Thursday, April 25, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Russia Building Six Advanced Fighter Jets for Myanmar Military

Posted: 25 Apr 2019 07:29 AM PDT

YANGON—Russia is assembling six Sukhoi SU-30SM fighter jets for Myanmar under a contract worth about US$2o4 million signed between the two nations last year, Russian news outlets reported on Wednesday.

The news was unveiled during the latest visit to Russia by Myanmar military commander-in-chief Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing to attend the 8th Moscow Conference on International Security this week. Some military observer websites put the market price of one of the twin-turbine engine aircraft at about US$34 million.

At a press conference, Sen-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing said Russia's military hardware was "very useful" for his military in key locations in Myanmar.

Sen-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing personally inspected the production of the planes at Irkustsk Aviation Plant on April 23. Before the Russia tour, he traveled to China and visited an armored vehicle training school in Beijing and met with senior officers of China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) on April 11.

Yangon-based military observer Ko Naing Swe Oo from Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, a former military officer, told The Irrawaddy that Myanmar's Air Force possesses reasonable firepower, sufficient to deter external invasion. Thus, he concluded the aim of buying the expensive Su-30SM multirole fighter jets was likely to achieve airspace superiority in the region, particularly in relation to Myanmar's neighboring countries in Southeast Asia.

Under the military regime, in 2000, Myanmar and Thailand clashed along the border. At that time, Myanmar did not possess the Russian MiG-29s it has now, and the Thai Air Forces deployed its multirole fighter jets during the conflict.

"SU-30SMs are capable of long-distance operations. We can use them in case there is an external invasion [attempt] against us in future," he said.

He explained that the Su-30 was produced in a number of varieties. For instance, Malaysia has the Su-30 MKM, while India possesses the Su-30 MKI. He said the SU-30SM model is the latest in a series of aircraft upgraded by the Russian military.

However, given the military's record against ethnic armed rebel groups, some local experts expressed concern about possible airstrikes against the groups by the supersonic jets. Even in battle against the Arakan Army (AA) in northern Rakhine's Mrauk-U, the military used several MiG-29 warplanes. According to defense blogs, Myanmar has 20 MiG-29D planes and as of 2018, Moscow had delivered a total of 12 Yak-130 combat training aircraft to the Tatmadaw.

So far, Myanmar's purchases of Russian military hardware include MiG-29 fighter jets, Yak-130 combat trainers, Mi-17, Mi-24 and Mi-35 combat helicopters and other weapons. The Su-30SM 4+ generation fighter jet is capable of air-to-air and air-to-ground missions with a wide variety of precision-guided munitions and it can carry about 9 tons of ammunition at one time.

Despite its attempt to upgrade its fleet, the Myanmar Air Force has sustained many losses in recent years.

In October, 2018 a sixth-grade girl and two pilots were killed when a pair of military planes crashed in Magwe Region's Minbu Township.

In April, 2018, an F-7 fighter from Toungoo Airbase also crashed, killing the pilot. The F-7 is a version of the Soviet Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-21 licensed and built by China.

In September 2017, a military G-4 jet fighter from Pathein Airbase crashed about 19 km from Rakhine State's Gwa Township. Two pilots died in the accident.

In February 2016, a Beechcraft airplane from Myanmar's Air Force crashed near Naypyitaw International Airport, killing one major, two captains and two other crew members.

And in 2014, a MiG-29 fighter jet from Magwe Air Force Headquarters went down during flight training, damaging the jet but causing no casualties.

The post Russia Building Six Advanced Fighter Jets for Myanmar Military appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Timeout

Posted: 25 Apr 2019 02:52 AM PDT

Swap Up Revolution

This is a three-day swapping and conscious shopping event which kicks off with a party on the first evening (Friday) from 6 p.m. to 9 p.m. It is hosted by Sofaer & Co and organized by Swap Up Yangon as a local contribution to the international Fashion Revolution Week which is part of a global movement that celebrates fashion as a positive influence, raising awareness of the industry's most pressing issues and celebrating those who are on a journey to create a more ethical and sustainable future for fashion.

April 26 to 28 | Sofaer & Co | 60 Lower Pansodan Road

Havana Night

The Penthouse will be the scene of a party to celebrate the music and flavors of Cuba and the Americas this Friday night. If you love everything Havana, grab your sundress and fedora hat and get ready to dance to Cuban-themed beats with DJ Eric from 10 p.m.

April 26 | The Penthouse | 8th Floor, Parkside One Building, 271-273 Bagayar Street, Sanchaung Township

Farmers Market

A growing community of farmers and producers come together weekly to sell fresh, local, healthy products including bread, veggies, eggs, plants, honey, coffee, tea, juice, salad and more. This is a plastic-free market and market goers are requested to bring along reusable bags or baskets.

April 27 | 7 a.m. to 11 a.m. | Karaweik Compound | Kandawgyi Gardens, Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township

Clean Yangon Green Yangon

This is the 23rd edition of a regular community event for anyone who cares about their neighborhood and environment. Organized by For Her Myanmar, it is popular with both locals and foreigners who live in the area and beyond. Participants are requested to wear green. The meetup location for Saturday's event is on Yawmingyi Street in front of Fatman Bar & Grill.

