The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Huge Blaze Razes Hundreds of Homes in Shan State’s Namhsan
• Candidates Put Forward for Parliamentary Standing Committees
• Yangon Door2Door: Food Delivery Service with a Green Vision
• NLD Patronage May Offer Shwe Mann Political Lifeline
• Army Vows Probe After Video of Officer Beatings Circulates
• Even Without Puppetry, Suu Kyi Presidency Could Have Strings Attached
• More Arrests Reported over Alleged Armed Group Ties in Arakan State
• Human Rights Commission Criticizes Forced Relocation of Squatters
• Ma Thandar: ‘The NLD Will Put People at the Center of Decision-Making’
• Maung Di: An Artist Guided by Simplicity
• China Reduces Sentences for 11 Uighurs, Including Canadian
• Use of ‘Dictator Law’ Rises in Thailand as Junta’s Reforms Falter
• Malaysian Politician Ousted After Criticizing Prime Minister

Huge Blaze Razes Hundreds of Homes in Shan State’s Namhsan Posted: 04 Feb 2016 05:56 AM PST A photo purporting to show the blaze in Namhsan, Shan State, on Thursday. (Photo: Ta'ang Nationality / Facebook) MANDALAY — A massive fire tore through northern Shan State's Namhsan on Thursday, reportedly destroying over 200 homes. According to local eyewitness, including those who lost their homes, the blaze burned out of control as authorities struggled to gain access down narrow streets. Locals said the blaze broke out at a home used to store green tea leaves on Thursday afternoon. "The fire engines could not [reach the affected area] but everyone helped the firemen extinguish the fire as much as they could. All of the houses were built from pinewood so the fire easily devoured them," said Maung Kyaw, a local administration officer in the northern Shan State town. According to local authorities, fire engines from Kyaukme, Hsipaw and other nearby towns were on their way to the scene at time of publication, while a temporary shelter for displaced persons was opened at the town's monastery. A full story will follow when more information becomes available. The post Huge Blaze Razes Hundreds of Homes in Shan State's Namhsan appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Candidates Put Forward for Parliamentary Standing Committees Posted: 04 Feb 2016 05:24 AM PST Win Myint, Lower House speaker of Parliament, at a parliamentary session on February 4, 2016. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Upper and Lower House speakers of Burma's new Parliament assigned leadership positions and proposed candidates for membership on Thursday for two parliamentary standing committees. The speakers respectively announced the 15 recommended members for the public accounts and draft bill committees, for each chamber. A military MP was appointed to each committee, unlike the practice in the previous Parliament, where four military MPs were assigned as observers. House speakers explained that the Draft Bill Committee's main responsibility is to scrutinize proposed bills before they are introduced to Parliament, while the Public Accounts Committee monitors government expenditures. Phyu Phyu Thin, a National League for Democracy (NLD) Lower House MP from Rangoon's Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township, confirmed leadership appointments to The Irrawaddy for the Lower House's Draft Bill Committee. Tun Tun Hein of the NLD was approved as chair, while Steven, a re-elected MP in Shan State's Kengtung Township and member of the Union Solidarity and Development party (USDP), was appointed as the secretary. Steven previously served on draft bill, ethnic affairs and peace implementation committees in Burma's first Parliament. Lower House NLD MP Khin Htay Kywe of Moulmein in Mon State, the re-elected Ba Shein of the Arakan National Party (ANP) and Khin Maung Win and Kyaw Soe Lin, both of the NLD, were suggested as Draft Bill Committee members. According to Phyu Phyu Thin, who was re-elected in 2015, those selected to serve on the Draft Bill Committee are mostly lawyers. Phyu Phyu Thin acted as a member of the Planning and Finance Development Committee in the Parliament after Burma's 2012 by-election. She recalled that the Draft Bill and Public Accounts committees were among the busiest. In an NLD-dominated Parliament, she also speculates that most committees will be more active than they were able to be in the past. Aung Min, an NLD Lower House MP from Irrawaddy Division's Zalun Township, was appointed as chair of the Lower House's Public Accounts Committee, while Khin Maung Than, of the NLD and representing Taunggyi in Shan State, was appointed secretary. The other proposed committee members are largely from the NLD. Procedures were similar in committee selection in the Upper House. Than Soe, an Upper House MP from Rangoon's Constituency No. 3 representing the NLD, confirmed that Zaw Min, also of the NLD and from Constituency No. 6, was appointed chair of the Upper House's Draft Bill Committee. Dr. Myat Nyana Soe, who was a member of the same committee in the previous Parliament, was appointed as secretary. Regarding the Upper House's Public Accounts Committee, Than Soe said that Saw Than Htut, an Upper House NLD MP from Karen State's Constituency No. 2 was appointed as chair, while the position of secretary was designated as Dr. Sai Seng Kyauk San of the USDP from Shan State's No. 6 Constituency. Also a proposed member of the Upper House Public Accounts Committee himself, Than Soe said that all committees' responsibilities and terms of authority are defined by the Constitution, but added that current members will have to revisit previous committees' work and procedures. Htoot May, an upper house MP from the ANP and hopeful member of the Upper House Public Accounts Committee, confirmed that some prominent names were on the suggested list of members, including women's rights advocates Susanna Hla Hla Soe and Shwe Shwe Sein Latt, both of the NLD. On