Monday, February 9, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Myanmar Times Announces Launch of Daily Edition

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 05:45 AM PST

A woman sells newspapers in Rangoon on April 1, 2013. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

A woman sells newspapers in Rangoon on April 1, 2013. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Local weekly newspaper The Myanmar Times has announced it will launch a daily print edition on March 9, a move that would make it the only private English-language daily in Burma.

The organization said in a press release that its daily would "feature 24 pages of local and international news, commentary and features and be available at newsstands Monday to Friday."

"The launch of the daily is a milestone in the history of The Myanmar Times," said chief executive officer Tony Child.

The plan would require the organization to step up its news-gathering operations and offer a test of the profitability of Burma's fledgling media market.

Thomas Kean, editor of the Times' English edition, said, "The Myanmar language daily and weekly market is saturated, but there is significantly less competition in English." He said the daily will go on sale for 500 kyats (about US$0.50), while the Friday edition, which includes a weekend special with features, arts and culture, will cost 1,000 kyats.

In recent years, President Thein Sein's nominally-civilian government has relaxed junta-era controls on the media, including lifting a ban on private dailies in April 2013.

Since then, numerous weeklies and dailies have been set up, mostly in the local language, many of which struggled to stay afloat and compete with state-run newspapers, which are sold at low prices and benefit from existing distribution networks. Recently, Mizzima Media Group announced it will end print publication of its daily Burmese-language newspaper per March 1.

Currently, there are about 15 local-language dailies in publication; the government-run Global New Light of Myanmar is the only English-language daily.

Sonny Swe, who co-founded the Times and until recently was CEO at Mizzima Media Group, said there could be room in the market for an independent English daily.

"There are no other competitors, so for them is good. But I heard some other publications are also trying to launch an English daily, for instance Weekly Eleven and The Trade Times. If The Myanmar Times can take market share before they launch, it will be good timing," he said.

In 2013, The Myanma Freedom Daily became the first English-language daily to go into print in decades, but publication was suspended in March 2014. Its founding editor-in-chief Thiha Saw subsequently joined The Myanmar Times in order to help it go a daily, after local tycoon Thein Tun, who owns Myanmar Golden Star conglomerate, bought a majority stake in the company.

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Karen Rebels Not Ready for Ceasefire, Officials Say

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 05:39 AM PST

The Burmese government's chief peace negotiator Aung Min (left) speaks with KNU chairman Gen. Mutu Say Poe in Hpa-an in 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

The Burmese government's chief peace negotiator Aung Min (left) speaks with KNU chairman Gen. Mutu Say Poe in Hpa-an in 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Burma's longest-existing ethnic resistance group, the Karen National Union (KNU) announced that it will not sign a nationwide ceasefire agreement on Feb. 12, the date that government negotiators had hoped to reach an agreement.

Following a three-day central standing committee meeting at its headquarters in Lay Wah, Hpa-an district, top officials from Karen State's military and political bodies discussed the KNU's political future and the possibility of reaching a peace accord.

Mahn Mahn, a joint secretary of the KNU, told The Irrawaddy that members "reviewed sticking points and obstacles," identifying four problems within the existing draft ceasefire agreement.

The establishment of a federal union and armed forces, repositioning of troops and implementation of a code of conduct need to be addressed before the KNU would be willing to sign the agreement, he said.

He added that future discussions, which will resume after Feb. 12, can only succeed if they focus more on a roadmap to disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR). The KNU would also like to see implementation of agreements made under the current bilateral ceasefire, such as legitimizing the KNU as a polity and making other administrative and legislative changes.

Mahn Mahn said that because of these shortcomings of the peace process and the current ceasefire draft, it would be "impossible to sign it soon," though the government had been aiming for a deal on Feb. 12, also known as Union Day, the anniversary of Burma's historic Panglong Agreement.

He expressed some solidarity with other ethnic armed groups involved in the peace process, adding that, "the KNU won't sign [the ceasefire] alone."

The KNU is Burma's oldest ethnic resistance group, formed in 1947. Its armed counterpart, the Karen National Liberation Army, was formed two years later, and has been at odds with the Burma Army for six decades seeking political autonomy.

The KNU is now one of 16 non-state armed groups to reach bilateral ceasefires with the government since late 2011, having entered a new peace agreement in January 2012.

