The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Four Girls Missing as Boat Capsizes in Arakan State
- ‘We Cannot Talk Recklessly About Building Peace’: Govt Peace Negotiator
- Rangoon’s Family Friendly Karaoke Joints
- Opinion: Dreams for our Daughters and Sons
- Suu Kyi Assures China of Solution to Myitsone Dam
- ‘There is No One-Size-Fits-All Federalism’: Swiss Ambassador
Four Girls Missing as Boat Capsizes in Arakan State Posted: 19 Aug 2016 08:20 AM PDT RANGOON – Four girls are missing after a boat carrying 17 schoolchildren between villages in Arakan State's Rathedaung Township sank on Friday morning, according to a local man who participated in rescue efforts. The ferry was traveling along the Khwae Dauk River from the village of Kon Zae Tan to Yan Aung Myin when it began to fill with water through holes in the lining, and due to wood that had rotted on the boat's frame. Locals were able to rescue 13 of the students on board. Normally, the small vessel carries around 10 passengers to school; Friday's 17 exceeded the boat's capacity. As water began to seep in, the children reportedly grew frightened, causing the operator to accelerate the ferry's speed to reach the riverbank. The boat then capsized, said Soe Pe, one of the locals who watched the scene unfold. Soe Pe said that a fisherman, Maung Aye, was repairing his boat near the riverbank when he witnessed the accident. Using his own boat, and working with the ferry operator, the two men were able to bring 13 of the 17 children to safety. Among the four girls who have not been located is one 14-year-old, two 12-year-olds and one 11-year-old. The only adult on board was the operator, and the boat reportedly had only one life jacket. "Some of them were able to swim, and that is why they are alive," said Soe Pe of the children. "If not, I cannot imagine what could have happened there." The students from the village of Kon Zae Tan pay around 3,000 kyats (US$2.50) per month to cover ferry fees for the half-hour daily trip to school in Yan Aung Pyin village. Many small villages in Arakan State—including Kon Zae Tan—lack government schools at the middle and high school level, leaving students to travel long and often dangerous routes to continue their education beyond the primary level. On Friday afternoon, the Arakan State Chief Minister, Nyi Pu, travelled by speedboat from the state capital of Sittwe to Rathedaung Township when he heard about the boating accident. He spoke with families who lost their children, according to posts on his official Facebook account. Soe Pe explained that the residents of Kon Zae Tan and Yan Aung Myin villages are hoping that construction of a suspension bridge connecting their communities will improve transportation and safety in the region, but it is unclear whether the Arakan State government has allocated funds from the budget for such a project. This boating accident is not the first such tragedy to occur in Arakan State this year. On June 1, the first day that Burmese schools resumed after a long holiday, seven children died when a boat capsized near Poe Shwe Pyin village outside of the town of Ponnagyun. As with the incident in Kon Zae Tan, the boat operator had carried a number of passengers exceeding the ferry's capacity, and provided no life jackets on board, said Wai Hun Aung, an Arakanese social activist. Wai Hun Aung said he believes that there is a correlation between weak management of government departments and such accidents. The operation of student ferries is not an enterprise open to just anyone—ambitious locals need to compete for a business tender designed by the township municipality. The bidders normally promise to follow the rules and regulations of the auction, but upon being awarded the tender, such expectations and conditions are known to be rarely enforced or adhered to. He recommended that government initiate auctions for ferry operations with the condition that the "winning" businessmen provide a sufficient amount of life vests on board the boats, or be penalized. The government, Wai Hun Aung, added, should then actively enforce such requirements in order to minimize any carelessness on the part of the operators. "I would like to urge the new civilian government to value the lives of the public. These children are the future of our country," Wai Hun Aung said. Home to an expanse of creeks, rivers and coastline, Arakan State's transportation system is dominated by ferries, speedboats, and shipping routes. On March 13, 2015, the government-owned Aung Ta Kon (3) ship, running between Sittwe and Kyaukphyu, sank near the Naungdawgyi Sea in Myebon Township. The boat was overloaded with various goods and around 300 passengers. According to local publications, at least 160 people died in the accident; only 72 dead bodies were discovered. The Arakan State government has since suspended the route. The post Four Girls Missing as Boat Capsizes in Arakan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
