Thursday, November 23, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Lawmaker Says Ministerial Appointee Failed to Declare Past Work with George Soros

Posted: 23 Nov 2017 05:43 AM PST

NAYPYITAW – Lawmaker U Soe Thane, who served as President's Office minister under the previous administration, objected on Thursday to a ministerial appointment by President U Htin Kyaw, saying the new minister had failed to mention his previous work for the George Soros Foundation.

Speaking in Naypyitaw after Thursday's Union parliamentary session, U Soe Thane told reporters that the new minister, current national security adviser U Thaung Tun, "did not mention his [previous] employment under George Soros," adding that U Thaung Tun had worked as a consultant for the US investor and businessman. Soros has supported the Myanmar democracy movement in exile for over two decades. He visited Myanmar in late 2011 after the country's transition from military dictatorship to democracy.

"As George Soros is a wealthy and influential person in America," U Soe Thane said, "who knows what impact [U Thaung Tun's appointment] might have on national security or relations between Myanmar and China?"

The lawmaker claimed that Soros had approached him during the previous administration about securing a ministerial appointment for U Thaung Tun, but then-President U Thein Sein rejected the idea because it had come from an American.

"If he [U Thaung Tun] was honest, he would have mentioned it on the second page of his curriculum vitae," U Soe Thane said, adding that he was prohibited from sharing U Thaung Tun's CV with the media, as it was shared confidentially with lawmakers on Monday.

U Thaung Tun, a former ambassador under the military regime, was appointed as national security adviser in January.

Regarding the presidential proposal for two new ministries, U Soe Thane said the ruling National League for Democracy had wasted much time, taking two years to establish them. He added that the new ministries must be effective.

Responding to Parliament's request that he supply evidence to support his objections, he said, "I worked under the previous government and I know all about U Thaung Tun."

He added that he had not had enough time to obtain evidence for his claim other than his own eyewitness account. He said he had requested corroboration by email from the US, but had yet to receive a response.

The President appointed U Thaung Tun and Deputy Foreign Minister U Kyaw Tin to head the Government's Office Ministry and the Ministry of International Cooperation, respectively, on Monday. Despite U Soe Thane's objections, the Union Parliament approved the appointments on Thursday.

The post Lawmaker Says Ministerial Appointee Failed to Declare Past Work with George Soros appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Great Game Over Myanmar

Posted: 23 Nov 2017 05:38 AM PST

As Myanmar's Military Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing is now in China on an official visit, The Irrawaddy revisits its cover story from May 2013 on how world powers, including China, are making plays for influence in Myanmar as the former pariah state tries to avoid pawn status.

The recent political opening in Myanmar surprised many neighboring countries, including China. The government's reforms have no doubt received welcome applause, but for Myanmar's traditional friends and foes, they have also created room for new competition in the country. The rules of the game have changed quickly in Myanmar, and the world is watching to see how international relations, particularly with China, shift in turn.

Since Myanamar regained independence from the British in 1948, leaders and diplomats at the Foreign Affairs Ministry have devoted most of their time, energy and resources to improving ties with China. We have seen rocky relations as well as honeymoon periods between both countries.

In the past, China had openly supported Myanmar's banned Communist Party. At points, the East Asian superpower even dispatched troops to the northern territory of Kachin State—forcing Myanmar to set rounds of border demarcation meetings in the 1950s and 1960s. Myanmar also saw anti-China riots in 1967, as Beijing stirred up disturbances by encouraging Chinese agents to support Communist cells in the country during the Cultural Revolution period.

Although both countries signed a treaty of friendship and mutual non-aggression based on five principles of peaceful coexistence, China has sometimes breached these core principles to test the so-called paukphaw relationship, while Myanmar has avoided antagonizing its northern neighbor.

Though many Myanmar political observers dislike Gen. Ne Win, who came to power through a coup in 1962 and ruled Myanmar with an iron fist until his regime was ousted in 1988, some give him credit for playing a "neutral" foreign policy during the Cold War, which they say saved Myanmar from becoming the puppet of any giant power in the region or the West. For the Chinese Communist Party, Myanmar served as a buffer zone to deter proxies of the West along with India and the Soviet Union.

Certainly, however, in the back of their minds, Myanmar's leaders have always feared China. Myanmar's late Prime Minister U Nu, who held numerous meetings with Chinese leaders to settle several disputes, once publicly expressed this fear in a statement after the Chinese Communist Party assumed power in 1949. "Our tiny nation cannot have the effrontery to quarrel with any power," he said. "And least among these, could Myanmar afford to quarrel with new China?"

But the situation is changing now. Last weekend, Myanmar's President Thein Sein visited China, where he met with Chinese President Xi Jinping. During his three-day visit for the Boao Forum, a summit of government and business leaders, Thein Sein played relatively safe but firmly stressed that Myanmar would practice an independent and active foreign policy while still adhering to the five principles of peaceful coexistence. He said Myanmar would focus more on developing ties with other countries in the Southeast Asian region. He also urged China to invest responsibly in Myanmar and to earn the trust of local Myanmar people.

As Myanmar's leaders continue to forge closer relations with the West and other Southeast Asian nations, the Chinese, like everyone else, are preparing to adapt.

Recently, the outgoing Chinese ambassador publicly met democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyidaw. Chinese diplomats have acknowledged previous meetings between them. To handle Myanmar going forward, China has appointed a veteran diplomat in Asian affairs, Yang Houlan, who served in Afghanistan, Indonesia, Malaysia and South Korea. His appointment is reminiscent of the past. In 1963, a year after Ne Win took power, China appointed Geng Biao as vice foreign minister to Myanmar. Geng Biao was a senior diplomat who had served missions in Europe soon after the formation of the People's Republic of China.

In the face of rising Western influence, it is likely that China will employ "soft power" to win back the hearts and minds of the Myanmar people. During a previous visit, Thein Sein confessed a fondness for Chinese television dramas. "Since childhood, I've been watching Chinese television," the president told China Radio International.

On the political front, Yang Houlan's appointment as ambassador and China's involvement in ceasefire talks between Kachin rebels and the Myanmar government are signs that Beijing is serious about settling Myanmar's lingering ethnic conflicts, which have threatened border stability as well as Chinese gas pipelines and a railway project in the country. Kachin military leader Gen. Gun Maw, who is now involved in ceasefire dialogues with the Myanmar government, told The Irrawaddy that Kachin leaders asked international observers including the United States, the United Kingdom and the United Nations to observe the peace talks, but that the Chinese did not want any outsiders (i.e. Westerners) getting involved. Instead, China invited the Myanmar government and Kachin leaders to hold a series of meetings on Chinese soil.

A stable and prosperous Myanmar will no doubt benefit everyone. However, Myanmar's improved relations with the West, and particularly with the United States, will complicate relations with China. The more Myanmar improves ties with the West, the more Western influence in the country is expected to rise.