Friday, both Houses will finalize membership in the draft bill and public accounts committees. Speakers will also announce lists of recommended members for the remaining two standing committees: the Hluttaw Rights Committee and Government's Guarantees, Pledges, Undertakings and Vetting Committee. The Lower House has a total of 25 parliamentary affairs committees and a legal affairs and special case assessment commission, while the Upper House has 20 parliamentary affairs committees, as well as commissions for finance and legal affairs. Burma's Parliament convened this week for the first time since the NLD won a majority of seats in November's general election. The post Candidates Put Forward for Parliamentary Standing Committees appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Door2Door: Food Delivery Service with a Green Vision Posted: 04 Feb 2016 04:50 AM PST The Door2Door delivery team in Rangoon. (Photo: Yangon Door2Door / Facebook) RANGOON — Traffic has been a common complaint among Rangoon's residents for some years now, but some creative entrepreneurs are taking a proactive approach to ease the urban curse. Shady Ramadan, who moved to Myanmar from his native Egypt in 2010, is one of them. Ramadan founded a delivery service called Yangon Door2Door, often just referred to as D2D, in 2013. The small company—the first of its kind in Burma—employs about about 25 people, including delivery staff, who brave the city streets by bicycle to deliver your favorite foods directly to your doorstep. Door2Door has partnered with about 50 tried and true restaurants in Rangoon, offering a variety of Burmese, Indian, Western and other popular cuisines. Delivery fees are kept about the same as it cost to take a taxi, but it saves customers the time of sitting in traffic and keeps a few extra cars off the road. The number of vehicles clogging the streets of the commercial capital has skyrocketed in recent years, as reforms that began in 2011 took hold and car import restrictions eased. Ramadan said he noticed the changed and felt compelled to react. "When I moved to Myanmar in 2010, it hit me then that businesses did not deliver," said the company's founder and CEO. "But I never thought of starting a delivery business at that time because it was very easy to move around Yangon." Within a few years, he said, that all started to change. "It no longer took 15 or 20 minutes to go to your favorite restaurant, but more than an hour," he said. In the beginning, he faced a lot of challenges starting his business. Hiring was difficult, training messengers was its own challenge and finding restaurants for partnership deals was harder than one might imagine. The delivery training was possibly the biggest challenge, as Rangoon didn't have a fully functional geo-location system; the only way for messengers to learn the ropes was to practice, riding around from one restaurant to another to learn all the roads and common routes. Door2Door still hits a few bumps in the road, and as a service company receives its share of complaints, particularly on social media. One Facebook user recently commented that their delivery took two hours and arrived wet. The customer discovered that their beverages weren't packaged securely enough for a ride over the city's rough roads. Ramadan believes that city planning could benefit his business, his customers and the environment, and he urged policymakers to create safer, more bike-friendly streets and promote awareness about transit alternatives. "Cycling is the future," he said. "It's clean, it's green, it's environmentally friendly, healthy and uses less space than vehicles." The post Yangon Door2Door: Food Delivery Service with a Green Vision appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD Patronage May Offer Shwe Mann Political Lifeline Posted: 04 Feb 2016 04:27 AM PST Shwe Mann speaker of the Union Parliament talks to reporters during his news conference after the last day of the Union Parliament session in Naypyidaw, January 29, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) NAYPYIDAW — When news of his removal from the top post of the ruling party broke last August, most observers assumed Shwe Mann's political career was all but over. The former general's fortunes took another hit when he lost in his native constituency of Phyu in Pegu Division in Burma's general election on Nov. 8. However, following the National League for Democracy (NLD)'s decisive electoral victory, Shwe Mann has seldom been far from the media spotlight. As outgoing parliament speaker, he attended the opening session of both houses of the legislature this week as well as a training session for NLD lawmakers on Tuesday. He also confirmed on Friday that he arranged the surprise meeting between NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi and ex-dictator Than Shwe in early December. "Although he is no longer in power, U Than Shwe is still influential to some extent. So I arranged a meeting for them for the good of the country and the people," Shwe Mann told reporters in the country's capital. Given his close ties to Suu Kyi, cultivated during his time as parliamentary speaker, speculation has mounted over whether Shwe Mann will be handed an influential political position under the NLD. Sources close to Shwe Mann suggested to The Irrawaddy this week that the former speaker may be awarded a non-ministerial position, perhaps as head of the Constitutional Tribunal or as chair of the Union Election Commission (UEC). According to official government protocol, the positions are ranked number eight and nine respectively in terms of seniority, with the presidential position occupying first rank. "[Suu Kyi] is eyeing the UEC chairmanship for U Shwe Mann," said a high-level official with the UEC. "It would be good as he is a man of fairness and does things right." The commission is currently chaired by former general