‘We Cannot Talk Recklessly About Building Peace’: Govt Peace Negotiator Posted: 19 Aug 2016 05:44 AM PDT Three ethnic armed groups—the Ta'ang Nationalities Liberation Army, Arakan Army and Kokang's Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army—currently involved in active conflict with the Burma Army in northern Shan State issued a statement on Thursday announcing their readiness to join the Union Peace Conference, scheduled to begin on August 31 in Naypyidaw. However, a government peace negotiation team requested they announce their "willingness to end armed struggle" in order to participate in the peace talks. The government delegation had met the groups in Shan State's Mongla region last week for a second time. Khin Zaw Oo, a negotiator from the government's peace team and a former lieutenant general, spoke with Irrawaddy senior reporter Nyein Nyein about the process. Has the government invited all groups to attend the Union Peace Conference, including members of the United Nationalities Federal Council [UNFC]? We will invite the seven members of the UNFC, and the Wa and Mongla groups—which have not signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA]. But these other three groups must issue a statement including what we have asked for. If not, there is no way for us to talk with them yet. Why can't the government invite them, since the UNFC has been invited? They are not the UNFC and it is different. They have been actively engaged with us since the fighting in Laogai [in northern Shan State, February 2015], where they undermined the sovereignty of the nation. We think differently of them. A statement released after last week's meeting said that it was a success. What has changed? At that time, they said they would reply to us through an official channel. They should have contacted us officially. If their statement was as we discussed, there would have been a positive response; but if not, it would be negative. We do not want a response through a publicized statement. We want it to come through a negotiation channel. What was your arrangement for further communication when you met with them? When we met in the Mongla region, they replied to us via the Mongla leaders. Mongla was the medium. Now, the Mongla did not even know about this statement, when they should be the group contacting us and letting us know whether or not they agree with our previous discussions. Will there be any further negotiations? How will you handle it? Unless they contact us, we have no reason to contact them. Regarding how we will continue, we still need to talk to them. Even if they wish to join the Union Peace Conference, it is not the Taung Pyone festival [an annual Nat/spirit festival held at Mount Popa that all are allowed to join]. Will they be unable to join the peace conference until they pledge what you have asked? Absolutely. If they want to build peace, they must. If not, there is no way for them to attend the conference. As far as we know, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi plays the role of negotiator between the Burma Army and ethnic armed groups. You are a member of the group that she leads. Are you following her path as a negotiator? What is your approach to bringing both sides to the table? The Burma Army and the government share the same view. When we hold talks, we take the views of both the army and the government. It is not that the army goes in direction A and the government goes in direction B. The publicized statement said that the groups would work for peace, but it did not address the issues that we brought up. Is it quibbling over word choice? It is not quibbling over a word. There is meaning behind the word. They said they would join the political dialogue, but did not say whether they would continue the armed struggle. They should express their desire to end the fighting in the near future. If the three groups pledge what you demand—are they doing so to sign the NCA or just to join the Union Peace Conference? It is different. We have not even considered the signing of the NCA yet. Talking about political negotiation does not equate to proving their commitment. We cannot talk recklessly about building peace. Talking alone does not bring anything, they must follow the path to the peace process. If so, how much will the government agree to all-inclusion? All-inclusion cannot happen all at once. But it will happen sooner or later. The post 'We Cannot Talk Recklessly About Building Peace': Govt Peace Negotiator appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Rangoon’s Family Friendly Karaoke Joints Posted: 19 Aug 2016 03:18 AM PDT This week, Foodie Myanmar rounds up five family friendly karaoke joints in Rangoon. mCube Family Karaoke The second branch of this karaoke spot just opened in July and offers small, medium, large and VIP rooms. Small rooms hold four people and cost 10,000 kyats per hour; medium rooms hold eight people for 15,000 kyats per hour; large rooms hold 12 people for 25,000 kyats; and VIP rooms hold up to 25 people for 35,000 kyats. Large and VIP rooms include LED disco lights and mic stands. Chinese food is available, while liquor and beer are not. No. 60, Waizayantar Road, South Okkalapa Tsp. TK House The venue offers KTV for families and also hosts birthdays, staff parties and other gatherings. There are three room sizes: small for 12,000 kyats per hour, medium for 15,000 kyats and large for 35,000 kyats—holding eight, 15, and 35 people, respectively. The bar offers BBQ, Thai and Chinese food. In August, it also offers a "buy one hour, get one free" promotion between 10 a.m. and 3 p.m. Otherwise, there is always one free hour included for every three hours purchased. No. 85 (B), Pan Hlaing Street, Sanchaung Tsp. K Box Family Karaoke This karaoke spot serves Burmese, Thai and Chinese food, as well as beer. Prices are 10,000 kyats per hour for a five-person room, 14,000 kyats for a 10-person room, 18,000 kyats for a 12-person room and 25,000 kyats for a 20-person room. All of the rooms have the same amenities and decorations. Ga Mone Pwint Shopping Center, No. 