April 27 | 8 a.m. to 9 a.m. | Yawmingyi Street, Dagon Township

GRRRL Power

The hot talent in Yangon's female hip hop scene are going to raise the roof at Goethe-Institut this weekend. At this event organized by Turning Tables Myanmar, experience the talent and energy of the most famous female hop hop artists around, including Kit Kat, Myat Thitsar, Yung Witchz, Little Shawty, Zuzan, Triple A, DJ Lolly and Malay (BMCC). This event is held with the support of the Goethe-Institut to raise the role of women artists in Myanmar, enhance freedom of expression and build better understanding. Entrance is free.

April 27 | 6:30 p.m. to 11 p.m. | Goethe-Institut Myanmar | Corner of Kabar Aye Pagoda Road and Nat Mauk Street, Bahan Township

International Jazz Day

The French Embassy in Myanmar and the French Institute are bringing the worldwide celebration of jazz music to Yangon this Saturday. The family-friendly event will feature a renowned jazz saxophonist from Australia, Dale Barlow, who will play alongside Yangon's greatest jazz acts including Bamboo Trio, 88 Degrees, Imagine Jazz, Tun Trio and the school jazz band from International School of Yangon. Tickets cost 2,000 kyats and the price goes to the musicians involved.

April 27 | 7 p.m. | Institut Français de Birmanie | 340, Pyay Road, Sanchaung Township

King's Day

King's Day, or Koningsdag, is the Netherlands national holiday when Dutch people all over the world—including in Yangon—dress up in orange and party. This King's Day, Atlas Rooftop Bar & Lounge will have an event for all who wish to mark the day in Yangon. Entry is free and the dress code is strictly orange! Note, Atlas will be closed for a private event until 9 p.m.

April 27 | 9 p.m. | Atlas Rooftop Bar & Lounge | Uniteam Building, 84 Pan Hlaing Street, Sanchaung Township

Forests and Climate Change | Climate Talk Series #4

Conyat Create and Pansuriya partner to host this series of discussions on climate and the environment in Myanmar. This is the fourth discussion of the series and it will focus on the role forests play in our climate. Forests are important in determining the accumulation of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, yet Myanmar had the third-highest annual rate of forest reduction, just behind Brazil and Indonesia. The speakers on the evening will be U Maung Maung Than, country director of RECOFTC, and Naw Ei Ei Min, director of Promotion of Indigenous and Nature Together.

April 29 | 6:45 p.m. | Pansuriya | 100 Bogalayzay Street, Botahtaung Township

Joint European Chambers Networking

The British, French, Swedish, Italian, Norwegian and German chambers of commerce, and EuroCham Myanmar, are hosting a networking evening to allow for like-minded professionals to meet and expand business networks. Beer, wine and canapes will be served. Tickets for members cost $15 and non-members cost $25.

April 30 | 6:30 p.m. | Pullman Hotel Yangon | Central Tower, Sule Pagoda Road, Pabedan Township

Connect@breakfast E-commerce

Organized by the French chamber of commerce in Myanmar (CCI France Myanmar), this breakfast-time seminar will feature talks by leading members of Myanmar's e-commerce community. Frans Maas, co-managing director of Shop.com.mm, will make a presentation on the global e-commerce sector; Aung Sithu, logistics and operations manager at Kargo Myanmar will give a presentation on logistics; Allen Gilstrap, CEO of Ongo, will focus on digital payment services; and Jeff Pan, CEO of flymya.com, will give his insights into building a culture of data. Free entry for members and $15 for non-members.

May 2 | 8 a.m. to 10 a.m. | Melia Hotel Yangon |192 Kabar Aye Pagoda Road, Bahan Township

The post Yangon Timeout appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sustaining the Planet for Our Future Generations

Posted: 25 Apr 2019 02:45 AM PDT

In the digital age and present context of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, we often hear about "big data" and the "Internet of Things", which to some may sound highly technical. While Thailand is fully aware of the opportunities and challenges that come with modernity, we also seek an all-encompassing human dimension of inclusive development, particularly during our year as ASEAN chair. This is why we came up with the theme "Advancing Partnership for Sustainability," to promote the "Sustainability of Things" (SOT), which means sustainability in all dimensions.

Sustainable development is an overarching concept that is directly related to SOT. However, the first aspect of sustainability that usually comes to mind for the public is environmental sustainability, which is a significant component of the concept and part of the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, or SDGs. These 17 SDGs are simply grouped into the "5Ps" with the ultimate goal to save the planet, foster peace, create prosperity, enhance partnership, and nourish our people.

With regard to the planet, fresh air and clean water are among the basic yet fundamental essentials for human beings and all other creatures that share this world with us. Sadly, Mother Earth has been harmed and taken for granted by humans more than anyone else throughout history. The fact that several SDGs give importance to the rehabilitation and conservation of our planet reflects the rising environmental concerns and the call for a more balanced development, widely known as the concept of "circular economy", which is gaining ground globally.