Myanmar has seen growing anti-China sentiment at home. Most ordinary people in the country were repulsed by Beijing's support for the previous brutal regime, and many continue to protest against China's extraction of natural resources with little regard for the environment and local populations. Some critics say China has only given its support to exploit Myanmar's natural resources and gain strategic access to the Indian Ocean.

China is Myanmar's largest investor, channeling between US$14 billion and $20 billion into the country since 1988. Energy-hungry China has poured money into hydropower projects in the country's ethnic regions, and its three major oil corporations have a strong foothold. Many Myanmar people worry that Chinese investments and aid programs are like a Trojan horse. However, given the government's suspension of the China-funded Myitsone dam project and public protests over the controversial Letpadaung copper mine, it seems likely that civil society groups will target many more Chinese-backed projects in the future and that these investments will become political time bombs.

The fact is that Myanmar no longer needs to hide behind China. Nevertheless, pundits argue that Beijing will not let go easily. When former US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited Myanmar for the first time in November 2011, Chinese leaders played it coy. The Global Times newspaper, a mouthpiece for the Chinese government, wrote during Clinton's visit that China did not resist Myanmar's attempts to improve relations with the West but would not accept "seeing its interests stomped on." The message was clear: China would not tolerate Myanmar becoming an ally of the United States.

In October 2011, Myanmar announced its decision to suspend construction of the Myitsone dam in Kachin State, a project that had provoked strong public opposition. China was bewildered by the announcement, which came just five months after Thein Sein's first official visit to Beijing, where he signed nine cooperation agreements including a $765 million credit package and a comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership.

But the question remained, would Myanmar turn against China? The answer is simple: no. Myanmar doesn't yet have that luxury.

It will be interesting to watch how Myanmar handles the delicate balancing act between China and the rest of the world, maintaining its old alliance while proving it is not a satellite state. Myanmar's generals are well versed in the art of pitting international powers against one another. But if Myanmar falters at the game this time, the country's leaders will no doubt face accusations of playing with fire.

Just before her trip to Myanmar in 2011, Clinton, who announced the US policy of a pivot toward Asia, received a counterbalancing message from Naypyidaw: Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, commander in chief of Myanmar's armed forces, flew to China to meet with then Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping. The military chief signed a defense cooperation agreement, and the two sides talked of enhancing their comprehensive strategic partnership.

At home, Thein Sein told Clinton that Myanmar would continue its relationship with China while strengthening ties with other countries. He pointedly called Beijing a strong, geopolitically important partner that had encouraged Myanmar to improve relations with the West. Ironically, China secretly hosted a rare meeting between Myanmar and US officials in Beijing just four years earlier, in 2007.

In September 2012, before making his first official visit to the United States, Thein Sein traveled to China. Ne Win, the former dictator, likewise received Chinese leaders in Yangon before making trips to the West, and they urged him not to make political commitments to the United States.

Washington is also being careful not to upset China. During his historic visit to Myanmar in November last year, President Barack Obama said in a speech that the United States welcomed China's peaceful rise. And when asked whether US policies in Myanmar centered on relations with China, US Ambassador Derek Mitchell told The Irrawaddy that his country's increasing engagement was "about Myanmar."

"It's always been about Burma (Myanmar)," he said. "There's a misunderstanding in China, and even among some commentators, that everything we do in Asia is about containing China or encircling China, but that's simply not the case. Our policy toward Burma has been about Burma for 20 years, 25 years, before China was so-called rising or re-emerging. Our policy toward Burma is evolving because Burma itself is evolving."

Myanmar and the United States both understand they must not agitate China. But almost everyone else in Myanmar, except for those embedded with the Chinese, seem more than ready to welcome the West. They know it is the best way to counter Chinese influence.

Though it has sparked ongoing debate in Naypyidaw among top leaders and opposition members, Myanmar's bid to escape China's shadow is obvious. Last year, Min Aung Hlaing visited China's historical adversary Vietnam before going to Beijing. In addition to visiting China soon after his appointment to the presidency, Thein Sein went to India, indicating a desire to diversify Myanmar's portfolio of strategic partners in the region. His former boss Snr-Gen Than Shwe did the same, making two state visits—to China and India—before leaving his throne.

Myanmar also seeks to expand defense ties with its neighbors. In the past, Myanmar leaders allegedly allowed China's listening posts and a radar facility on Myanmar's Great Coco Island, reportedly to monitor regional military activities, especially air and naval movements in the Bay of Bengal, and to conduct surveillance of India's strategically important tri-service facilities at Port Blair o­n South Andaman Island. But in March, Myanmar and India conducted joint naval exercises and patrols in the Bay of Bengal, while India also reportedly ran a training program for Myanmar's armed forces, including exercises for pilots of the Russian-built Mi-35 helicopter gunships.

In February, Myanmar also sent its two frigates, UMS 561 and UMS 562, to the Thai island of Phuket for the first time in 18 years. Thanasak Patimaprakorn, supreme commander of the Thai armed forces, said in Bangkok that the visit of the Myanmar ships was intended to celebrate 65 years of diplomatic ties between both countries, with expectations for closer military ties going forward.

Since improving relations with the West, Myanmar has been invited by the United States to observe the annual Cobra Gold military exercise in Thailand. In the near future, the United States will likely provide non-lethal training to Myanmar's army officers. And last month, Australia announced it was lifting restrictions on military engagement with Myanmar in recognition of the country's democratic reforms.

Myanmar will probably bolster relations with Japan as well. Ties between both countries date back to the World War II era, and Japan's interests run deep in Myanmar. Not wanting to miss the train now, Tokyo recently decided to resume aid in Myanmar, and more Japanese companies and NGOs will soon play a counterbalancing role against Chinese influence.

As a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), Myanmar could also assume a proactive role in the regional grouping, as it did during the golden days of the 1950s. Ironically, Asean allowed Myanmar to join in 1997 because it wanted to pull the pariah state from China's sphere of influence, but Myanmar's reliance on its northern neighbor deepened. Now 15 years later, Myanmar must act with urgency to develop a foreign relations strategy for the world—not just China—as it integrates more with Asean, India and the rest of Asia.

Of course, Myanmar must get its house in order first, paying serious attention on the domestic front to its northern territory, where the national government has never been able to establish its law and order. (In 2010, Myanmar could not hold elections in the Wa region, and soon afterward fierce fighting broke out in Kachin State.)

But as the country continues opening up, Myanmar will test its independent and active foreign policy when it hosts Asean foreign ministers in 2014 at a summit in the country. Everyone will watch to see how the former pariah state exerts its emerging international status to placate neighbors and new friends from the West.