408, 4th Floor, Insein Road Pwint Thit San Family Karaoke This KTV restaurant serves a variety of foods—including breakfast—and is open from 8 a.m. until midnight. Prices are reasonable: 6,000 kyats for a four-person room, 8,000 kyats for a six-person room, 9,000 kyats for an eight-person room, 10,000 kyats for a 10-person room, 13,000 kyats for a 14-person room and 15,000 kyats for an 18-person room. Kabar Aye Pagoda Street, No. 520 A, near Hninzigon Home for the Aged Music Box This KTV bar has two branches—one in the Yangon International Hotel on Pyay Road and another in Junction Square. The first branch serves beer, liquor, cocktails and Chinese food. The room prices are 10,000 kyats for a four-person room, 13,000 kyats for a six-person room, 15,000 kyats for an eight-person room, 18,000 kyats for a 10-person room, 23,000 kyats for a 13-person room and 28,000 kyats for a 20-person room. Larger rooms have better sound systems. Yangon International Hotel, Ahlone Road, No. 330, Dagon Tsp. This article was written by Foodie Myanmar. Available for download in the Google Play Store, the Foodie Myanmar app will help you discover great places to eat and ways to share your foodie moments. Available at: http://bit.ly/InstallFoodieMyanmarOnAndroid The post Rangoon's Family Friendly Karaoke Joints appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Opinion: Dreams for our Daughters and Sons Posted: 19 Aug 2016 01:48 AM PDT Since I was a little kid, I have been known for asking too many questions that usually start with "why"—the trademark of an inquisitive kid that often annoys people. In my household, we would always separate our laundry into two bins—everything my dad and my brothers wore into one bin and me and my mom's clothes into the other. Then, the two bins would be washed separately—a task that my mom managed with undisrupted regularity. Ever since I was old enough to put in my clothes into the laundry bin, I would question why my clothes had to go into the bin on the floor and my brothers got to use the bin on the chair. When I crawled up to my parents' bed and raised that question with burning curiosity, they would smile and say, "It is because you are a girl and they are boys." The six-year old me simply did not understand how a girl's clothes were so different from boys' clothes that they had to be washed separately, especially when a lot of my clothes used to belong to my brothers. When I played with my brothers and I accidentally stepped over them during the games, my mom, my dad, or whoever was there to witness it, would tell me not to do it, sometimes in a nice way and sometimes in the form of a scolding. When my brothers stepped over me, nobody noticed. When I asked why, the answer was again "because you are a girl and they are boys." Even though both my mom and dad had full-time jobs, my dad never had to do any household chores while my mom would rush back home to manage everything. For all the extra efforts she put in every day, she never got a "thank you" from anyone. I would sometimes be asked to make coffee for my brothers but they were never asked to do the same for me. And they did not even have to say "thank you.: Why? Because we are women and they are men. After too many similar incidents and too many questions that got the same answer, I, even as a little kid, began to internalize the message implied in this answer. I am a girl. I am different from boys. There are things that boys are allowed to do that I cannot. Boys can step over me but I cannot do the same to them. My clothes somehow have invisible, intangible "dirt" or "filth" so they cannot be washed with my brothers' clothes even though we are family. There are many things that women are expected to do for men, without receiving any form of reciprocation or even any acknowledgement. Then, as I grew into a teenager, I was introduced to the concepts of "shame" and "fear." I had been told not to go out by myself because a girl should be fearful. As a girl, I am vulnerable. I am fragile. My dignity, my "purity," and even my whole life could be easily destroyed by a man. If my family is not around to protect me, fear is the only thing that could. If boys make catcalls at me on the streets, I should be ashamed of it. If a boy chose to follow me around or get too close to me physically, even though it was his action, I should be ashamed of it. Shame and fear are integral to being "a good Myanmar woman"—a woman that society values and a woman "worthy" of men's protection. Growing into adulthood, I learnt that there is a rigid social mold for a good Myanmar woman that I was expected to fit within. At school, I was sometimes criticized for being too argumentative, too goofy, too stubborn, too spontaneous for a woman. When I started to think about what I'd like to do in life, I learnt that I was expected to want to become a doctor—a socially acceptable path to being a good and accomplished Myanmar woman. When I decided that this path was not for me, I disappointed many people. When I talked about my interests in politics and public policy instead, I was "too ambitious for a woman." When I decided to leave home and study abroad in the US, I was "too brave for a woman." When I raised my voice and articulated my opinions at work or in conferences, I was "speaking too much and too boldly for a woman." All these criticisms and judgements (which often came in the form of unsolicited, patronizing advice) taught me one thing—no matter what I do, my society, my culture, my religion, and my community will