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Opposition Asks Tribunal to Review ‘White Card Holder’ Referendum Vote

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 03:51 AM PST

A session of Union Parliament in Burma's capital, Naypyidaw. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

A session of Union Parliament in Burma's capital, Naypyidaw. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Arakanese lawmakers and a group of opposition parties, including Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), are asking Burma's Constitutional Tribunal to overturn a recent parliamentary decision to grant so-called white card holders the right to vote in a planned constitutional referendum.

Pe Than, an Upper House lawmaker with the Arakan National Party (ANP), said 27 lawmakers in the house signed a letter asking the Tribunal to review Parliament's decision on Feb. 2 to grant white card holders, also known as temporary identity registration card holders, a vote in the referendum.

"This is our last effort; we want the Constitutional Tribunal to check [the law]," he said. "We are waiting to hear the decision by the Constitutional Tribunal at the moment. We hope the best result will come out. But our Rakhine party decided already to protest throughout Rakhine State on Feb. 15."

The 2015 Referendum Law automatically enfranchises hundreds of thousands of white card holders, who live in Burma but do not enjoy full citizenship rights.

About 700,000 of them belong to the stateless Rohingya Muslim minority in northern Arakan State, an area that has been marred by conflict between Arakanese Buddhists and Muslims. Other white card holders include Chinese nationals living in Burma, families of Gurkha units that moved to Burma under British rule and members of the ethnic Kokang living on the Burma-China border.

Pe Than said ANP chairman and Upper House representative Aye Maung had led the initiative, while the NLD, Myanmar Democratic Force and several ethnic opposition parties joined in.

Under the Constitution's Article 322 (b), he said, 10 percent of the lawmakers of any of two Houses of Parliament could sign a letter and request the Tribunal to review whether laws violate Burma's charter.

A referendum is expected to be held in mid-2015, when the public will be asked to approve amendments to Burma's military-drafted charter. A constitutional review committee has recommended a total of 95 revisions, though they have yet to be approved by Parliament or the president.

Arakanese politicians are fiercely opposed to any legal recognition of the Muslim minority in northern Arakan State, who they claim are illegal immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh.

Arakanese fear the Referendum Law will also allow the group the rights to vote in the general elections, scheduled for early November. Withholding Rohingya voting rights would boost the power of the Arakanese politicians, which otherwise dominate the state.

The Rohingya, who lack Burmese citizenship status, were first issued white cards about two decades ago by the then-military regime.

They were allowed to vote in the referendum on the 2008 military-drafted Constitution and the rigged 2010 general election. Muslim members of northern Arakan constituencies were also granted seats in Parliament to represent the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

Parliament's recent decision, which was proposed by President Thein Sein, reconfirms the USDP's intention to again grant the group voting rights.

The Rohingya face severe persecution and say they have been living in the region for generations and should be granted citizenship rights and voting rights.

Mohamed Salim, a Rohingya spokesman for the unregistered National Development and Peace Party in Rangoon, welcomed Parliament's decision to let white card holders vote, adding that he believed that the group should get citizenship rights.

He said the regime had taken away citizenship cards from some of the Rohingya in the early 1990s and replaced them with white cards. "We all are citizen of this country. Being a white card holder does not mean we are people from another country," he said.

The international community had been deeply concerned about the plight of the Rohingya and has urged the government to grant the group citizenship.

Minister of Immigration and Population Khin Yi told The Irrawaddy during an interview in Chiang Mai, Thailand, last week that letting white card holders vote did not imply citizenship rights for card holders, although he sidestepped questions on whether granting white card holders voting rights would contravene Burmese laws.

"Our ministry is not involved in the issue of the right to vote or not. Parliament decided on this. We provide these cards to people undergoing the [citizenship] scrutinizing process," he said.

Robert San Aung, a lawyer who has represented many rights activists, said Burmese law did not specify whether white card holders had voting rights, adding that the Election Law states that only those with citizenship have voting rights.

He said the white card holders' vaguely-defined legal status was being abused by the USDP and government for political gains during voting. "This is just a plot by a powerful party in government. They created this policy since 2008 when the country had a referendum… They use it when they need it," Robert San Aung said.

Additional reporting from Chiang Mai by Nyein Nyein.

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Despite Increased Police Presence, Student Protesters Continue March to Rangoon

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 03:26 AM PST

 

Student demonstrators marching to Prome after crossing into Bago Division on Monday afternoon. (Photo: Kaung Myat Min / The Irrawaddy)

Student demonstrators marching to Prome after crossing into Bago Division on Monday afternoon. (Photo: Kaung Myat Min / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Students demonstrating against the National Education Law in several locations across Burma's south are continuing their march to Rangoon, despite an ominous increase in the presence of security forces along protest routes.