Topics: From The Irrawaddy Archive

The post The Great Game Over Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

ANALYSIS: A Window Opens for China to Nudge Myanmar Army Forward on Peace Process

Posted: 23 Nov 2017 04:40 AM PST

Top military officers from China and Myanmar met yesterday to discuss ways to improve border stability. The two sides promised to work together to promote peace and security along their shared frontier. But the question of how they will achieve this remains to be answered, given the deep distrust that exists between the Myanmar army and many of the armed ethnic groups in the area.

China invited Myanmar army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to visit China for five days at a time when the international community has put intense pressure on the military and the government over their handling of the Rohingya crisis.

Some Myanmar-based observers had expected that Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing would discuss the Northern Alliance of seven armed ethnic groups with his Chinese hosts, in addition to talks about buying weapons from China.

The military TV channel 'Myawaddy' reported yesterday that Snr Gen Min Aung Hlaing and some other generals met their counterparts from China and discussed ways to improve the two countries' military relationship.

Snr Gen Min Aung Hlaing thanked China for inviting him to the meeting, using on old Burmese phrase, 'Pauk Paw', to describe the relationship between China and Myanmar. The term means the two countries are old and good friends.

"By having this meeting, the military relationship between Myanmar and China will improve. And a better military relationship will greatly support border stability and the peace process in the country," Snr Gen Min Aung Hlaing was quoted as saying by Myawaddy TV.

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing expressed his gratitude to China for its support over the "Rakhine case" saying, "China stands at the front of the international community beside Myanmar, and Myanmar thanks China a lot for it."

In turn, People's Liberation Army (PLA) Gen. Li Zuocheng highlighted China's support for the peace process and noted that it had provided disaster relief to Myanmar in recent years. China will continue to help Myanmar, he said, adding that the two militaries would play a leading role.

"Close cooperation among the two militaries could be the best way to solve the border conflict," Gen. Li said.

The Chinese general also thanked Myanmar for supporting its position on the South China Sea.

The two military leaders said China and Myanmar would work together on military training, health and education. The two countries also will cooperate to fight terrorism and work hand in hand to ensure border stability, Gen. Li said.

Border Stability

Despite the pledges of co-operation, it is hard to see how China will be able to ensure border stability unless the ethnic armed groups in northern Shan state are allowed to participate in the peace process in Myanmar.

There are seven ethnic armed groups that have a presence on the border with China, and Beijing has sought to play a leading role as a mediator between the Myanmar military and the ethnic groups.

The seven groups — the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), Arakan Army (AA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), United Wa State Army (UWSA), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) — are members of the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), which has so far refused to sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). China initially sought to bring all seven groups into the peace process, but it could not convince the Myanmar Army to agree to this.

Two weeks ago, China's Special Envoy for Asian Affairs Sun Guoxiang met the leaders of the FPNCC and informed them that the Myanmar Army would not accept three armed groups — the TNLA, AA and MNDAA — in the peace talks as it considers them terrorist groups.

The Northern Alliance has said it will only meet the Myanmar Army as one group. But, the Army has insisted on meeting each group separately.

Peace talks stand off

Recently, some army representatives from the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) met with the UWSA and NDAA in Pangkham, the de facto capital of Wa state.

Nyi Rang a UWSA spokesperson posted a message that his group had asked the NRPC to remove TNLA, AA and MNDAA from its list of terrorist groups as it complicated the peace process.

He further mentioned in the Facebook post that the central government wanted the UWSA to sign the NCA based on the ceasefire agreement, but the UWSA leader told the peace commission that it would not do so until the process included the Northern Alliance.

The UWSA said it had intended to bring all the leaders of the armed groups to meet the Peace Commission. But, the commission officials met only representative of the UWSA and NDAA, disappointing the other armed groups.

At his recent meeting, the Chinese envoy Sun Guoxiang put pressure on the Northern Alliance to sign the NCA and join the Panglong conference.

But the armed leaders said there was no point seeking to participate until the Myanmar Army recognized them as lawful groups.

Brig.-Gen. Tar Phone Kyaw of the TNLA recalled what Sun Guoxiang told them, "Mr. Sun expressed clearly that they won't meet the FPNCC. They will only meet each organization individually."

He added that three of the groups — the TNLA, AA and MNDA – would not get the same status as the other armed groups.

This issue of the "terrorist list"thus remains the main sticking point for the peace process. And despite yesterday's pledges by the military leaders of both China and Myanmar, there will be no stability along the border unless the Myanmar Army recognize the TNLA, AA and MNDAA. Amid the international efforts to isolate the Myanmar Army over the Rakhine crisis, China has an important opportunity to convince the Myanmar Army to accept these three armed groups as participants in the peace process.

China's role on the border

Thousands of Kachin refugees remain near the border with China and are dependent on being allowed to cross the border to find work and food, although they are periodically arrested and pushed back to the Myanmar side. Some local Kachin NGOs who help distribute food to the refugees also have to rely on the Chinese authorities to transport food to refugees who have fled fighting between the Myanmar Army and the ethnic groups to the Chinese side of the border.

China has more influence with humanitarian issues because the Myanmar Army had blocked humanitarian deliveries across the front lines. The U.N. has not been able to make an official delivery to the north since May 2016.

China officials have met with Kachin community leaders on several occasions to ask for ideas on how to establish peace and to support the Myitsone Dam project. The Chinese authorities met elders of the Kachin Baptist Convention on September and asked for proposals on how to restore border stability. Rev. Dr Hkalam Samson said that China did not want to see fighting on the border between the KIA and Myanmar Army.

"They do not want to hear gunfire. This was their way of saying they want peace on the border. But, we need freedom of movement at the border for our side," he said.

Since fighting broke out between the Myanmar Army and the KIA along the border in 2011, China has not severely restricted the movement of Kachin IDPs, he said.

However, China was now placing more controls on Kachin refugees than previously, he said.

The post ANALYSIS: A Window Opens for China to Nudge Myanmar Army Forward on Peace Process appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rakhine State Lawmaker Demands Details on Rehabilitation Plans for 3 Townships

Posted: 23 Nov 2017 03:42 AM PST

SITTWE—A Rakhine State lawmaker submitted a proposal to the state's Parliament on Wednesday urging the Union government to show greater transparency regarding plans to rehabilitate Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships.

"The [state] government has told us nothing [about the rehabilitation plans]. It does not care a fig for the Parliament. So, we must ensure it respects the Parliament. We are in a new era. We have heard that rehabilitation work has begun in Maungdaw. But we, the Rakhine State Parliament, know nothing more than that," said U Maung Ohn of Maungdaw Constituency (1) regarding the purpose of his proposal.

As the rehabilitation process will take time and require substantial funding, the Rakhine State government should explain the process to the Parliament in a transparent manner, he added.

U Kyaw Win of MraukU Constituency (2) seconded the proposal, which met no objections. The state Parliament approved the proposal for discussion on Friday.

"The Rakhine State government must explain the rehabilitation plan for Maungdaw to us with accountability and responsibility," said lawmaker U Kyaw Win.