Tin Aye, but he will leave the post when the current government's term ends in March. While the NLD's top leadership appears behind the party's embrace of Shwe Mann, a more formal arrangement may send ripples through the party's ranks. As the former number three in the previous military junta, Shwe Mann would not be easily accepted by many who endured years of persecution. Shwe Mann is alleged to have played a role in planning the assault on Suu Kyi's motorcade at Depayin in 2003, during which dozens of her supporters were clubbed to death by regime-backed thugs. NLD central committee member Win Htein admitted to The Voice Daily last week that Shwe Mann's past was cause for concern, in part, "as there are more than 100 [former] political prisoners among NLD MPs." "We have to take their feelings into consideration," he told the local outlet. Another source in the incumbent government said Shwe Mann would make a good fit as head of the Constitutional Tribunal, given his past dealings with the charter in Parliament. "The NLD may send him to the tribunal as they are desperate to fix the charter," the source said. The charter of the nine-member tribunal, headed by former Supreme Court director general Mya Thein, stipulates members should be legal experts. Shwe Mann holds a degree from Burma's Defense Services Academy and, according to his official parliamentary bio, was trained as a High Grade Pleader, with the right to practice law. The post NLD Patronage May Offer Shwe Mann Political Lifeline appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Army Vows Probe After Video of Officer Beatings Circulates Posted: 04 Feb 2016 03:05 AM PST A screen grab from grainy footage of abusive conduct by Burma Army officers that circulated on Facebook. RANGOON — The Burma Army has vowed to investigate its own after a video surfaced online showing senior officers beating their junior counterparts at a training facility in footage that stirred passionate reactions on social media this week. The footage has made the rounds among Burmese Facebook users in recent days, prompting online outrage and calls for action from the military to hold the perpetrating officers accountable. Several senior officers are seen repeatedly punching, kicking and kneeing their juniors in the stomach and chest, with the victims apparently instructed not to attempt to defend themselves. An unknown Facebook user first posted the video to his or her account. According to a Burma Army information officer, the incident took place during a sergeant training course in southern Shan State. Regarding the video footage, Col. Khin Maung Cho from the military's Information Communication Team told The Irrawaddy: "It is easy to say where those army [officers] are based, and where they were from, if we look at their shoulder logo. Their responsible battalion officers will take action and investigate it." "No one will accept such torture actions if those guys are your brothers, right?" he said, adding that his team would issue a statement once it could verify the details of the incident. Ye Htut from the President's Office has also weighed in, posting a strong condemnation of the perpetrating officers' conduct to his Facebook account. "I want you to understand that because the acts you have done ruin not only the image of your training school but also the image of the military, the leadership will not forgive," he wrote on Wednesday. The post Army Vows Probe After Video of Officer Beatings Circulates appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Even Without Puppetry, Suu Kyi Presidency Could Have Strings Attached Posted: 04 Feb 2016 02:43 AM PST Aung San Suu Kyi arrives to give a speech during talks between the government, army and representatives of ethnic armed groups over a ceasefire to end insurgencies, in Naypyidaw, Jan. 12, 2016. (Photo: Reuters) On Wednesday, Aung San Suu Kyi urged patience with her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), as reporters prodded her on who would be appointed to key government posts—including the presidency. The trouble with Suu Kyi's silence on the matter is that speculation has swiftly filled the void, and rumors now run rampant that The Lady, as she is affectionately called, is negotiating with the military to allow herself a shot at the job. Article 59(f) of Burma's military-drafted Constitution disqualifies anyone with a foreign spouse or children from becoming president, effectively barring Suu Kyi because her two children are British nationals, as was her late husband. The clause is viewed as a deliberate attempt to sideline her. As the NLD assumed a majority in the Union Parliament this week, following a landslide win in the Nov. 8 election, party patron Tin Oo remarked that the popular chairwoman, Suu Kyi, "should be the president," vowing to act as a "stepping stone" to her ascension. Other party members, speaking to The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity, said that a motion to "suspend" the prohibitive article was already in the works. While Suu Kyi has already made clear her intention to rule "above the president," she will need one of two titles—President or Foreign Affairs Minister—to secure a role in Burma's most powerful political body: the National Defense and Security Council. But beyond her own ambitions and power plays, it is clear that the electorate overwhelmingly favors her as the country's leader. So is it possible? According to Ko Ni, a lawyer and a key legal advisor to the NLD, it would be difficult, but not impossible. The new Parliament will first need to form a drafting committee to draw up the amendment, and then the bill would need to be approved and signed by the president. "The proposal would have to go through the steps in accordance with existing law," Ko Ni said, overcoming all the requisite hurdles built into Burma's executive structure. Nonetheless, where