Thailand recognizes that enhancing environmental sustainability is inextricably linked to social and economic development, and is one of the key conditions for sustainable development. We have therefore adopted measures to conserve, restore and manage our natural resources and environment in a more sustainable manner, and included these elements in our 20-Year National Strategy Framework (2017-2036).

For instance, Thailand has launched the Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) Roadmap on Mitigation (2021-2030) to ensure that we meet our targets on the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by 20 to 25 percent by 2030. Some progress has been made so far. Last year, we managed to reduce carbon dioxide emissions by 45.72 million tons, or 12 percent of the targeted 7-20 percent by 2020. Moreover, about 24 hectares of coral reefs and 880 hectares of mangrove forest were rehabilitated, and plastic bag usage has been reduced by 435 million bags since 2017.

Beyond our national undertaking, Thailand has consistently advocated cooperation on environmental issues with the global community to derive the     long-term benefits. An example is our firm commitment to the Paris Agreement to address climate change. At the same time, Thailand has been cooperating with all partners on the exchange of knowledge, experiences and best practices.

Sustainable development is a global agenda that requires concerted efforts, and Thailand is in the position to drive it forward this year. In addition to being ASEAN chair, Thailand is also ASEAN coordinator on sustainable development cooperation, actively identifying the complementarities and promoting closer coordination between ASEAN and the United Nations. One substantial outcome is the "Complementarities between the ASEAN Community Vision 2025 and the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: A Framework for Action" which identifies possible synergy and means to strengthen ASEAN Community-building while attaining several SDGs simultaneously.

A recommendation from the Complementarities Report that will be realized fully this year is the establishment of the ASEAN Center for Sustainable Development Studies and Dialogue in Thailand. The center will be funded by the Royal Thai Government and will help coordinate activities and projects related to the Complementarities Initiative, while linking up with similar centers in ASEAN Member States to form a network of centers in support of regional sustainable development efforts.

During its ASEAN chairmanship, one of the sustainable development agendas that will be addressed is the marine environment. Thailand is greatly concerned with the problem of marine debris and its impact on the environment. We truly believe that urgent action is needed. Researchers have found a marine debris or "garbage patch" in the middle of the Pacific Ocean with a size larger than Bangkok. This debris is eaten by fish, which is then consumed by humans, thus causing severe health problems. The sea animals like whales and turtles that suffer from eating indigestible waste as reported in the news account for only a fraction of the annual 100,000 deaths of marine animals due to this problem. In addition, marine debris affects the promotion of environmentally friendly tourism and thus affects the contribution of the tourism sector to national development.

Research by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment of Thailand found that rubbish that is thrown into the sea can travel all over the world. It is therefore imperative that we have a platform for discussions and collaboration to tackle the problem. A technical working group meeting among ASEAN members was held in November 2017 while the Special ASEAN Ministerial Meeting on Marine Debris and ASEM High-level Meeting on Marine Sustainability will be held on March 5, 2019 and March 7-8, 2019, respectively. Thus, Thailand is advancing partnerships for sustainability, starting with environmental sustainability, and will expand to other areas throughout the year.

The benefits of sustainable development are countless but each country should embark on its own path and determination to achieve the goals. In Thailand's case, the Sufficiency Economy Philosophy (SEP) was adopted as its home-grown approach. This philosophy, conferred by His Majesty the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej, proposes a "thinking process" consisting of three parts—analysis of the cause of the problem, identification of practical solutions and the implementation of the selected solutions.

SEP is mainstreamed in Thailand's policy both at the national and international levels. It has been a guiding principle in Thailand's National Economic and Social Development Plans since 2002 and its application to achieve sustainable development. Thailand has shared this philosophy with many countries as an alternative approach to achieving SDGs, through the provision of training courses and the establishment of several cooperation projects in Asia and Africa.

Thailand's commitment to sustainable development is steadfast, as demonstrated in our past achievements and contributions nationally and internationally. We are committed to do more. The agenda will be particularly important during our ASEAN chairmanship and Thailand looks forward to working with colleagues in ASEAN and beyond in a global partnership as set forth in SDG Goal 17.

Don Pramudwinai is the minister of foreign affairs of Thailand.

The post Sustaining the Planet for Our Future Generations appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Army Overruns KIA Outposts in N. Shan State

Posted: 25 Apr 2019 12:39 AM PDT

YANGON—The Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) said Tuesday it had taken control of some Kachin Independence Army (KIA) outposts in Muse District in northern Shan State.

The Tatmadaw True News Information Team's Brigadier-General Zaw Min Tun said the Army counter-attacked after the KIA launched assaults on military units from outposts it built near a Tatmadaw base in Muse District's Mongpaw-Mongya. He added that several KIA outposts were occupied on Monday and Tuesday.

"[KIA troops] attacked Tatmadaw [troops] engaged in non-military activities at the base, and also built outposts. They launched sneak attacks and mine attacks on military units after Thingyan [which ended on April 17]. So, we resumed our military operations and were able to take control of seven or eight of their temporary outposts," the brigadier-general told The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy was not able to contact KIA officials for comment. However, the Kachin News Group (KNG) reported on Wednesday that the Tatmadaw occupied the headquarters of Battalion 36 under the KIA's Brigade 6 near the village of Mong Baw.