He urged the government not to make hollow promises, citing the example of an airport project in Rakhine State's MraukU, the former capital of the ancient Arakanese Kingdom of the same name. The plan was initiated by U Thein Sein's government but dropped by the current National League for Democracy-led government.

U Than Tun, secretary of the Ancillary Committee for the Reconstruction of Rakhine National Territory in the Western Frontier, a civil society organization, said none of the government's actions so far has been satisfactory regarding the protection of ethnic [Arakanese, Mro, Dainget] people in northern Rakhine State.

"In my opinion, the government is only concerned with the repatriation of Bengalis who have fled," he said, referring to the Rohingya people.

"It has largely ignored ethnic Arakanese people and failed to ensure their emotional security and safe rehabilitation, or the harvest of their rice fields," he told The Irrawaddy.

Both ethnic Arakanese people, and Rohingya (referred to as "Bengalis" by most people in Myanmar), were forced to abandon their rice fields when they fled militant attacks on Aug. 25 and subsequent counter-insurgency operations by the Myanmar military.

During a visit to a Hindu refugee camp in Sittwe on Nov. 11, Rakhine chief minister U Nyi Pu said houses are being rebuilt in Maungdaw as part of the rehabilitation process.

State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has established the Union Enterprise for Humanitarian Assistance, Resettlement and Development in Rakhine (UEHRD) to spearhead the rehabilitation process.

The post Rakhine State Lawmaker Demands Details on Rehabilitation Plans for 3 Townships appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

US Embassy Suspends Official Travel to Rakhine Townships

Posted: 23 Nov 2017 03:26 AM PST

YANGON— A day after U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson categorized Myanmar's military operation in Rakhine state as "ethnic cleansing", the United States temporarily suspended all official U.S. government travel to several parts of the state.

In a security message to U.S. citizens issued by the U.S embassy in Yangon on Thursday, it said the announcement of the determination that the situation in Rakhine State constitutes ethnic cleansing "may lead to demonstrations in Rangoon (Yangon) or elsewhere".

"As a prudent measure, the embassy is temporarily suspending all official U.S. government travel to the Rakhine townships of Sittwe, Rathedaung, Buthidaung, and Maungdaw from Nov. 23-Dec. 4," it stated.

The embassy also advised U.S. citizens to temporarily avoid travel to those townships during the period [Nov.23-Dec.4] and reminded them to avoid demonstrations.

Tillerson said in a statement on Wednesday that "the situation in northern Rakhine state constitutes ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya," using a term he avoided when visiting Myanmar last week.

He added that the United States would pursue accountability through U.S. law, including possible targeted sanctions against those responsible for the alleged abuses, which have driven hundreds of thousands of Rohingya into Bangladesh.

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U.S. Calling Rohingya Operation “Ethnic Cleansing” Unhelpful: Russian Envoy

Posted: 23 Nov 2017 03:05 AM PST

YANGON — The U.S. labeling of a Myanmar army crackdown on Rohingya Muslims as “ethnic cleansing” is unhelpful and could aggravate the situation, Russia’s ambassador to the Southeast Asian nation said on Thursday, criticizing “excessive external intervention”.

Rights groups have accused the military in Myanmar of carrying out mass rape and other atrocities during a ferocious military sweep launched in late August in retaliation for attacks by Rohingya Muslim militants in Rakhine State.

That drove 620,000 Rohingya refugees, many traumatized with gunshot wounds and burns, to flee to Bangladesh, joining hundreds of thousands who have sheltered there for years after previous spasms of violence in the country.

The military operation amounted to “ethnic cleansing”, the United States said on Wednesday, echoing an accusation first made by top U.N. officials in the early days of the humanitarian crisis.

“I don’t think that it will help to solve this problem,” Russian ambassador Nikolay Listopadov told Reuters in an interview in Yangon, when asked about the U.S. move.

“On the contrary, it can aggravate the situation, throw more fuel,” he said in English, citing concern over how the Buddhist community in Rakhine would react to such a designation.

This month, Russia and China agreed to a U.N. Security Council statement urging Myanmar to “ensure no further excessive use of military force” and expressing “grave concern over reports of human rights violations”, but they have opposed tougher steps and further pressure on Myanmar.

“We are against excessive external intervention, because it won’t lead to any constructive results,” Listopadov said. “Just pressure and blaming and accusing — it simply won’t work.”

On a visit to Myanmar last week, U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson urged the government of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to lead a credible and impartial inquiry, saying those who committed abuses should be held responsible.

But prospects for such an inquiry remain dim and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government refused to cooperate with a mission launched by the United Nations Human Rights Council in March after a less intense bout of violence in Rakhine.

The “so-called independent investigation” demanded by Tillerson was “absolutely” out of the question for Myanmar, Listopadov said.

“It’s absolutely not acceptable for the Myanmar side — it will never accept it … it won’t work — it’s counterproductive,” he said.

“Independent investigation means international (investigation) — no, it’s not acceptable.”

Moscow’s approach was for the Rakhine issue to be solved by “political means, political dialogue,” he added, without elaborating.

He welcomed talks being held in Myanmar’s capital of Naypyitaw between Myanmar and Bangladesh on the repatriation of Rohingya refugees, stressing it was “important to start this process.”

“We wish them success,” said Listopadov, “this complicated Rakhine issue can be solved mostly only by negotiations and agreements between the two sides, because they’re the most involved,” he said, referring to Bangladesh and Myanmar.

China wants closer ties with Myanmar’s military to help protect regional peace and security, a senior Chinese general told Myamar Army chief Sen.-Gen Min Aung Hlaing during a visit to China this week.

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Girl, 10, Dies After Being Administered Encephalitis Vaccine

Posted: 23 Nov 2017 12:23 AM PST

PATHEIN—Health officials in Irrawaddy Region are trying to determine if the death on Tuesday of a fifth-grade student in the regional capital, Pathein, was related to the Japanese encephalitis (JE) vaccination she received a day earlier.

Shin Thant Wai, 10, came down with fever and a headache after being administered the JE vaccine by injection at her school on Monday. Teachers informed her parents, who took her home. The girl reportedly started vomiting a yellowish fluid in the evening, and was taken to a pediatrician the following day, who recommended that she be hospitalized.

"Her teacher phoned and told me to bring her home at around 11 am on Nov. 20. She was running a temperature in the evening, and we took her to a clinic. She continued to vomit during the night," the girl's mother, Daw Mu Myint, told The Irrawaddy.

"So we went to see a child specialist next morning, and he told us to send her to a hospital. So we did, but she experienced epileptic fits that evening, and never regained consciousness," she said.

The Irrawaddy Region Public Health Department said it was investigating to determine whether the death was related to the JE vaccine.

The department has immunized over 57,000 students against JE at 265 basic education schools in Pathein since Nov. 15.