there's a will there's a way. The debate over suspending 59(f) gained traction shortly after the election, when former MP Thura Aung Ko, a member of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), raised the issue in a December parliamentary session. Others involved in the movement argue that there is precedent: in 1959, Burma's legislature approved a constitutional amendment to clause 116 of the country's first charter, allowing the late Gen. Ne Win to become prime minister. Others say that the precedent proves a legal possibility, but that the military's stronghold over the legislature would make the plan unlikely without serious backroom deals that might be viewed unfavorably. Because the military still holds 25 percent of parliamentary seats, it would need to be convinced to back the measure in order to secure the 75-plus percent majority needed to amend the clause. It's a tall order, even for a party that won nearly 80 percent of contested seats nationwide. Because of the guaranteed military bloc, the NLD only holds 59.3 percent of total seats. Hitting the mark would require not only seeking out at least some military support, but also that of smaller parties. Even the biggest ethnic parties—the Arakan National Party (ANP) and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD)—account for only about 5 percent of Parliament combined. The USDP makes up another 6 percent, roughly. Because of the high threshold needed to suspend or amend parts of the charter, theories have begun to emerge—often in the form of rumors on social media—that backroom deals are being made between Suu Kyi and Burma Army Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing. Political analyst Yan Myo Thein suggested that some sort of deal would have to be made to entice the military to hand over the presidency. But what form might such an agreement take? On Suu Kyi's end, Yan Myo Thein recommended adding a "condition" to 59(f), instead of suspending it entirely. Instead of removing the article, this would simply create an exemption for Suu Kyi, which might be easier to achieve. Such exemptions already exist in the charter, for example, Article 121(j) exempts defense services personnel from a constitutional ban on civil service members serving as lawmakers. As for what the military might want in return, it's anyone's guess. Khin Zaw Win, director of Tampadipa Institute, said he had heard rumors that the NLD might consider trading off a few important state and divisional chief minister posts in exchange for the presidency, a theory that—while not implausible—remains unsubstantiated. "We are hearing all sorts of rumors about bargaining for four chief ministers: Rangoon, Arakan, Shan and Kachin," Khin Zaw Win said, adding that, if true, "it would not be a worthwhile tradeoff; the mandate given by the electorate doesn't include cutting deals like this." The post Even Without Puppetry, Suu Kyi Presidency Could Have Strings Attached appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

More Arrests Reported over Alleged Armed Group Ties in Arakan State Posted: 04 Feb 2016 01:24 AM PST Arakan Army troops on parade in Laiza, Kachin State, in July 2014. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Authorities in Arakan State are continuing to arbitrarily arrest civilians on suspicion of links to the Arakan Army, according to several local sources, with the latest detainee a landowner from Taungup Township who was released on Wednesday evening. Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Thursday, Aung Tin Moe said he was arrested on Monday in Taungup Township's Ma-Ei town by military personnel who quizzed him over suspected ties to the Arakan Army which has recently been engaged in clashes with government troops. "They asked me what I have been doing since university age to this year," said Aung Tin Moe, who owns a teak plantation in Ma-Ei town. He said he was detained by army personnel and held in neighboring Ann Township until his release on Wednesday evening. A friend of Aung Tin Moe, citizen journalist Tun Tun Naing, has also claimed he is wanted by authorities in Kyaukphyu Township. "I don't know exactly why they are trying to apprehend me. I have heard that they [the Burma Army] suspect me because I was a childhood friend of Col. Nyo Tun Aung," he said, referring to the vice chief-of-staff of the Arakan Army. Last month, the chair of a local civil society organization and two other men were detained in Leik Kha Maw village, Kyaukphyu Township, on the grounds of their alleged links to the ethnic armed group, according to eyewitnesses. Relatives of the detained men, one of whom is Maung Aye, the chair of the Kyaukphyu Rural Development Association, said they were originally being held at Kyaukphyu Prison. Tun Lwin, coordinator of the Kyaukphyu Social Network, a separate organization, said he went to a military office in Zaytiya village in Kyaukphyu Township, along with six monks, to enquire about the detainees. "They told us all they did was arrest the suspects according to orders," Tun Lwin said. The trio have since been moved to an undisclosed location, according to Tun Lwin, who criticized authorities for arresting civilians on spurious grounds. Other arrests were also reported last month. Taungup Township administrator Lu Maw said local police arrested two alleged Arakan Army soldiers found in possession of 50 walkie-talkies near the town's outskirts on Jan. 9. On Jan. 21, two Arakanese men were also detained in the capital Sittwe by army personnel, according to local media. Another Sittwe resident was reportedly detained a few days later. The Irrawaddy phoned Arakan State security and border affairs minister Htein Linn on Wednesday but was unable to make contact. In March 2015, fighting broke out between the Arakan Army and the Burma Army near Kyauktaw Township in what was believed to be the first time in a decade that ethnic Arakanese armed rebels in the region had clashed with government troops. The following month, at least 20 people were detained under Burma's Unlawful Association Law for their alleged links to the armed faction. The latest skirmishes broke out in Kyauktaw Township on Dec. 27, with at least 200 civilians forced to flee their homes. The Arakan Army is not recognized by the government and has been excluded from the ongoing peace process between Naypyidaw and other ethnic armed organizations. The post More Arrests Reported over Alleged Armed Group Ties in Arakan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Human Rights Commission Criticizes Forced Relocation of Squatters Posted: 04 Feb 2016 01:05 AM PST People in Rangoon Division's Mingaladon Township watch as their homes are demolished on Jan. 26, 2015, after they were deemed squatters. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC) has urged authorities to relocate squatters by more humanitarian means after large-scale evictions were carried out recently in Rangoon's Mingaladon Township and Mandalay Division's Pyin Oo Lwin. In a statement released Wednesday, the MNHRC advised authorities to increase awareness of such evictions among affected households through the release of statements and prior warnings. The commission also recommended that transportation be provided to those who are ordered to vacate, in addition to social assistance. About 500 households were demolished in Kon Ta La Paung village in Rangoon's Pyinmabin Industrial Zone on Jan. 26. In Nyaung Ni village in Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay Division, the Burma Army evicted more than 150 people from 28 households. Authorities claimed that the villagers were trespassing on property owned by the military. In both cases, temporary shelter, food and health care were promised to the displaced, but MNHRC reported that no such provisions were made; now those whose homes were demolished are reportedly living on roadsides, facing water shortages and again looking for vacant land on which to set up dwellings. Among them are pregnant women, children and the elderly. MNHRC also reminded squatters to respect the rules and regulations determined by the government regarding relocation. On Thursday morning, when contacted by The Irrawaddy, MNHRC Vice Chairman Sitt Myaing confirmed the commission's position as laid out in the statement, but did not provide further comment. Htun Htun Win, a new National League for Democracy (NLD) legislator now representing Mingaladon Township's Constituency No. 2 in the Rangoon Division parliament, told The Irrawaddy that the squatters are Burmese citizens and that the authorities should not ignore their needs. "We will solve [this problem] the best way we can during our government's term," Htun Htun Win said. Some hope that subsidized housing could address the problem of homelessness in urban centers. Earlier this month, the regional government in Rangoon put out a call for applicants to lease apartments for 30,000 kyats (US$24) per month at Bandula Housing in South Dagon Township. The offer attracted applications from hundreds of people who do not currently own property. According to local media reports, demand for the apartments is much higher than the number of available rooms. The post Human Rights Commission Criticizes Forced Relocation of Squatters appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ma Thandar: ‘The NLD Will Put People at the Center of Decision-Making’ Posted: 03 Feb 2016 09:47 PM PST Ma Thandar, a well-known human rights activist, is one of the hundreds of new members of Parliament. (Credit: Thin Lei Win/Myanmar Now) NAYPYIDAW — Less than two years ago, Ma Thandar, a well-known human rights activist who has been imprisoned, lost her husband. The death of Par Gyi, a journalist, while in military custody in 2014 remains mired in controversy and conspiracy. On Monday, Ma Thandar, who has fought tirelessly but in vain to uncover the murky circumstances of her husband’s death, turned up for the opening of Burma's new Lower House, as an elected member. Her face covered with yellow thanaka—a traditional make-up—and her body swathed in the colors of the National League for Democracy (NLD), the MP for Ein Ma Township in Irrawaddy Division, her home town, is a favorite of journalists for her friendly and outspoken manner. Ma Thandar recently spoke to Myanmar Now’s Htet Khaung Linn and Thin Lei Win about her hopes, fears and plans as new NLD MP. What is your feeling at this moment as a first-time parliamentarian? I remember my colleagues who together strived for democracy; I appreciate their sacrifices. I expected to reach this goal with them. Along with this feeling and the awaiting challenges for us, we do not feel too happy. We understand we have many responsibilities for the country and people. People voted for us not because of our popularity, but because of their strong resentment against the outgoing government [President Thein Sein's quasi-civilian cabinet]. We have to remain very careful in this situation. Do you mean people voted for the NLD as it was the only option they had to bring about change? [The people] have many options for change. However, they have more confidence in the NLD because of its survival through many years of oppression by the previous regimes. They also have more trust in the NLD and our leader Aung San Suu Kyi than the newly elected representatives. It puts pressure on us [new MPs] to do our best for the country. Our faults will impact our party first, and our leader second. So we will have to keep up our policies, and maintain checks and balances on the government. Last year's elections were the first free and fair vote since 1962 and Burma now has a democratically elected Parliament, apart from the army's control over 25 percent of seats. Can we say Burma has reached