Around 400 police have been deployed to the Irrawaddy Division town of Dedaye, about 90 kilometers (56 miles) from the center of Rangoon. A protest group that set out from Pathein on Feb. 3 are now to the northwest in the town of Ma-ubin, where 200 students held protests at three local universities. The group is planning to detour through the south of the division through Kyaiklat and Pyapon and are expecting to arrive in Dedaye on Friday.

"If they shoot, we will be hit," Kyaw Thet, one of the members of the protest's coordinating committee, told The Irrawaddy. "We have no plans to back down, but we want to say there is no benefit to anyone if violence is used against students. If government agrees to our demands, we will call off our strike and go home."

Participants in the Irrawaddy Division march called for peaceful negotiations between the police force and students in the event of a possible confrontation. An officer from the divisional police force told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the police officers had been deployed to provide security, but not to obstruct the protest.

To the east, a protest column traveling from Dawei arrived in Moulmein to join with a local group of students, awaiting the arrival of demonstrators from Pa-an before continuing the journey to Rangoon.

The Dawei group was greeted upon their arrival by representatives of the Mon National Party and Moulmein locals. Min Lwin Oo, one of student protesters from Dawei, said the group would hold talks with local organizations and march the streets of Moulmein today with the assistance of a Moulmein student union.

Students in Moulmein have yet to decide when to embark upon the 300-kilometer (186-mile) trek to Rangoon and expect a decision to be made in the coming days, based on the progress of other protest groups towards the commercial capital. The original student demonstration departing from Mandalay on Jan. 20, now comprising a core group of about 100 people, crossed into Bago Division on Monday and will spend the evening in the town of Prome, 270 kilometers (168 miles) from Rangoon.

About 30 police officers were posted on the border between Magwe and Bago Divisions, but the duty officer told The Irrawaddy that they had not been deployed to impede the march, and the students proceeded into Prome without incident. The marchers received a warm reception on the outskirts of the town, with a group of locals standing ready with bags of watermelon slices to donate to members of the procession.

In recent days, official denunciations of the protests have become increasingly strident. On Friday, students defied a broadcast carried on state-run television warning students to cease their activities. In interview aired on Saturday evening, Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Ko Ko questioned the legitimacy of the demonstrators, accusing the protests of being masterminded by "ex-political hardliners" and foreign organizations.

Meanwhile the National League for Democracy (NLD) has issued a statement announcing the suspension of Dr. Thein Lwin from the party's central executive committee. Thein Lwin, a spokesman for the National Network for Education Reform (NNER), had attended a meeting on Feb. 1 between students, government ministers, lawmakers and the NNER to discuss reform to the National Education Law. The NLD prohibits involvement in independent political organizations, which Thein Lwin had not sought before the meeting.

"Thein Lwin's central committee membership has been suspended due to his breaking the party rules and not following restrictions," the statement read.

On Feb. 2, the Democratic Voice of Burma reported that NLD chairperson Aung San Suu Kyi personally disapproved of Thein Lwin's participation in the meeting on the grounds that his actions could be interpreted as representative of party policy.

 

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‘There’s a Lot at Stake, Certainly’

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 03:05 AM PST

Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs Scot Marciel, pictured in 2008. (Photo: Reuters)

Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs Scot Marciel, pictured in 2008. (Photo: Reuters)

The United States ended a decades-long era of isolation toward Burma when it restored full diplomatic relations about three years ago. Since that time, an ambassador was appointed for the first time since 1990, long-standing economic sanctions were eased and legislation has been amended to allow for more humanitarian aid and limited military engagement.

A central figure in implementing those policies, Scot Marciel serves as the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs in Washington, DC, a position he began in 2013 after three years as the US Ambassador to Indonesia. During a recent visit to Burma, Marciel spoke with The Irrawaddy about the state of relations between the White House and Naypyidaw, and the future of US-Burma policy.

Question: Please tell us a bit about your trip, what you did and where you went.

Answer: I'm responsible for Southeast Asia at the State Department. So I travel a lot to the region, regularly, all of the countries in Southeast Asia, just to see what's going on, because I work on the policy back at home.

We were up in Naypyidaw on Wednesday, mostly meeting government officials and parliamentarians. Then we went out to Shan State. For me it's useful—you know, usually it's just Yangon [Rangoon] and Naypyidaw—it's useful just to get out. It's like going to Washington and thinking that you know the United States. So it's useful to get out and see a place. And the ambassador wanted to get out and look at a couple of projects, USAID [United States Agency for International Development]projects. We were in Taunggyi, and [some areas] outside of Taunggyi.