A 7-year-old in Irrawaddy's Thabaung died on Nov. 19, three days after being vaccinated, but Dr. Htar Htar Lin, deputy director of the vaccination project, said the boy's death was due to other health problems.

Meanwhile, the Ministry of Health and Sports is still investigating the death of a 13-year-old eighth grader from Shan State's Pinlaung who died after being vaccinated against JE last week.

The ministry released a statement on Nov. 18 saying that two other children had fallen seriously ill after being immunized, but had recovered after treatment.

In a statement, the ministry listed a number of conditions under which children should not receive the JE vaccine. These include having a fever or suffering from chronic or communicable diseases like tuberculosis, immune deficiency, epilepsy and so on.

"We want parents to follow these guidelines carefully. If a child is on a medication, has a disease or does not feel well on the day of vaccination, their parents should consult a doctor before the vaccination," said Pathein-based child medicine specialist Dr Thura Zaw.

Funded by Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, the World Health Organization and the United Nations Children's Fund, the JE vaccination campaign was launched on Nov. 15, targeting 14 million children aged between 9 months and 15 years across the country.

As of Nov. 17, more than 5 million children had been immunized against JE. Some 5,000 children reported having a fever and headache after vaccination, according to the Ministry of Health and Sports.

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Rakhine Unrest Pushes Buddhist Nationalists Closer to Army

Posted: 23 Nov 2017 12:16 AM PST

YANGON—The latest outbreak of violence in northern Rakhine State has resulted in some significant shifts in the Buddhist nationalist movement, the most notable being how it has become closer to the army than ever before.

On Sunday, thousands of people, including Buddhist monks, joined two mass rallies in Mandalay Region and Karen State that were held simultaneously by the so-called "Tatmadaw (military) Admirer Group" to primarily show support for the army's actions in Rakhine State. One of the slogans shouted by participants at the rally was "Good health to the army chief, who is defending the country's sovereignty, race and religion."

While not present at the rally in Mandalay, nationalist Buddhist monk U Wirathu sent a message to praise the army and security forces for protecting people in northern Rakhine after the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army launched a series of attacks in August. He condemned the international community for its censure of the military, describing the army's operations as just and saying it had been the victim of "bullying".

"Monks and people are the ones who will take care of the helpless army like their sons," the monk wrote in a message that was read out on his behalf at the rally.

The army has been accused by the international community of using excessive force and carrying out an ethnic cleansing campaign against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine State during its clearance operations in the area after Muslim militants attacked 30 police outposts in late August. The army operation sent more than 600,000 refugees fleeing to Bangladesh. The U.S. and E.U. have imposed sanctions on top military leaders in response to the alleged atrocities.

The pro-army rallies on Sunday were not the first to be held. Downtown Yangon saw a similar demonstration organized by the same group late last month, which attracted thousands of supporters. So did Mon State's capital Mawlamyein earlier this month. At those mass rallies, apart from members of the country's opposition party – and the army's political proxy – the Union Solidarity and Development Party, nationalist Buddhist monks and their followers have turned out to be active participants. Why?

Buddhist monks join a pro-army rally in Yangon  in October. (Photo: Thet Tun Naing/The Irrawaddy)

Since the National League for Democracy government took power in 2016, Buddhist nationalism in Myanmar has experienced several turning points after enjoying the unofficial blessing of the previous government.

With the outbreak of communal strife between Buddhists and Muslims in Rakhine State in 2012, nationalist groups claimed that the country's Buddhist foundations were under assault and needed to be protected. They expressed fears that the Muslim population was growing faster than the Buddhist one and that Myanmar needed to be vigilant against fundamentalist influence. They saw the Rohingya issue as one of sovereignty.

In their heyday from 2012 to 2015, nationalist groups, led by prominent Buddhist monks across the country, organized activities and talks to encourage followers to boycott Muslim businesses and spread anti-Muslim hate speech—sparking a series of deadly communal clashes between Buddhists and Muslims from 2012 to 2014. As a result, the image of compassionate Buddhism, in which much of the country believes in, was distorted internationally as a religion that favors bigotry and antagonism.

The hatemongers were rarely punished by the then government despite the country's Constitution forbidding the promotion of enmity or discord between racial or religious communities. Instead, for example, they were favored by the general-turned President U Thein Sein of the former administration, who endorsed passage of the 'Protection of Race and Religion Laws', a quartet of controversial laws drafted by nationalists, viewed by many as discriminatory toward women and religious minorities, particularly Muslims.

However, the nationalists, who had operated under the "Protection of Race and Religion" banner, lost their safe haven when the NLD-led government came to power in March 2016. The first big blow from the new government came in July last year when the nationalist umbrella organization, Ma Ba Tha, was denounced by the State Buddhist Sangha authority as an unlawful association.

The unprecedented move was followed by a series of government actions this year: the arrest of nationalists for committing offenses against the state, restrictions on ultranationalist monk U Wirathu from preaching, a ban on Ma Ba Tha operating under its current name and ordering that their signboards be taken down across the country, a crackdown on sit-ins by nationalist monks in Yangon and Mandalay and the latest arrest of a prominent nationalist monk.

The antagonism between the NLD and the nationalists was not new. Even before the party took power in 2016, leading monks like U Wirathu had condemned Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for her failure to denounce the Muslim Rohingya and campaigned against her party in the general elections in 2015.

But, after Ma Ba Tha was banned in 2016, the relationship between the NLD government and nationalists soured notably. The nationalists accused the ruling party of failing to promote and protect Buddhism while favoring the human rights of other groups, especially Muslims. They demanded the resignation of the country's religious affairs minister to no avail. When the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, the Muslim militant group denounced by the government as terrorists, launched a series of attacks in northern Rakhine last year, nationalists saw them as a threat to national security and interests.

Within this climate of distrust and unease, it is little wonder that the nationalists have found common cause with the army, who took the attacks as seriously as the nationalists.

Less than one month after the attacks in August, some leading Buddhist monks from Buddha Dhamma Parahita Foudnation (formerly known as Ma Ba Tha) flew to Rakhine State. They personally donated 200 million kyats to the army chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, to be distributed to security forces deployed in the area and displaced people and used for the rehabilitation process. In October, U Wirathu and his followers traveled under state security escort to the affected area in northern Rakhine to distribute donations. Then the pro-army rallies in Yangon, Mandalay, Karen and Mon States followed.

Myanmar military chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing receives a 200-million-kyat donation from the Buddha Dhamma Parahita Foundation (formerly known as Ma Ba Tha) in September. (Photo: Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing/Facebook)

One of the country's most prominent Buddhist monks, Sitagu Sayadaw, said during a sermon delivered to army officers at a garrison town in Karen State last month, that he wanted to see unity among the government, the military, the Sangha (monks) and the people for the good of the country. The sermon was heartily welcomed by the nationalists.

For the NLD government, it may be a headache to see the nationalists getting closer to the military, which already has the backing of its proxy, the USDP.