judge me first and foremost as a woman, not as a person. And the social rules and the cultural criteria of judgement are way too different for a Myanmar man and a Myanmar woman. Being a Myanmar woman is a strong component of my identity. I have great pride in and strong attachment to where I come from—my country, my culture, and my community. I also fully embrace my womanhood. My personal experience being a woman in Myanmar, however, tells me that there is a lot of work to be done for gender equality in our country. "No women" signs on pagodas, ubiquitous and unchallenged practices of men making catcalls at women on the streets and harassing them on social media, domestic violence, human trafficking, sexual assault and rape, the social norms that dictate that a woman's place is at home and in the kitchen, the fact that there are so few women in leadership positions in all sectors and industries—these are just some of the problems with gender dynamics in our society that need to be fixed. Sadly, this list could go on and on. And these problems are critical because of the toxic gender norms and expectations that they perpetuate. I feel a personal responsibility to advocate against these problems because it is very exhausting and infuriating to live with them every single day. More importantly, I believe that we were all born with the duty to leave our country better than we found it. All of us, both men and women, have a responsibility to make our country, our culture, and our society better and fairer for our daughters and sons. My heart would sink if, in the future, my daughter had to live through the exact same experiences of deep-rooted sexism. I would be heart-broken if my daughter was not treated with the same level of respect as others' sons. I would be devastated if my daughter was expected to just be a housewife and live her life doing chores for someone's son. I would be anguished if my daughter thought she could not be a leader because she is a woman. I would be disappointed if my daughter had to dumb herself down to get men's attention. I would be angry if my daughter is slut-shamed for having a boyfriend while others' sons are heroized for having many girlfriends. I would teach my daughter to always question and push back against gender expectations. I would tell her not to internalize the double standards that her society has in judging men and women. I would tell my daughter that she is an equally worthy person as her brothers. I would want her to believe that she can achieve anything she wants to because there is no such thing as being too ambitious for a woman. I would let her know that she is strong, not fragile. No one and nothing can take away her dignity. I want her to believe that her life is hers to build and that she does not need to defer to anyone in making her life decisions. Likewise, I would be very ashamed if my son thought it is okay not to respect a woman as his equal. I would be sad if my son defined his masculinity as the ability to dominate and subordinate a woman. I would tell my son not to feel threatened or emasculated by the strength, independence, and success of women around him. I would teach my son not to judge a woman's worth solely based on her appearance. I would let my son know that it is okay for him to have and show his emotions. I would teach my son to cook and clean up after himself so that he does not expect a woman to do it for him. I would tell my son that he should be ashamed and regretful, not proud or nonchalant, if he ever played around with a woman's trust and feelings. I would teach my son to be grateful and say "thank you" when someone, a man or a woman, does him a favor, whether it is a cup of coffee or a lifetime of support and companionship. I want my son to see that building a family is a duty shared by him and his wife and that his responsibilities are not limited to just earning money. I want my son to see all the unearned privileges he has simply because he is a man. And I want him to be brave enough to fight against the system and the norms that give him such privileges. I want him to also want a better and more equal society for his daughters and sons. It is on us, all of us, to strive for gender equality and unlearn toxic norms and expectations that permeate our society. And this is not something that is salient only once a year on Myanmar Women's Day. Women's rights are not a mere political punchline or a feel-good slogan. The fight for gender equality is a duty that every generation of men and women has. And I am very encouraged and hopeful to know that many of my peers, both male and female, take this duty very seriously. We all need to be raising our voices louder and engaging more every day in order to make more progress. We are all responsible for leaving our country, our culture, and our society better and fairer for our daughters and sons. Htet Moe Nwe Win is from Rangoon. She studied economics and political science in the US and the UK, and is currently working in New York. This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar. The post Opinion: Dreams for our Daughters and Sons appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Suu Kyi Assures China of Solution to Myitsone Dam Posted: 19 Aug 2016 01:42 AM PDT BEIJING, China—Aung San Suu Kyi told China's premier on Thursday that her new government is willing to look for a resolution that suits both countries to a suspended Chinese-funded hydropower project in northern Burma, a senior Chinese diplomat said. Finding a solution to the US$3.6 billion Myitsone dam project is important for Suu Kyi who needs China's cooperation in talks with Burma's ethnic minority armed groups operating along northern borders with China. Former Burma President Thein Sein angered China in 2011 when he suspended work on the hydropower dam, in the Irrawaddy river basin, after it drew widespread environmental protests. About 90 percent of the dam's power would have gone to China. At the time, Suu Kyi also called for the project’s suspension. Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Liu Zhenmin told reporters after a meeting in Beijing between Suu Kyi and Chinese Premier Li Keqiang that Li had said China hopes Burma can come up with an appropriate resolution. "Aung San Suu Kyi said that the Burmese government has already set up an investigation committee to look for an appropriate resolution to the Myitsone dam issue," Liu said. "She also said that she is willing to look for a resolution that suits both sides’ interests via both sides’ energy administrations' cooperation." China has been pushing for work to restart on the dam, which under the original plans would have sent 90 percent of its power to China. A Burmese government commission reviewing the project—as well as other proposed hydropower dams, including several on the Salween River—is expected to report by Nov. 11. Suu Kyi did not mention the dam in remarks to Li made in front of journalists, but said she hoped her visit would "further consolidate and develop" relations. The two countries also signed a deal to build a strategic bridge near their border. A Burmese foreign ministry official said China had also agreed to build two hospitals in Burma's two largest cities, Rangoon and Mandalay. The bridge will be built in Kunlong, 32 kilometers (20 miles) from the border in northeastern Burma and near the Kokang region where an ethnic Chinese rebel group fought Burma’s military last year. Liu said Premier Li reaffirmed China’s support for efforts to bring peace to northern Burma. Suu Kyi, who is barred from the presidency by a junta-drafted constitution but holds several government posts including that of foreign minister, will meet Chinese President Xi Jinping on Friday. The visit is Suu Kyi’s first major diplomatic foray as de facto leader, after a new government took power in April following her National League for Democracy’s sweeping election victory in November. The post Suu Kyi Assures China of Solution to Myitsone Dam appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
‘There is No One-Size-Fits-All Federalism’: Swiss Ambassador Posted: 19 Aug 2016 01:37 AM PDT A landlocked, mountainous country in the Alpine region of Europe, Switzerland, which has been a federal state for centuries, presents an interesting example to Burma as it plans to devolve power equitably to its states and divisions under a new peace settlement. With the opening up of Burma after the launch of reforms in 2011, Switzerland was the first European country to open an embassy in Burma, in 2012. Switzerland has funded humanitarian and development programs in Burma over several years, for instance the building of schools and healthcare centers in Karen and Mon states in southeastern Burma. It has been among the international backers of Burma's peace process, which began under President Thein Sein five years ago. The Swiss Ambassador to Burma, Paul Seger, currently chairs the multinational Peace Support Group, which advises peace process stakeholders and channels donor money. Prior to arriving in Burma last year, Paul Seger was Switzerland's permanent representative at the United Nations in New York. Irrawaddy senior reporter Nyein Nyein spoke to the Swiss Ambassador earlier this month about Switzerland's development assistance, its role in Burma's peace process, and growing trade relations. What kind of support has Switzerland been providing to the peace process? We started supporting the peace process around 2012 by establishing contacts with both ethnic armed groups and the Tatmadaw [Burma Army]. We tried to bring the parties together, to pave the way for the signing of bilateral ceasefire agreements. We try to reach out to as many ethnic armed groups as possible. We host meetings, we organize preparatory events, etc. I think that it was quite useful, leading up to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA] signing in October 2015. But our support did not end with signing; we continue working both with the Tatmadaw and with both signatories and non-signatories [of the NCA] in support of the current national dialogue. Multilaterally, we have been chairing the Peace Support Group since May 2015. We would like to maintain the principle of rotation. But, as long as the group wishes us to continue chairing, we are happy to go along with that. Besides, we are donors to the new Joint Peace Fund, which has a clear financial focus. We have been working directly with actors on both sides, under full transparency. At the same time, we try to contribute financial and material support. What is the Switzerland's place on the peace table? Our role is in providing support that is effective, but discreet. From my personal experience of other peace processes, confidentially and confidence are the key elements. At the same time, we are transparent in what we do. It is not about sitting at the peace table, but being an active partner. In the upcoming union peace conference, stakeholders will discuss establishing federalism in Burma. Since you come from a federal country, what is your