democracy? We can say it is the dawn of democracy. The light is not shining down on us yet. There's still a lot we need to do. Previously, people were not placed at the center of decisions. So [the authorities] didn’t inform the people. They didn't listen to people; it was top-down. The NLD—it is also mentioned in our manifesto—is going to put people at the center of the decision-making. That's very democratic. However, the public has a lot of dreams. We do too, because we were oppressed for so long. So I worry that people could become upset when they are not realizing their dreams a lot quicker [under the new government]. But because we are putting people at the center, we would inform the public and consult with them and listen to what they have to say and what their needs are. Then we will discuss matters in Parliament and make decisions. During the previous Parliament most laws were proposed by the government and few were based on the people's will. How does the NLD hope to change that this time? I'd use our party manifesto to talk about the party's stance. There are lots of strategies on youths and farmers, and all that. There are provisions for forming independent students'and farmers'organizations. We canvassed for votes using that manifesto. We need to keep our word. We need to enact laws that will benefit the people, whether they are farmers or students. With a farmer and not the bureaucrats at the table, we would know if a law is beneficial to them or not…So you need to get diverse viewpoints. What this means is that we will have to start with the voices of the people. It might take time, but it would be comprehensive. How do you feel about the level of women's participation in Burma's politics, now that the number of female MPs has increased? Compared to the 4 or 5 percent [the previous number of female parliamentarians], it is an increase, but in reality the current 13 percent is still low. The female population in Myanmar is quite high, so why are only 13 percent of women in Parliament? I think that's quite few. The lack of female participation in politics is an issue that needs to be analyzed. Why are there so few opportunities for women to get involved in politics? I don't think we should be satisfied saying there are now women in Parliament. We should not stop; we should try even harder to get more female parliamentarians like us who will work on it. Do you think it's directly related to the stance of the woman's family; does their financial situation and attitudes towards women's roles influence participation in politics? It's related to both finances and yi kyay hmu [traditions and culture]. It's not that separate. Culture is something we really need to safeguard, but some traditions that are not in tune with the times and should be discarded. There are many people and families who do not accept women getting involved in politics. As they have to deal with and work with many people, and be out and about at all times. It happens even in educated circles. As long as you cannot overcome these views, there would be few women—not only in the political arena but also in terms of economic participation. In Burma, many women are still dependent on their husbands economically. Does that limit their involvement in politics? I don't want to separate between politics and economy. A woman earning an income is like a woman in politics—you are out of the house all the time. If you are allowed to participate fully in the economy, then I think you will also participate in politics. I see them as two sides of the same coin. If you can relax this whole attitude that women must be stay-at-home housewives, then you'll see women take part in the economy, politics and social affairs. Are you pleased that the interim chairperson who oversaw the opening of the Lower House and the swearing in of the speaker was a woman MP? I am pleased with that…A chairperson is the one that manages the whole meeting and is powerful. Showing that a woman can do this job means a lot to us. Women are usually very thorough. Men have their own strengths and women have theirs too. If you can fully utilize both sets of strengths, it would be perfect and the country would develop. The post Ma Thandar: 'The NLD Will Put People at the Center of Decision-Making' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Maung Di: An Artist Guided by Simplicity Posted: 03 Feb 2016 09:45 PM PST Click to view slideshow. RANGOON — Born in 1941 in a small village in Magwe Division's Pakokku District, Maung Di, whose original name is Myo Nyunt, has displayed a passion for drawing since he was a child. His work can be seen as both modern and contemporary, reflecting personal and pluralistic feelings. Most of his work also follows the tenets of minimalism, a key aspect of modern art. From 1959 to 1962, he worked as a cartoonist for Mandalay Bahosi Newspaper. He studied at the Rangoon School of Fine Arts from 1967 to 1970, taking part in an arts exhibition for the first time in 1969. It would be 10 years later, in 1979, that he would stage his first solo show. Thirty-six years on, Maung Di has carved out a career as a versatile artist, seamlessly fashioning himself as a poet, columnist and an illustrator. Renowned vocalists Thu Maung and Khin Maung Toe have transformed Maung Di's poems "Breeze" and "The Beginning of Young Eagle's Life" into songs and performed them. Maung Di held his second solo arts show in 1998, with more rounds of shows following in 2001, 2002, 2006 and 2012. The 74-year-old showcased his seventh solo arts exhibition "East Village" at Think Art Gallery last August in Rangoon. As a true believer in "simplicity," many of Maung Di's paintings do not involve much drawing. "I don't draw much in my paintings. You could say this follows the principle of minimalism. Many people have this deep-seated feeling that they need to have complex drawing designs