lamai Gum Ja, a senior official from the Kachin Peace Talk Creation Group. During the meeting the group asked for help from the state government to continue their work. Local authorities reportedly declined, explaining that the state police force was not adequately equipped to venture into militia-controlled areas, where many of the poppy fields are located. "So they [the anti-poppy campaigners] were advised to request army protection through the [national] government and the army chief," Lamai Gum Ja said. Hla Win, vice police chief for Myitkyina, was not available for comment on Saturday. The post Citing Lack of Protection, Anti-Poppy Activists Return Home appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Economic Growth Is Not the Best Way to Solve Economic Problems’: Policy Advocate Posted: 28 Feb 2016 11:20 PM PST Excavators are used at the Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ) project at Thilawa outside Rangoon, February 21, 2014. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — A public seminar entitled "Myanmar's Special Economic Zones (SEZs): Opportunities or Threats to Local Communities" attracted regional development specialists to Rangoon this week, including Penchom Saetang, Director of Ecological Alert and Recovery Thailand (EARTH). In her work as a community and policy advocate, Saetang fights for corporate and government accountability concerning health and environmental problems from industrial pollution. As Burma is developing three SEZs in Arakan State and Rangoon and Tenasserim divisions, respectively, problems have been highlighted concerning land confiscation, a lack of public consultation and forced relocation. The Irrawaddy's Yen Snaing spoke with Saetang about Thailand's experience promoting industrialization, and what experiences Burma might be able to draw upon from its neighbor. What lessons can Burma take from Thailand regarding the development of industry in the country's three special economic zones (SEZ)? I'd like to say that Thailand has for a long time promoted industrialization and economic growth—I think it's around 40 years already. Several communities [throughout] the country have suffered from the negative impacts of industrial development and the promotion of economic growth by governments that ignore [both] local livelihoods and the protection of the ecological system. So Thailand is a good example for Myanmar to learn [about] the negative side of industrial development. We have many contaminated areas… where problems have never been solved, and there has never been any policy, action or measure to clean up those lands. Year after year, we have lost an increasing amount of agricultural land like paddy fields and water sources. This is caused by the strong Thai government promotion of industrial development without taking responsibility for the loss of nature, damage to health and the environment of local communities. Economic growth only creates profit and wealth for very small groups of companies, both national and multinational corporations. So economic growth is not the best way to solve the economic problems of the country and it does not help to reduce the gap between the rich and poor people. What alternatives are there? We have other economic patterns of development that can promote growth and are more sustainable than the pattern promoted by the Thai government. That's why many communities in Thailand try to fight the strong policy of the government and advocate for more sustainable economic development. Many people believe this is better than promoting industrialization—particularly the large-scale projects, like petro-chemical projects and coal power plants. Burma just started this process in the last five years. In the name of economic growth, the country is trying to promote industrialization by inviting foreign direct investment into the country and also promoting special economic zones. What would you suggest to the stakeholders in this process? Myanmar is welcoming investment both from national companies and foreigners. I think Myanmar has a very good opportunity to develop both laws and policies that promote economic growth in more sustainable ways in other ASEAN countries. But more sustainable development will come from three things. The first one is that the Myanmar government will have to promote people's participation parallel to promoting economic investment. It is very important, because the outcome of economic development [affects] the livelihoods, the happiness and the security of the nation and the people. So the Myanmar government should not make its own decisions without the people's participation. If the government is open to this, they will reduce conflicts in the country in the long term. The second thing is that before they rapidly promote economic and industrial growth, the Myanmar government should secure laws that protect the environment, control pollution, and protect [people's] health. The investors, particularly the big industrial investors, are concerned only with earning the highest [possible] profit. The Myanmar government has a good opportunity to learn from the experiences of Thailand, Japan and other countries, and not to allow history to repeat itself. And the third thing is that sustainable development should come with transparency and a democratic system. Transparency, good government and a democratic system are very important criteria in securing the long term [commitment] of the government and in rebuilding your country with