The KNG quoted an officer from the KIA's Brigade 6 as saying that KIA Battalion 36 had been forced to abandon all the outposts and that government troops were now deployed in old Howa village, where the outposts were based, and in Ting Sa Kawng and Wudang Bum, where the battalion commander had been based. The Brigade 6 officer spoke to the KNG on condition of anonymity.

Lamai Khun Ja, a member of the Peace-Talk Creation Group, a Myitkyina-based group that brokers peace talks between the KIA and the government, told The Irrawaddy that he had heard about the raid on the KIA outposts, but could not independently confirm it.

"I heard the news, but I don't know if the KIA has confirmed it," he said.

On April 11 last year, fierce clashes broke out between the KIA and the Tatmadaw in Awng Lawt in Tanai village. The following month, the KIA's Brigade 2 and Battalion 14 were forced to withdraw from their headquarters.

The post Myanmar Army Overruns KIA Outposts in N. Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

When NCA Is Comprehensive, We Will Sign: Senior KIO Official

Posted: 24 Apr 2019 10:20 PM PDT

Little progress has been made in the peace process since the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) announced a unilateral four-month ceasefire in December.

The ceasefire, which the Tatmadaw said was intended to facilitate peace talks with the non-signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), comes to an end on April 30.

Vice-chairman of the Kachin Independence Council General Gun Maw talked to The Irrawaddy's senior reporter Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint about the prospects for peace talks between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Tatmadaw, whose 17-year-long bilateral truce collapsed in June 2011.

NAN LWIN HNIN PWINT: Your group wants to sign a bilateral ceasefire agreement, but the government insists that you sign the NCA. How will you negotiate the difference?

GEN. GUN MAW: We still think there is a need to make the NCA more comprehensive. We didn't sign it because our discussions are not yet over, and we have not yet found common ground.  So we are demanding a bilateral ceasefire agreement to end the clashes. We wish to discuss signing the NCA in a stable environment without clashes.

What provisions does the KIA want to include in the bilateral agreement?

We want a bilateral agreement without many restrictions. It has been eight years since clashes resumed. I think it is difficult to sign an agreement in which many demands are made. So we want to have a ceasefire agreement that doesn't press many demands but which can end the fighting and create a stable environment. So, we will try to negotiate a ceasefire. And we will try to collaborate on the return of IDPs [internally displaced persons] in a stable environment. And we will discuss the difficulties facing the NCA signing process. We want to find a starting point without pressing too many demands.

Allies of the KIA clashed with the Tatmadaw during its four-month ceasefire. The fighting with the Arakan Army (AA) was the most serious, but I heard that the KIA managed to avoid getting into clashes. How was this negotiated?  

There was no special negotiation. We have instructed our KIA troops not to launch assaults and not to attack military outposts on public roads. We have issued this instruction since 2013. But things are different in the case of the AA, and there have been many clashes due to the circumstances there [Rakhine State]. But there have been fewer clashes in our area [Kachin State]. However, there have been some clashes in Shan State where our Brigade No. 4 is active.

If discussions are to be held on signing bilateral ceasefire agreements, will each group sign one separately, or will the members of the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC) sign the agreement collectively as a bloc?

Of the seven members of the FPNCC, four groups have not yet signed bilateral agreements. Three other groups have signed bilateral agreements. If we consider signing the NCA, we first need to sign a ceasefire agreement at the state level. So, our plan is that the four groups should sign bilateral agreements separately.

The KIA insists on holding dialogue together with your three allies, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the AA. But the AA has been clashing seriously with the Tatmadaw. Doesn't this hamper the KIA's prospects for peace talks with the government?

I don't think it would be difficult if we really desire to stop the clashes. [The government] needs to think about how to avoid clashes in Rakhine, rather than assigning blame for them. The government said the AA [caused instability when it] entered Rakhine, which is a "white area" [the government's color code for a stable area under its control]. It is true to a certain extent. But then, the Arakanese people would welcome Arakanese troops entering their areas. So, to be fair, I don't think the AA entering Rakhine State is the main problem, if efforts are to be focused on ending clashes. There is a need to consider both sides fairly if we want to achieve a stable environment.

In its statements, the Tatmadaw has accused the KIA of assisting the AA. What is your comment on this?

The KIO [Kachin Independence Organization] has given only limited assistance to the AA. The KIO provided help for the AA in its earliest days. The AA has grown due to their capability and the participation of their people. It is not as if the AA grew that big and has such high morale because of our backing. We have only given them a little assistance. [Their expansion] is attributable to their decisions, leadership and the participation of their people. The AA grew out of its internal strength, and not because of external assistance.

How do you think the problems in Rakhine should be addressed?

There is a need to negotiate. Rather than saying the AA should not enter Rakhine State, [the government] should negotiate with any group that enters Rakhine. It is more important to figure out how [the AA] can participate in building the country according to the wishes of the Arakanese people, and how [the government] can cooperate [with the AA]. It is no solution to ask the AA not to enter Rakhine; it is more important to figure out how to build the country.

Do the KIA and the AA have an alliance agreement establishing political common ground?