It has been reported that the relationship between the government and the military—the most powerful and established institution in Myanmar—is not stable. When asked in an interview with Radio Free Asia, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi described relations as "normal." But other signs suggest ties are not good, the most recent example being the declaration of a state of emergency in Rakhine State.

In contrast, there is no question about the strength of the alliance between the military and USDP as the party has been the Tatmadaw's proxy since it was founded in 2010. Similar to the nationalist groups, the former ruling party has repeatedly expressed concerns about the way the NLD government has tackled the Rakhine issue.

USDP members take part in a pro-army rally in Mandalay on Nov. 19. (Photo: Zaw Zaw/The Irrawaddy)

Despite the government's bans on Ma Ba Tha and rising anti-nationalism sentiment among liberal-minded Myanmar people, the organization is still active and popular, especially at the grass-root levels, under a new name Buddha Dhamma Parahita Foundation, for dedicating time to humanitarian relief for Buddhists and their education efforts. One of its leading monks, Ashin Sopaka, acknowledged name change was made to avoid confrontation with the State Sangha.

"Only the name has changed. The rest is the same," he told Myanmar Udan Weekly, a publication run by nationalists.

It should be noted that the organization's subchapters in Mandalay and Karen State are still defying the government's order not to use the name Ma Ba Tha. The authorities there remain silent on the issue. It is worth noting that the pro-army mass rallies took place in those areas on Sunday as well.

With hundreds of sub-chapters and hundreds of thousands of followers across the country, Ma Ba Tha should not be underestimated. Embittered by their marginalization under the new government, while inflamed by radical nationalism, these groups may turn reactionary anytime soon. If that happens, they are vulnerable to being manipulated by anyone who wants to undermine the current democratic transition, and Myanmar's democratic development will be placed at risk.

The post Rakhine Unrest Pushes Buddhist Nationalists Closer to Army appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Tells Myanmar Military It Wants Closer Defense Ties

Posted: 22 Nov 2017 09:39 PM PST

BEIJING — China wants closer ties with Myanmar’s military to help protect regional peace and security, a senior Chinese general told the visiting head of the Southeast Asian country’s army.

China and Myanmar have had close diplomatic and economic ties for years, including increasingly in the strategically important oil and gas sectors, and China has offered its support to its southern neighbor throughout a crisis over its treatment of its Rohingya Muslim minority.

More than 600,000 Rohingya have fled from Rakhine State, most to neighboring Bangladesh, since a Myanmar military crackdown in response to attacks on the security forces by Rohingya insurgents in August.

The United States on Wednesday for the first time called the Myanmar military operation against the Rohingya “ethnic cleansing” and threatened targeted sanctions against those responsible for “horrendous atrocities”.

Meeting in Beijing, Li Zuocheng, who sits on China’s Central Military Commission, which runs its armed forces, told Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing that China’s development and prosperity were an important opportunity for Myanmar’s development, China’s Defense Ministry said in a statement.

“In the face of a complex and changeable regional security situation, China is willing to maintain strategic communication between the two countries’ militaries,” Li was cited as saying in the statement issued late on Wednesday.

China wanted greater contacts between the two armed forces and deeper training and technical exchanges and to promote border defense cooperation to ensure peace and stability along their common border, Li added.

China has been angered by fighting between Myanmar’s military and autonomy-seeking ethnic minority rebels close to the Chinese border in recent years, which has at times forced thousands of villagers to flee into China.

The Chinese ministry made no direct mention of the Rohingya issue in the statement.

China built close ties with Myanmar’s generals during years of military rule, when Western countries imposed sanctions on Myanmar for its suppression of the democracy movement.

More recently, their ties have included oil and gas as Myanmar pumps natural gas from the Bay of Bengal to China. A new oil pipeline, opened this year, also feeds Middle East crude through Myanmar to a new refinery in Yunnan, southwest China.

This has opened a new oil supply route to China, avoiding the Strait of Malacca and Singapore.

The United States and other Western countries have stepped up engagement with Myanmar since the military began handing power to civilians in 2011, and especially since former democracy leader  Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won a 2015 election.

But an international outcry over Myanmar’s violations of the rights of the Rohingya has raised questions in Western countries about that engagement.

Rights group Amnesty International has called for a comprehensive arms embargo against Myanmar as well as targeted financial sanctions against senior Myanmar military officials.

China’s Defense Ministry cited Min Aung Hlaing as thanking China for its support in helping Myanmar ensure domestic stability.

The post China Tells Myanmar Military It Wants Closer Defense Ties appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

U.S. Calls Myanmar Army Operations Against Rohingya ‘Ethnic Cleansing’

Posted: 22 Nov 2017 09:34 PM PST

WASHINGTON – The United States on Wednesday called the Myanmar military operation against the Rohingya population “ethnic cleansing” and threatened targeted sanctions against those responsible for what it called “horrendous atrocities.”

“The situation in northern Rakhine state constitutes ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya,” U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson said in a statement, using a term he avoided when visiting Myanmar last week.

“The United States will also pursue accountability through U.S. law, including possible targeted sanctions” against those responsible for the alleged abuses, which have driven hundreds of thousands of Rohingya into Bangladesh, he said.

The United States shifted its stance in part to raise pressure on Myanmar’s military and civilian leaders, who have shared power for the past two years under an uneasy arrangement after decades of military rule, to address the crisis.

Rights monitors accused Myanmar's military of atrocities, including killings, mass rape and arson, against the stateless Rohingya during so-called clearance operations after Rohingya militants’ Aug. 25 attacks on 30 police posts and an army base.

More than 600,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled Rakhine state, mostly to Bangladesh, since the crackdown.

“These abuses by some among the Burmese military, security forces, and local vigilantes have caused tremendous suffering and forced hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children to flee their homes,” Tillerson said.

While repeating U.S. condemnation of the insurgent attacks, he added: “No provocation can justify the horrendous atrocities that have ensued.”

Myanmar’s two-year-old government, led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has faced heavy international criticism for its response to the crisis, though it has no control over the generals with whom it shares power.

“It's not a situation that is completely under her authority, but certainly we are counting on her to show leadership and also to work through the civilian government with the military to address the crisis,” a senior U.S. official told reporters in a conference call.

The term “ethnic cleansing” is not defined in international or U.S. law and does not inherently carry specific consequences, a second senior U.S. official said on the call.

Murray Hiebert, a Southeast Asia analyst with the Center for Strategic and International Studies think tank in Washington, said the State Department’s use of the term and threat of sanctions “will likely have limited to no impact on the ground.”

“It is likely to create more distrust between the United States and Myanmar’s military and government and push them closer to China, Russia, and its more authoritarian neighbors in Southeast Asia,” he added.

The U.S. move came the same day as a U.N. tribunal convicted former Bosnian Serb military commander Ratko Mladic of genocide and crimes against humanity for massacres of Bosnian Muslims and ethnic cleansing campaigns, and imprisoned him for life.