or work frantically for their works to be recognized. This is happening not only in art but in other fields as well. That's not good. To me, art is about doing what I am supposed to do, presenting what I believe in. It's not for money, not for popularity," he said. Maung Di believes education, arts, political, economic and social spheres are interrelated, a view that aligns closely with the guiding beliefs of modern art. "If we don't have modern views and don't know modern languages and don't appreciate modern art, it's impossible for our country to develop. A country in which modern art isn't developed isn't able to stand out on the international stage. If the people of our country don't understand or appreciate modern art, our country won't be good," Maung Di said. On the invitation of his seventh exhibition, he writes, "Painting for Eyes, not for Ears. The Brain is a Memory Box. It is a Computer. It is not a Man. It has no heart. You can feel." The post Maung Di: An Artist Guided by Simplicity appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Reduces Sentences for 11 Uighurs, Including Canadian Posted: 03 Feb 2016 09:45 PM PST Ethnic Uighur demonstrators, waving Turkish and blue East Turkestan flags, set fire to a Chinese flag during a protest against China near the Chinese Consulate in Istanbul, July 21, 2011.  (Photo: Murad Sezer / Reuters) BEIJING — A court in western China has reduced the sentences of 11 Uighurs convicted of terrorism and endangering state security, including a naturalized Canadian preacher whose life term had been sharply criticized by Ottawa. The official Xinhua News Agency characterized the sentence reductions for the Uighurs at Xinjiang's First Prison as a sign that authorities in the restive western region were making progress de-radicalizing Islamist militants and separatists using a softer touch. The rare move of clemency, announced after the prisoners took courses and repented their crimes last week, comes at a time when the Chinese government is tightening its grip over the region, expanding its security campaign and ordering cultural assimilation projects and religious restrictions that members of the Turkic-speaking Uighur minority have deemed oppressive. Among the 11 prisoners with reduced terms is Huseyin Celil, a preacher from Ontario whose life sentence in 2007 sparked a diplomatic row between China and Canada. After fleeing China and gaining refugee status in 2000, Celil lived in Canada until he was arrested in Uzbekistan and extradited to China. China refused to recognize his Canadian citizenship and convicted him of organizing on behalf of the East Turkestan Islamic Movement militant group. Aside from the reduction of life sentences to fixed terms, four prisoners, including a man convicted of contacting the ETIP and the Taliban to set up training bases in Afghanistan, saw their lengthy prison terms reduced to six months, Xinhua said in a report Monday. The new duration of Huseyin Celil's sentence has not been announced, said San Francisco-based activist John Kamm, who has pressed for Celil's release on behalf of the Canadian government since 2009. But Kamm lauded the decision, telling The Associated Press on Wednesday that commuting Celil's sentence represented "a step in the right direction" and should prompt other Xinjiang prisons to consider mass clemency. The Canadian Embassy in Beijing did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Dilxat Raxit, a spokesman for the World Uyghur Congress exile group, called the commutations a "political propaganda tool" meant to divert attention from Beijing's repressive policies. The long-running Uighur insurgency in Xinjiang has claimed hundreds of lives in recent years despite efforts to pacify and assimilate the region that critics say are exacerbating a cycle of discontent and unrest. China's "Strike Hard" campaign, which was launched in 2014 in response to an attack on a public market that killed 31 people, will intensify in 2016 with a focus on deploying special forces and technological tools, the Xinjiang region chairman said last month. William Nee, China researcher at Amnesty International, said the reduced sentences were intended to show "the Communist Party's supposed benevolence and mercy" amid the broader crackdown. "This is probably the proverbial 'carrot' to the violent 'Strike Hard' campaign's 'stick,'" Nee said. He said that without independent or international oversight of such de-radicalization programs, "it will be impossible to judge to what extent they are effective or in line with international human rights laws and standards." The post China Reduces Sentences for 11 Uighurs, Including Canadian appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Use of ‘Dictator Law’ Rises in Thailand as Junta’s Reforms Falter Posted: 03 Feb 2016 09:41 PM PST Thailand's Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha greets bystanders after arriving at the stock exchange in Bangkok, Thailand on January 15, 2016. (Photo: Reuters / Jorge Silva) BANGKOK — Thai junta chief Prayuth Chan-ocha is relying increasingly on a security measure dubbed "the dictator's law" to push through unpopular policies and kickstart stalled reforms, say critics, who warn it could spark further opposition to military rule. Prime Minister Prayuth has used the measure, known as Article 44, to fast-track projects ranging from power stations to special economic zones, often over the objections of activists and some members of the public. Prayuth has used Article 44 more than 50 times since seizing power in a 2014 military coup, and increasingly so since the middle of last year, said Narongsak Niamsorn of iLaw, a Bangkok-based legal monitoring group. "It gives him too much power and lacks checks and balances and accountability," said Narongsak. A spokesman for the military government said Prayuth was using Article 44 more often to get