No. We have never negotiated common ground. But basically, all of us want a federal system that guarantees self-determination and equal rights. It is impossible that two groups would have exactly the same opinion. There is a need to negotiate a common ground that is acceptable to the government and each revolutionary group. As I've said, we can first sign the bilateral ceasefire agreements and then discuss the NCA. At the same time, we should discuss how to build the country. This I think is the basic solution to the problems.

The KIO participated in the entire process of drafting the NCA, but later said it would follow the policies adopted by the United Wa State Army (UWSA), which leads the FPNCC. What will be the KIO's policy going forward?

The KIO participated in the NCA from the time it was proposed until the end of March 2015. In fact, there were four drafts prior to the final NCA. So, we called the fifth draft the final one. But then, we could discuss nothing about military matters even after we got the fifth draft. There were 35 points left to discuss, and some groups signed the NCA without discussing those 35 points.

We didn't sign the NCA because we did not think we could engage in comprehensive discussions. So, we are calling for the NCA to be more comprehensive. I don't want each group to still have to prepare for military action after signing the NCA. So, we will sign the NCA if it is more comprehensive. We won't sign it unless and until it is more comprehensive and complete.

So, will the KIO sign the NCA if the remaining 35 points can be discussed?

Yes. We would sign the NCA if it were more comprehensive and acceptable to us. The FPNCC has principles. So, we are saying that we should also discuss the principles of the FPNCC. The government has adopted the NCA as a path to peace. Our view is that there is also a need to discuss the principles proposed by the FPNCC along with the NCA path. They should not say the FPNCC principles are unacceptable when they have not even discussed them. The FPNCC's principles may be seen by the government and some ethnic revolutionary groups as unrealistic demands. There is a need for both sides to discuss both the NCA and the principles of the FPNCC.

Has your group proposed discussing the remaining 35 points with the government?

We have always called for discussing them. When the ethnic summit was held in Mai Jayang, NCA non-signatories also participated in it, and we pressed eight demands through the FPNCC. Those demands are mainly about improving the NCA and making it more comprehensive.

The Office of the Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services said the NCA could not be changed, but we are not seeking to amend it, just supplement it and make it better. We have asked them why they can't accept this.

So, is that why the KIA allied with the UWSA and joined the FPNCC? 

Yes, that is partially true. At that time, more of the NCA signatories were based in the southern area of Myanmar. The KIO is based in the northern area, and there were serious clashes there at that time. So, there was a need for the groups in the northern area to be united. So, we resigned from the UNFC (United Nationalities Federal Council) and joined the FPNCC.

The FPNCC plan is more ambitious politically than that envisioned in the NCA. If the KIO were to hold direct talks with the government, would it adhere to the NCA or the principles of the FPNCC?

The policy of the KIO is to discuss both principles, and hold to the principles that are suitable and that we can all be in harmony with. Even if it is true that the FPNCC's principles are ambitious and do not match those of other [armed] groups, why didn't the government and Tatmadaw accept the very good proposals submitted by the FPNCC and NCA signatories? Whether or not the FPNCC's principles are reasonable is one part of the question, but why did they reject the very good proposals? So, based on the current situation, we, the KIO, will hold to the path that can guarantee a federal Union with equality for ethnicities.

Ethnic leaders, the government and the Tatmadaw agree on the goal of establishing federalism in the future. Why can't they negotiate a pact?

It is a little complicated. In the preamble of the NCA, we ethnic armed groups demanded a promise that the country will be established as a federal Union, but the promise the Tatmadaw and the government gave was to discuss this through political dialogue. They didn't say that they would establish a federal Union.

And, assuming we did sign the NCA, the government and Tatmadaw won't accept us sharing the lead role with them in implementing it. They say they will make the decisions on all issues. So, I asked them at a meeting why they should decide our fate. I have a record of it. If we can't jointly implement the NCA, and if our fate will be decided solely by the National Defense and Security Council [NDSC] and the UPDJC [Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee], this makes it more difficult for us to sign the NCA.

How is the trust building process going between the KIO and the Tatmadaw?

Frankly speaking, there is no trust at all. We met the Kachin State government in the first month after the fresh clashes broke out in 2011. The first question we asked was whether they consider the Panglong Agreement to be legitimate. And we still haven't received an answer.

In August 2009, we sent a letter directly to [now retired] Senior General Than Shwe and said that we, the KIO, would abandon the armed struggle if the Panglong pledges were honored and implemented. So, what we want to say is there must be give and take when speaking of trust building. There is a need to recognize the Panglong Agreement, and the recognition of the Panglong Agreement [1947] must be officially announced, and stated in the Constitution. Unless and until it is officially stated in the Constitution, there is no political guarantee. This is what we call trust building.

We don't have trust in the Tatmadaw, and vice versa. To display trust, the fighting must be stopped, and discussions must be held. And agreements must be officially stated in the Constitution. Only then will there be trust.

What are the KIO's expectations of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?

We have always had trust in the caliber and performance of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We understand that she has many difficulties. Soon after fresh clashes broke out in Kachin State in 2011, we told the military not to deploy more troops in Kachin State, and that if the Tatmadaw sent more troops, we would take it to mean the Tatmadaw and government had no desire to find a peaceful solution. But then, they deployed more troops. Rather than sitting down to peace talks, they design plans to launch large-scale attacks, send in reinforcements and increase their firepower. So, we doubt the Tatmadaw and government really want to solve the problems peacefully.