The second U.S. official said Washington was analyzing whether genocide or crimes against humanity had occurred in Myanmar, which would violate international law, but has made no determination on either and that this would take time to assess.

“In the end it’s a court that has to decide that, as we’ve just seen with the verdict against Mladic,” he said.

A top U.N. official in September described the military actions as a textbook case of “ethnic cleansing,” but the United States until Wednesday had avoided using the term.

Washington has sought to balance its wish to nurture the civilian government in Myanmar, where it competes for influence with China, with its desire to hold the military accountable for the abuses. U.S. officials also worry that the mistreatment of the Rohingya Muslim minority may fuel radicalism.

The first U.S. official said Washington would work with Bangladesh and Myanmar to encourage the voluntary repatriation of Rohingya.

“We have focused on the issue of voluntary returns,” the official said. “We don’t want people to be forced to return to a situation in which they feel uncomfortable.”

Congressional pressure for a tougher U.S. response to the Rohingya crisis mounted before President Donald Trump’s first visit to Asia this month to attend a summit of Southeast Asian countries, including Myanmar, in Manila.

U.S. government sources told Reuters in October that officials were preparing a recommendation for Tillerson that would define the military-led campaign against the Rohingya as ethnic cleansing, which could spur new sanctions.

In early November, U.S. lawmakers proposed targeted sanctions and travel restrictions on Myanmar military officials.

Rights group Amnesty International called for a comprehensive arms embargo against Myanmar as well as targeted financial sanctions against senior Myanmar military officials.

The post U.S. Calls Myanmar Army Operations Against Rohingya ‘Ethnic Cleansing’ appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Authenticity Is What I Am Always Hunting For’

Posted: 22 Nov 2017 08:48 PM PST

Han Lynn (b. 1986). A quiet soft-spoken young man, his shyness disappears once he begins to speak about poetry. He is a fine example of the kind of seriousness that is typical among poets in Myanmar today: poetry is not a hobby or a vanity-calling card; it is a calling that emanates deep from one's being. He has no need to entertain the question Rainer Maria Rilke poses in his Letters to a Young Poet: "Ask yourself in the most silent hour of your night: must I write?" Han Lynn already knows the answer.

When did you start writing poetry?

I am not sure. But let's say when I was about twenty.

When did you realize that you wanted to become a professional poet?

Frankly speaking, I don't know what "professional" means when it comes to poetry. I have never thought of it. The only thing I would like to do is to write poetry.

How do you write?

Writing poetry is not only writing it down but also writing in one's mind. So, like many other poets, I don't have any particular times, and write poetry in my mind almost everyday.

How do you get inspiration to write a poem?

It depends. And it is not clear. Things that inspire me to write poetry are bizarre. Sometimes a piece of music. Sometimes a movie. Sometimes a text. Sometimes a fragment of a voice. Or a fragment of a thought. Sometimes what I witness. Or unknown, unidentified things, maybe the unconscious mind. And of course, it depends where I am.

Since I am always writing poetry in my mind, it's difficult to realize when such inspirations come to me. Sometimes I force myself to write even if I am not in the mood. Fortunately, fruitless inspiration doesn't last long either. And inspiration is not the most important thing but just part of writing process. In many cases, before I write it down or when I am writing it down, I do not know what and how the poem will be. You only know the result through practice.

What is important to you about creativity? Where does it come from? How do you feed it?

Passion. Your passion will make you do/get everything – through resourcefulness, spirituality, and practice.

But the word "creativity" is a loaded term. I have never tried to be a creative poet and don't want to be considered creative either. Authenticity is what I am always hunting for. Maybe my creativity is made by this hunt. Authenticity may be a kind of creativity.

Tell me about the craftsmanship of writing.

If you want to be a poet, you have to study the fundamental elements of poetry – its parts and structure. And then international poetry – movements, history, etc. And you must be into and study almost everything in the world as much as you can. I study poetic elements including rhyme, symbol, image, rhythm, and I read as much as I can though my memory is bad, which means I forget almost everything. In writing poetry, I always try to be aware of myself, and know what my fear is. Fear could be in any form. Your fear always ruins your discipline, your art, your originality, your poetry. Spirituality is very important in every art. I never look down on it. You are not a robot, you must know yourself and not lie to yourself.

How does rewriting and editing – working on a poem – work?

For me, when it comes to poetry, rewriting or editing is a type of fear. It is sometimes good and sometimes bad. You have to accept that fear sometimes, and sometimes reject it.

I write poetry in many ways. One is that I set a time limit, whether one or two hours, and finish one during that time. It's like sitting an exam. Listening to random music from YouTube, I write whatever comes into my mind. I sometimes edit the poem during the fixed time though sometimes I don't. Editing a written poem can make it better. It could destroy its beauty and originality as well. So I always try to know what my fear is, and how to handle it.

How was your writing affected by living in an unfree society where freedom of expression was not permitted?

Banned books, difficulty of getting international books, government-controlled internet – all this limited what I could do. Apart from that, nothing affected my writing because I never submitted any of my poems to periodicals during the military junta era. I wrote what I wanted only in my diary.

My writing has been changing only because of my own experimenting, and not because of the lessening of external restrictions in the world around me. I did emphasize imagery. I still do that and will do so in the future. But I started submitting my poetry to periodicals only when restrictions were loosened – when censorship was abolished.

An unfree society is not good for art at all. If works of art in an unfree society are good, they will be better when it is free.

Now that Myanmar is "in transition," one thing that has not changed for a poet is this: a poet, not only in his poetry, but in his real life, must always be against, and fight, injustice.

You now work in advertising – what influence does that have on the poetry you write?

Advertising is strange. When I write commercials, I have to think of a mass audience. For a poet that is totally bizarre. As a poet I rarely think of any audience at all while I am writing.

I decided to take a job in this field mainly because I knew it would give me access to really fast internet, which I don't have at home. I thought this would be a way of getting great inspiration. But I find it difficult to be inspired to write poetry because of my work. Still, with good internet, I am able to read more than ever before. I am enhancing my knowledge of literature like never before.

Authors’ Note: These interviews are excerpted from Burma Storybook, a poetry and photography book inspired by the documentary film of the same name, produced by Corinne van Egeraat and directed by Petr Lom. 

The English language hardcover edition of the book is for sale at Hla Day, Innwa Bookstore, Myanmar Book Center and the Strand Hotel.

 A Burmese language-only paperback edition of the book is for sale through Yangon Book Plaza.

There will be a Free Open Air Screening of the Burma Storybook documentary film (82 min.) in Mahabandoola Park in Yangon on November 25 at 6 p.m.From Nov. 25 to Dec. 4, you can visit the interactive Burma Storybook Photo Exhibit at the Tourism Burma Building.