things done more quickly, before an election promised for 2017, to the advantage of all. "There is limited time left to govern and reform the country," said Colonel Winthai Suvaree. "All orders have benefited the people." Last month, activists decried orders to build 14 power plants across the country, despite health and environmental concerns. Also last month, Prayuth used Article 44 to remove seven officials from a government health promotion foundation, initially citing suspected graft. But he later apologized, and dropped the suggestion of corruption, after doctors complained of interference. "The more he does this, the more segments of society he's going to alienate," said Korn Chatikavanij, a former finance minister and senior figure in the pro-establishment Democrat Party. Prayuth seized power in 2014 promising to reform the tax and education systems, shake up the energy and telecoms sectors, revamp the police and judiciary, and tackle corruption, human trafficking and many other issues. Now, with the economy stuttering and many key institutions and sectors unreformed, that plan seems ambitious, with doubts about the effectiveness of even a junta crusade against corruption. In the 2015 Corruption Perception Index released last week by Berlin-based watchdog Transparency International, Thailand was placed 76th among 168 countries—the same as last year. Prayuth is under pressure to show results, which is why he is relying on Article 44, said one Western diplomat. "The junta feels that it came in on a platform of reform and very little has been reformed," she said, requesting anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter. "So they have used Article 44 to…show they are reformers." 'It's About Power' Last week, Thailand released a new draft constitution which the junta saw as a powerful instrument of reform that would radically reshape their nation's chaotic political landscape. But critics of all political stripes have pilloried the draft, raising fears that it will be rejected in a referendum scheduled for July, which would delay a general election until late 2017. Among the institutions that have also proved difficult to reform are the police, a target of would-be reformers for decades. Apart from appointing a new police chief with close ties to the military, the junta has largely left the police alone. The same goes for the highly politicized judiciary and the military itself. Two committees looking into national reforms had "achieved nothing", said Korn, the politician. "So now it's really just about power," he said, referring to the military government's priorities. Panitan Wattanayagorn, a senior government adviser, denied the reforms had stalled and said Prayuth and his team had laid "complicated" groundwork for lasting change. "They see a real opportunity to move the country forward," he told Reuters. While reforms appear stalled, the economy is a major worry. In a report last month, the government blamed declining exports and a weak currency on the global downturn, and on the policies of the elected government it toppled. It stressed efforts to tackle human trafficking, over fishing and aviation safety, which came after prolonged international pressure, and attributed a rising number of tourist arrivals to its success at re-establishing stability. In a recent speech, Prayuth addressed critics of the pace of reform. "I will cite a phrase that you all are familiar with: Rome wasn't built in a day," he said. The post Use of 'Dictator Law' Rises in Thailand as Junta's Reforms Falter appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Malaysian Politician Ousted After Criticizing Prime Minister Posted: 03 Feb 2016 09:35 PM PST Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Razak, center, arrives with government ministers to announce revisions to the fiscal budget in Putrajaya, Malaysia, Jan. 28, 2016. (Photo: Reuters) KUALA LUMPUR — The son of former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad resigned as the top leader of a federal state Wednesday, saying he was ousted because he had criticized Prime Minister Najib Razak over a US$700 million financial scandal. Mukhriz Mahathir said he had lost majority support in the Kedah state assembly following a party bid to remove him as chief minister. Mahathir has been leading calls for Najib to step down, and Mukriz's ouster was seen as a continuing purge of critics in Najib's government. The prime minister's office in a statement said Mukhriz lost majority support because of a lack of confidence in his leadership and concerns that better preparations were needed for the party to retain the state in general elections due in 2018. Mukhriz, however, warned that the ruling Malay party was now at "its weakest point," tainted by scandal-ridden state investment fund 1MDB and more than $700 million that was channeled into Najib's personal bank accounts. The attorney general last week cleared Najib of any criminal wrongdoing, saying most of the money in his accounts was a private donation from the Saudi royal family and that Najib had returned most of it. Authorities in Switzerland, Singapore and other countries are still investigating 1MDB for possible graft, and two former Malaysian officials also have challenged the attorney general's decisions. "Scandal after scandal, we can't take it all. It's too much for us. This is traumatizing all of us," Mukhriz said. 1MDB is mired in 42 billion ringgit ($10.1 billion) in debt and has been selling its assets to clear its books. Najib, who formed 1MDB in 2009, became embroiled in the scandal after documents were leaked last year suggesting that money deposited into his accounts may have come from entities linked to 1MDB. The post Malaysian Politician Ousted After Criticizing Prime Minister appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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