However, we have no doubt that some other leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi want to carry out reforms peacefully. How far they can go depends on the political situation. We understand this.

The Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services said he would deliver peace to the people in 2020, and I have often heard that China is applying pressure. How is the KIA's relationship with China?

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said she would try to reach an agreement on basic principles by 2020, and the commander-in-chief said the peace process must be complete in 2020, which we think is impossible. If the commander-in-chief truly believes that the peace process will be complete in 2020, the 2008 Constitution must be rewritten. When a new constitution emerges after the 2008 Constitution is scrapped—if the new constitution came out today—the country would be peaceful within a couple of days.

China has concerns over its stability and projects. Though it can't push for nationwide peace, it is concerned about clashes along the border. So, it puts pressure on the government and Tatmadaw as well as on us. Their key message is to build peace, and to avoid clashes on the border. As China asks both sides [to avoid clashes] and not a particular side, we think it is reasonable, and we don't see it as putting pressure. These are China's interests.

Last month, the Yunnan government summoned the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) and said it would close the border gate and withdraw Chinese weapons experts from the KIA's ordnance factories if the KIA does not sign the NCA. Does this have an impact on the KIA?

They didn't tell us directly. They didn't close the border gates, but they imposed stricter restrictions on all border gates with Myanmar. As far as I know, the [Yunnan] government didn't say directly that it would withdraw weapons experts. It was certain individuals. Again, Chinese citizens are working in our factories. They are operated by ourselves. So, it might have been a misinterpretation. And [the Chinese government] didn't directly tell us that.

Public concerns are growing due to recent Chinese actions regarding the Myitsone Dam. What does the KIO want to say about the dam project?  

Chinese companies want to resume the Myitsone Dam. We have openly told them that, firstly, we the KIO can't give orders to the Kachin people; secondly, the project was not approved by the KIO, but by the government, so we don't have responsibility for that. We told them that what the KIO can do is to deliver their message to the Kachin people, and similarly, we will deliver the message of the Kachin people to the Chinese companies. This is where we can help.

Thirdly, we suggest that the Myanmar government and Chinese companies conduct negotiations, and organize public consultations in Myitkyina so that people can directly express their concerns, and the companies can directly address their concerns. By doing so, [the Myanmar government and Chinese companies] will understand how to handle it and they can directly hear the voices of the people. And people can also hear the message of the Chinese companies directly.

Fourthly, we don't oppose the project if people accept it. But if people don't accept it, we can't force them to accept it. We have conveyed these four points to the Chinese companies.

What is the KIO's stance on the Myitsone Dam project?

When there were reports in newspapers about the project, we sent suggestions to the Chinese government. You can find the letter online. And we also sent the letter to [now retired] Sen-Gen. Than Shwe [asking him not to implement the dam project]. The KIO's stance is unchanged.

How are negotiations going between the KIO and the government regarding the civilians displaced by clashes over the past seven years?

The message we sent to the government before the end of 2018 was that internally displaced persons [IDPs] from 65 villages who were taking shelter in camps could go back to their homes. The government said that we could discuss it after signing the NCA.

We requested the government to allow the return of [IDPs from] those 65 villages without preconditions. We will focus on it when we meet next time. We told them by letter that it is disgraceful not to help them, and not to allow their return because we haven't signed the NCA.

Does the government view those displaced persons as KIO sympathizers? Aren't they Myanmar citizens? What is your view?

At the first session of the 21st Century Panglong [Union Peace Conference], the Tatmadaw delegation said that IDP camps in KIO-controlled areas are not legal because we haven't signed the NCA. We have raised objections to that. And we have told the UN agencies that they should provide humanitarian assistance to IDPs whether we sign or not. We said they need to facilitate their return.

We have tasked the KBC and Kachin Humanitarian Concern Committee (KHCC) with designing policies for the return of IDPs. I heard that they are working to hold talks with the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC).

So, can the KIA guarantee security for those villages militarily?

Yes, we can.

The four-month ceasefire declared by the Tatmadaw ends on April 30. There are concerns that fresh clashes will erupt beyond that period. To which of the KIA's frontier outposts does the Tatmadaw pose a threat?

As we have clashed for around eight years, there are threats everywhere. So, there are no particular areas [that are under threat], in our view. April 30 is the timeframe set by the Office of the Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services. We need to review it. Four months is not enough to build peace or stability. As the problem has existed for many years, we need to extend it; four months is not enough. And we will make a request for that.

Do you see potential for renewed clashes after the four-month ceasefire?

Clashes can break out anytime. Clashes are taking place in northern Shan State, and places where KIO troops are present. Only the magnitude [of the clashes] varies from place to place. If both sides can properly control [the situation], troops on the ground will obey the order [not to fight].

What is your assessment of the prospects for a ceasefire, as the talks have been on-and-off?

It depends on the promises we make to each other. We demand they promise to establish a federal democratic country with equality. But without making that promise, the Tatmadaw and the government instead told us to discuss it in a political dialogue.