message to them? Look at as many examples from abroad as possible. There is no one-size-fits-all type of federalism. Every country has to find its own political system, which is suitable to its own tradition, to its own culture and to its own history. We have been inviting armed groups and the Tatmadaw, and women's groups and others to explain how federalism works in our country. The idea is to allow people to see how federalism works and what are its limitations and difficulties. Federalism may be much more complex than it looks. It is not only about the relationship between the union and federal states, but also, within the federal states, to lower levels, such as townships and communities. In Switzerland, federalism has three tiers: communities, cantons [equivalent to states/divisions in Burma] and the federal level. How important is it to protect the minorities in individual federal states, along with power sharing? One of federalism's main purposes is the protection of minorities. Cultural identity and language are part of that. Another important element, at least from our experience, is financial autonomy. In Switzerland, it is very important for cantons [equivalent to states/regions] to have their own budgets because, when you have money, you can decide. You can build hospitals, schools, and pay the teachers. Let's take the example of language: if you want to teach the local languages, obviously you need local teachers. Do you want to pay them locally or do you want the federal government to pay them? To touch on Switzerland's humanitarian and development support in southeastern Burma, what is the specific assistance given and how is it benefiting local people? Our main area of support is in the southeast, in Mon and Karen states. We have been there about six years. We started with rebuilding schools destroyed by natural catastrophes, particularly Cyclone Nargis [in May 2008]. Since, we have been rebuilt about 100 schools in the region, both directly and in cooperation with others. We have also been working to promote local health projects, providing basic health services to the people. This has the added advantage of bringing people from ethnic armed groups together with people from the government, which in turn may help the political dialogue in the peace process. Is your assistance delivered through civil society groups or the government? Our main partners are nongovernmental and civil society organizations, because we want to get close to the people. For us, local ownership, local participation and local impact are very important. So far our experiences with local nongovernmental partners have been proving very successful. But we consult with the government and we keep it informed of what we do. One of our main principles is transparency. Is your humanitarian support reaching displaced people, especially in northern Burma, where fighting is continuing? Do you face any limitations in supporting them? We are supporting displaced people in the areas of conflict, mostly through the international organizations, like UNHCR, UNICEF and ICRC. We have strategically decided to concentrate on areas in the southeast to create the best impact within our means. We have a total budget of US$150 million over four years. That may sound a lot, but if you really want to do something concrete, it is better to concentrate. What are the trade relations with Burma, especially under the new government? The potential for Swiss investment is there, but there is room for improvement. With democratization, the changing of laws, the furthering of the rule of law and the practical administration of justice, conditions are improving. We have to look down the road a few years. Swiss companies usually are rather prudent. Our main products are mostly high-end, with high added value, usually for clients already at an advanced economic level. Pharmaceuticals, machinery and watches are not cheap products. We already have some working here, like Nestlé, pharmaceuticals, and some construction companies. We also have some small firms working in tourism, one of the big growth sectors in Myanmar. During my short presence here, there is growing interest. More people are coming here for business opportunities. My hope is that, over the next years, this will only increase. How do Swiss companies approach corporate social responsibility? We have been hearing about the involvement of Swiss firms in a dam project in Shan State, which environmentalists are campaigning against. I heard about the accusations and we take them seriously. Together with the company, were have looked into the matter. We found that the company takes environmental, social and cultural concerns seriously. For us, corporate social responsibility is important. We cannot allow ourselves to work in situations where there are violations of human rights or of environmental standards. We are also an active financial supporter of the Myanmar Center for Responsible Business. What is your impression of State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi after she met with diplomats? Shortly after the election last year, she convened a diplomatic call on November 19 to give an overview of her intentions and goals. I had only one opportunity to meet with her. But I have to say, that one time was enough to be very impressed. She is a very charismatic person. The post 'There is No One-Size-Fits-All Federalism': Swiss Ambassador appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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