For more information: www.burmastorybook.com

The post 'Authenticity Is What I Am Always Hunting For' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pope to Meet Head of Myanmar Army, Rohingya Refugees: Vatican

Posted: 22 Nov 2017 08:21 PM PST

VATICAN CITY — Pope Francis will meet the head of Myanmar's army and Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, both late additions to a tour of the two countries next week.

Human rights monitors and UN officials have accused Myanmar's military of atrocities, including mass rape, against the stateless Rohingya during operations that followed insurgent attacks on 30 police posts and an army base.

Vatican spokesman Greg Burke said on Wednesday that the pope would meet army head Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on Nov. 30 in a church residence in Yangon.

Myanmar Cardinal Charles Maung Bo had talks with the pope in Rome on Saturday and suggested that he add a meeting with the general to the schedule for a trip that is proving to be one of the most politically sensitive since Francis was elected in 2013. Both the pope and the general agreed.

Some 600,000 Rohingya refugees, most of them Muslim and from Myanmar's northern Rakhine State, have fled to Bangladesh.

Burke said a small group of Rohingya refugees would be present at an inter-religious meeting for peace in the Bangladeshi capital, Dhaka on Dec 1.

Myanmar's government has denied most of the claims of atrocities against the Rohingya, and the army last week said its own investigation found no evidence of wrongdoing by troops.

The pope will separately meet the country's leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in the capital Naypyitaw, on Nov. 28 in an encounter that was already on the schedule.

Briefing reporters on the trip, Burke gave no details of how the Rohingya who will meet the pope would be chosen. A source in Dhaka said the refugees would be able to tell the pope about their experiences.

Both events were not on the original schedule of the Nov. 26-Dec. 2 trip.

Bo, the cardinal from Myanmar, has advised the pope not to use the word Rohingya while in Myanmar because it is incendiary in the country where they are not recognized as an ethnic group.

Burke said the pope took the advice seriously but added: "We will find out together during the trip … it is not a forbidden word."

The post Pope to Meet Head of Myanmar Army, Rohingya Refugees: Vatican appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘I Always Follow My Heart When I Write a Poem’

Posted: 22 Nov 2017 08:12 PM PST

Myat (b. 1970) is a prominent journalist and the co-founder of the Human Rights and Human Dignity Film Festival – the first of its kind in Myanmar. She is currently writing a book about Myanmar's recent political history.  She sees a tension between journalism and poetry: while journalism is the realm of facts, it cannot reveal the truth in the same way that poetry can.

When did you start writing poetry?

I started writing poetry when I was ten years old because of my parents. They taught me how to write traditional rhyming poetry. I still remember when I was the youngest of all the poets during a poetry contest in my hometown. That was before 1980. My first poem was published in 1989 in a literary magazine.

Tell me about writing.

We have a saying that "poetry is property of the wise." Words are the most powerful tool in a poem. Choice of words is more important than the words following rhyme to make a traditional poem. The words used in a poem can show a poet's creativity. We see the taste of a poem through each and every word he or she puts in that piece. They can be very poetic words or common language of ordinary people.

Creativity is also in the structure of a poem. In our time, we have started to abandon rhyme. We break all traditional methods of poetry writing. Instead we play with words. We play with metaphors. We play with common language or slam words. We try to structure a poem with words and metaphors. Each poem has a unique structure and a unique style of a poet but we follow no form or no specific style.

I always follow my heart when I write a poem. I have never written a poem without a specific mood. For me creativity doesn't come alone, it always comes together with emotion. It comes sometimes in the middle of doing something – like traveling on the bus or reading a book or seeing scenery. When I get a phrase or word in mind, I need to write it down in a notebook or in my mobile's notepad, not to wash that word away with other things I am doing.

My life without poetry would be like curry without salt.

Is writing easy?

Poetry doesn't come quickly. It forms in the heart of a poet for certain period of time. I was once in a place where I found the miracle of a beautiful stream and forest in a late full moon night. That beauty of nature stayed with me for a long time though I tried many times to write it down to make a poem of that magnificent night. A year later, in summer in my hometown, I wrote a poem about that night while I was struggling with the horrible heat of the dry season. I could still feel the breeze of that night on my sweaty forehead when I finished the poem.

And what about craftsmanship, the discipline of writing?

I hate the word discipline. I rather want to use "ethics." When I started my career as a journalist, I always had to deal with ethics. Then I found two different truths: visible truth and invisible truth. As a journalist, I need to seek the truth with visible evidence but many times I found the invisible truth hiding in people's minds which is sometimes much more painful than the visible truth. Because I need to follow the ethic of a journalist, I couldn't put how I felt in my writing. I began self-censoring myself after I became a journalist. I tried not to put any emotion in my writing. That's how I lost the creativity of a poet. That's how I ended up as a journalist and write less and less poetry since 2004. And it's why I'm stopping pure journalism now, and becoming more of a freelance author. So I will write more poetry.

How was your writing affected by living in an unfree society where freedom of speech was not permitted?

Living in an unfree society pushed us to use many metaphors in poetry. That's how we could get away with censorship. But the more we hide what we want to say under metaphors, the less people read poems. The room of poetry and literary works became restricted to a smaller and smaller group of people. That led to a decline in literary life in Myanmar.

Now we have less restriction on freedom of speech. Many poets come up online and set up their own page on social media. We have freedom to write. We don't need to hide any word behind complex metaphors. Still we are trying to structure poem with strong and poetic words. We have more freedom than ever.

What can you say about being a woman and a poet?

I don't want to write issue-based poetry. I think poetry and women are two separate things. When I write a piece of literary writing, whether poetry, short story or novel, I don't want to think about any single issue. I just want to follow where my pen leads me. I want to break all boundaries. Many times, I have felt my pen lead me on a journey to finish a piece – especially when writing poetry. I think that is art, not me or my pen.

Of course, I personally don't like any form of discrimination against women. I also don't want to be given more favors because I'm a woman. I don't agree with a quota system favoring women in parliament because I disagree with the military quota system in our constitution [twenty-five percent of parliamentary seats are reserved for the military]. We want to have freedom to elect people who should lead the country without any gender-based interference.

Authors’ Note: These interviews are excerpted from Burma Storybook, a poetry and photography book inspired by the documentary film of the same name, produced by Corinne van Egeraat and directed by Petr Lom. 

The English language hardcover edition of the book is for sale at Hla Day, Innwa Bookstore, Myanmar Book Center and the Strand Hotel.

A Burmese language-only paperback edition of the book is for sale through Yangon Book Plaza.

There will be a Free Open Air Screening of the Burma Storybook documentary film (82 min.) in Mahabandoola Park in Yangon on November 25 at 6 p.m.From Nov. 25 to Dec. 4, you can visit the interactive Burma Storybook Photo Exhibit at the Tourism Burma Building.

For more information: www.burmastorybook.com

The post 'I Always Follow My Heart When I Write a Poem' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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