But if they promise to build such a country, we think, the talks will be more realistic than the ongoing political dialogue and the 21st-Century Panglong [conference]. If [that happened], there wouldn't be a stalemate in talks, and the time [for dialogue] would be shortened, and a clear-cut answer could be found.

The Kachin people have borne the brunt of the clashes over the past seven years. What do you want to say to them? Will they have to continue suffering in the camps?

The KIO demands a Union with equality for all ethnic groups, including the Kachin people. We will try to achieve that ambition. We believe we will achieve permanent peace only when there is equality for all. And we will try to make that happen. And we will inform the people whenever we take a step toward it.

The post When NCA Is Comprehensive, We Will Sign: Senior KIO Official appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Muslims Flee, Christians Grieve in Sri Lankan Town Torn by Violence

Posted: 24 Apr 2019 10:10 PM PDT

NEGOMBO, Sri Lanka—As mourners buried the remains of Christian worshippers killed by the Easter Sunday suicide bomb attacks in Sri Lanka, hundreds of Muslim refugees fled Negombo on the country’s west coast where communal tensions have flared in recent days.

At least 359 people perished in the coordinated series of blasts targeting churches and hotels. Church leaders believe the final toll from the attack on St. Sebastian’s Church in Negombo could be close to 200, almost certainly making Negombo the deadliest of the six near-simultaneous attacks.

On Wednesday, hundreds of Pakistani Muslims fled the multi-ethnic port town an hour north of the capital, Colombo. Crammed into buses organized by community leaders and police, they left fearing for their safety after threats of revenge from locals.

“Because of the bomb blasts and explosions that have taken place here, the local Sri Lankan people have attacked our houses,” Adnan Ali, a Pakistani Muslim, told Reuters as he prepared to board a bus. “Right now we don’t know where we will go.”

Islamic State has claimed responsibility for the attacks, yet despite Islamic State being a Sunni jihadist group, many of the Muslims fleeing Negombo belong to the Ahmadi community, who had been hounded out of Pakistan years ago after their sect was declared non-Muslim.

The fallout from Sunday’s attacks appears set to render them homeless once more.

Farah Jameel, a Pakistani Ahmadi, said she had been thrown out of her house by her landlord.

“She said 'get out of here and go wherever you want to go, but don’t live here'," she told Reuters, gathered with many others at the Ahmadiyya Mosque, waiting for buses to take them to a safe location.

'I have nothing now'

Sri Lanka’s government is in disarray over the failure to prevent the attacks, despite repeated warnings from intelligence sources.

Police have detained an unspecified number of people in western Sri Lanka, the scene of anti-Muslim riots in 2014, in the wake of the attacks, and raids were carried out in neighborhoods around St Sebastian’s Church.

Police played down the threats to the refugees, but said they have been inundated with calls from locals casting suspicion on Pakistanis in Negombo.

“We have to search houses if people suspect,” said Herath BSS Sisila Kumara, the officer in charge at Katara police station, where 35 of the Pakistanis that gathered at the mosque were taken into police custody for their own protection, before being sent to an undisclosed location.

“All the Pakistanis have been sent to safe houses,” he said. “Only they will decide when they come back.”

Two kilometers away, makeshift wooden crosses marked the new graves at the sandy cemetery of St Sebastian’s Church, as the latest funerals on Wednesday took the number buried there to 40.

Channa Repunjaya, 49, was at home when he heard about the blast at St Sebastian’s. His wife, Chandralata Dassanaike and nine-year-old daughter Meeranhi both died.

“I felt like committing suicide when I heard that they had died," he told Reuters by the open graves. “I have nothing now.”

Meeranhi’s grandmother, with her head still bandaged after being wounded in the attack, was held by a relative as the first handfuls of earth were scattered upon her child-sized coffin.

Most of Sri Lanka’s 22 million people are Buddhist, but the Indian Ocean island’s population includes Muslim, Hindu and Christian minorities. Until now, Christians had largely managed to avoid the worst of the island’s conflict and communal tensions.

There were signs of some religious communities pulling together following Sunday’s outrage.

Saffron- and scarlet-robed Buddhist monks from a nearby monastery handed out bottled water to mourners who gathered under a baking afternoon sun.

But the town, which has a long history of sheltering refugees—including those made homeless by a devastating tsunami in 2004—may struggle to recover from Sunday’s violence, said Father Jude Thomas, one of dozens of Catholic priests who attended Wednesday’s burials.

“Muslims and Catholics lived side by side,” he said. “It was always a peaceful area, but now things have come to the surface we cannot control.”

The post Muslims Flee, Christians Grieve in Sri Lankan Town Torn by Violence appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Seeks to Allay Belt and Road Debt Concerns

Posted: 24 Apr 2019 10:07 PM PDT

BEIJING—China aims to make the Belt and Road Initiative sustainable and prevent debt risks, its finance minister said on Thursday, seeking to allay criticism that the infrastructure plan to boost trade and investment creates a heavy burden for some nations.

The policy championed by Chinese President Xi Jinping has become mired in controversy, with some partner nations bemoaning the high cost of projects, though China has repeatedly said it is not seeking to trap anyone with debt.