integrity and more sustainability. The post 'Economic Growth Is Not the Best Way to Solve Economic Problems': Policy Advocate appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Radical’ Candidate in Hong Kong Poll Exposes Underlying Tensions Posted: 28 Feb 2016 11:08 PM PST Edward Leung, a candidate from the Hong Kong Indigenous, attends a campaign during a Legislative Council by-election in Hong Kong, China, February 28, 2016. (Photo: Bobby Yip / Reuters) HONG KONG — Hong Kong residents voted in a legislative council by-election on Sunday, with a "radical" pro-democracy candidate who was arrested in a recent riot running in what is being seen as a barometer of political tensions in the financial hub. The poll, to fill a single legislative seat vacated by a former pro-democracy politician, is being watched for signs of growing support for a burgeoning "indigenous" movement that has advocated more extreme protests, including violence, to push for greater democracy. While candidates from across the political spectrum are competing, most attention has focused on Edward Leung, a leader of "Hong Kong Indigenous" and one of the first street activists to make a foray into mainstream politics. "We, the young generation are determined to sacrifice ourselves for Hong Kong's future," he told Reuters on the campaign trail, flanked by supporters holding banners with the words: "Vote for a revolution". Hong Kong, a former British colony that returned to Chinese rule in 1997 under a "one country, two systems" formula that gives it a high degree of autonomy, was rocked by massive protests in 2014 demanding Beijing's Communist Party leaders grant the city full democracy. Beijing's refusal to give any concessions to the protesters has embittered a younger generation of activists, including Leung, who have pledged to fight on. Some of these underlying tensions surfaced earlier this month, when hundreds of protesters clashed with police in a night-long riot. It was the worst violence seen on Hong Kong's streets for years and dozens were arrested, including Leung. "We need to put enough pressure on the government. Therefore a kind of forceful protest is inevitable," Leung said. Hong Kong's financial secretary, John Tsang, warned during his budget speech last week that Hong Kong risked seeing further chaos and that political uncertainty was hurting the economy. While Leung is not expected to win, the scale of support amongst the 940,000 or so eligible voters in his constituency will be a gauge of recent anti-China sentiment, though many in the city remain strongly opposed to any radicalism. "We need a stable environment," said a 67-year-old retired businessman, surnamed Chu, who voted for a pro-establishment candidate. "The [radicals] will add uncertainty to Hong Kong." The results will also be a key indicator of the public mood ahead of a full legislative council poll later in the year, pitting a pro-democracy camp that now enjoys a slender one-third veto bloc against pro-Beijing and pro-establishment parties. The post 'Radical' Candidate in Hong Kong Poll Exposes Underlying Tensions appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Indonesia Govt to Back Revisions to Anti-Graft Law: Senior Minister Posted: 28 Feb 2016 10:45 PM PST Indonesian President Joko Widodo gestures during an interview with Reuters at the presidential palace in Jakarta, Indonesia, February 10, 2016. (Photo: Darren Whiteside / Reuters) JAKARTA — Indonesia's government will back controversial revisions to the law governing its top anti-graft agency, a senior cabinet minister said in a statement on Monday. Lawmakers in parliament have been in discussions to review the authority of the popular Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), proposing revisions that critics say will leave the agency unable to effectively fight endemic graft in Southeast Asia's biggest economy. "The government will agree to the revisions as long as they can be shown to strengthen the KPK, and not weaken it," said chief security affairs minister Luhut Pandjaitan. Criticism from anti-corruption activists and the KPK itself last week prompted President Joko Widodo to ask parliament to suspend its discussions. Among parliament's proposals, which the government backs, are the limiting of the KPK's powers to wiretap suspects without a warrant and setting up a watchdog for the KPK. "All this time, the wiretapping has been done without any coordination or clear accountability even within the KPK," Pandjaitan said, adding the new law should call for the agency to set up a standard operating procedure to approve wiretaps. The government agrees with the KPK's need to hire independent investigators, Pandjaitan said, while parliament has sought to limit its pool to just the police and attorney general's office. The new chief of the KPK, Agus Rahardjo, has threatened to resign if the revisions proposed by parliament are enacted, saying they will make it impossible for the agency to make arrests. The KPK suffered huge setbacks last year when a bitter rivalry with police prompted the arrests of three key KPK personnel and several cases ground to a halt. Parliament and police are widely perceived to be among the most corrupt institutions in Indonesia, and MPs and police officials are often the targets of KPK investigations. The post Indonesia Govt to Back Revisions to Anti-Graft Law: Senior Minister appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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