Western governments have tended to view it as a means to spread Chinese influence abroad, saddling poor countries with unsustainable debt.

Finance minister Liu Kun, speaking at a forum to kick off a three-day Belt and Road summit in Beijing, said China will establish an analysis framework on debt sustainability for Belt and Road projects to “prevent and resolve debt risks.”

Chinese financial institutions, countries involved in Belt and Road and international agencies are encouraged to use this framework to enhance debt management, Liu said.

While most of the Belt and Road projects are continuing as planned, some have been caught up by changes in government in countries such as Malaysia and the Maldives.

Those that have been shelved for financial reasons include a power plant in Pakistan and an airport in Sierra Leone, and Beijing has in recent months had to rebuff critics by saying that not one country has been burdened with so-called “debt traps.”

Yi Gang, China’s central bank governor, said at the same event that local currencies will be used for investments related to the Belt and Road plan to curb exchange rate risks.

China will follow market principles and rely on commercial funds for Belt and Road financing, Yi said, adding that China will improve transparency for those projects.

“We should strengthen debt and risk management. We should objectively and fully understand debt problems of developing countries,” he added.

“Investment decisions should…effectively control risks and fully consider a country’s overall debt capacity and ensure debt is sustainable.”

In a nod to debt concerns, a draft communique seen by Reuters said that 37 world leaders attending the summit will agree to project financing that respects global debt goals and promotes green growth.

Visiting leaders will be headlined by Russia’s Vladimir Putin, as well as Prime Minister Imran Khan of Pakistan, a close China ally and among the biggest recipients of Belt and Road investment, and Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte of Italy, which recently became the first G7 country to sign on to the initiative.

The United States, which has not joined the Belt and Road, is expected to send only a lower-level delegation, and nobody from Washington.

The post China Seeks to Allay Belt and Road Debt Concerns appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thailand Says ‘Making Progress’ with High-Speed Thai-Chinese Railway

Posted: 24 Apr 2019 09:54 PM PDT

BANGKOK—Thailand’s government said it is “making progress” with the much-delayed high-speed Thai-Chinese rail line that is to link Thailand, Laos and China, as the three countries prepared to ink another agreement this week at Beijing’s Belt and Road summit.

Formal talks on the project — a rail line expected to stretch 873 km (542 miles) — began in 2014 but have been beset by delays, including disagreements over design, financing and technical assistance.

The Thai project is part of China’s plan for a network of links across Southeast Asia that would eventually connect Kunming in southwest China with Singapore.

It is also part of a broader Chinese initiative to build infrastructure to connect China with Asia, Europe and beyond.

Thailand decided in 2016 against Chinese financing for the project because of high interest rates — a complaint of similar projects in several countries — and decided to fund the 170 billion baht ($5.32 billion) Thai portion of project itself.

So far only the first 3.5 km of the line have been constructed in Thailand, but a Transport Ministry official told Reuters on Tuesday the first section leading to Bangkok should be completed in two to three years.

The project will be re-energized when Thailand, Laos and China sign a three-way memorandum of cooperation on Thursday at a Beijing conference to build a railway bridge connecting the Thai province of Nong Khai and the Lao capital Vientianne, said the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

"The connecting bridge will make the project an example of seamless connectivity in the region," Lada Phumas, director of the ministry’s East Asia division, told reporters at a news briefing.

“The project is going at its own pace. We must stress that the project is making progress according to our goals,” she added.

The Belt and Road summit, which takes place from Thursday to Saturday in Beijing, will be attended by Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha and his foreign and transport ministers.

The comments from Thailand come after Malaysia and China agreed on April 12 to resume construction of a 688-km (430 mile) rail project.

'Really happening'

The Thai-Chinese railway is divided into two sections: the first is a 250-km (155 mile) line linking the Thai capital Bangkok and the northeastern province of Nakhon Ratchasima.

That section is expected to be operational in two to three years, Chaiwat Thongkamkoon, permanent-secretary of the Ministry of Transport, told Reuters this week. He could not provide a timeline for the completion of the full project.

The other part links Nakhon Ratchasima and the Thai border at Nongkhai province, where the bridge — the subject of Thursday’s agreement — will connect the Thai rail with the Laos network.

The construction of parts of the high-speed rail is done separately in each country. Thailand says it is not accepting financing from China, but using Chinese expertise and buys equipment and rail technology from China.

“That is why this connection area (the bridge between Laos and Thailand) is important. It symbolizes that the Belt and Road Initiative through this southern corridor is really happening,” Chaiwat said.

He said back-and-forth discussions between China and Thailand have caused delays, but negotiations on the highly technical train system — consisting of signaling, power, and track-work — are now near completion.

“The Chinese developed the rail initially for their domestic use, and they have come far to export such technology but it is still relatively new for them in transferring their technology to others,” Chaiwat said, adding that most of the documents, training courses and design were initially in Chinese.

“The negotiation is 90 percent completed and I think a deal can be tabled and signed by both sides in a month’s time,” Chaiwat said. “After that it’s all about construction.”

The post Thailand Says 'Making Progress' with High-Speed Thai-Chinese Railway appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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