Q: You served as the US ambassador to Indonesia from 2010 to 2013. How has that informed your long-term vision for Burma?

A: Well, first, they're obviously very different places. There are a few parallels that we're thinking about, for example, the democratic transformation, the movement of the military out of politics, dealing with separatism. I wouldn't read too much into it. I wouldn't say, therefore, do exactly what Indonesia did. You can see some things that worked and some things that didn't.

Q: Some Burma policy analysts have been critical of the United States' early lifting of sanctions. Has the removal of sanctions been successful?

A: The way we look at it from the administration point of view is that we know what this place was like from 1962 on, for 60 years. When there was an opening, an opportunity for this country to move in a better direction, we thought it was important to do all that we could to encourage that. That's been our policy from day one. In a response to positive developments here—significant positive developments here—we waived a number of the sanctions, which I think was absolutely the right thing to do.

Q: In light of Burma's stalled peace process, recent allegations against the Burma Army and a series of attacks on ethnic minority rebels, particularly in Kachin State, how does the United States counter the argument that military-to-military engagement is premature and perhaps even dangerous?

A: Well, I would say two things: First, the peace process is obviously critically important to the success of this country and something that we very much support. So we've continually urged the government and all the players to, even when you have incidents, to look into those incidents and investigate them, and try to prevent them from happening. But also to keep the talks going.

On the mil-to-mil side, the truth is there's very little happening in the US military relationship with Myanmar [Burma]. There seems to be some perception that there's a lot, but there's a very minimal amount happening, and whatever is happening is designed to try to encourage reform within the military, to help the Burmese military become more appropriate for a democratic country.

Q: I know it's very early in the engagement, but is there any sign of progress on that front?

A: I don't know, to be perfectly honest. I think the way I would put it is that it's going to be driven mostly by what happens internally. We think that a certain amount of engagement, the right type of engagement—like courses on civilian control of the military and international rules on human rights—can play a helpful role as part of a larger process of encouraging reform within the military. I wouldn't exaggerate it, I wouldn't say that a few courses suddenly brings about a dramatic transformation; it's meant to contribute. But the main point is that it's a very small amount that's going on, it's not a significant mil-to-mil relationship.

Q: There was an incident in northern Shan State a few weeks ago [in reference to the deaths and possible rape of two young women in an area reportedly occupied by the Burma Army, into which a government-led investigation is still ongoing]. A military-owned newspaper said the Army was not involved and that anybody who claimed otherwise [following the investigation] could face legal action. Could you comment on that?

A: Sure. First of all, whether here or elsewhere, impunity is not a good thing and accountability is essential. That's a message we push in the region in general, and certainly here. In terms of this particular horrific attack, we have called [for] and stressed the importance of a credible, transparent investigation that results in justice. We have done that as recently as Wednesday with the government in Naypyidaw. It's important, and it's important not because America is asking for it, but because it's the right thing to do. But also, it's essential for beginning to build some trust. It's part of the peace process, it's part of the effort of moving forward. You've got to have trust, and to do that you've got to have some sense of accountability and justice.

Q: When you have these discussions with the government about credible investigations, how are they responding?

A:I don't want to speak on behalf of the government, but I think the people we spoke with certainly indicated that they recognize that. I won't make any predictions about what will happen, but they certainly listened and took the point.

Q: Moving back to the region more generally, in light of Thailand's continuation of martial law, what role do you expect Burma to play as an American partner in Southeast Asia over the coming years?

A: Whatever happens in Thailand—and we hope, certainly, that Thailand moves back to democracy as quickly as possible—but either way our hope is that we can build a good, solid partnership with this country. Working together on health and economics and regional issues, you name it.

Q: That said, what is at stake in the upcoming elections? What happens if they aren't held in 2015, for instance?

A: There's a lot at stake, certainly, for the country. This process of reform over the last few years has created a tremendous opportunity, but there's no question that there's a huge amount of work still to do. The elections won't finish that work, but I think credible elections, credible to the people of the country, are essential to begin building more trust and to give people throughout the country a sense that their voice counts, and gives them some faith in the process moving forward. So these elections are absolutely critical. There is no question that successful, credible elections, we would welcome, and would certainly make it easier for us to continue to build a relationship.

Q: President Obama stressed the importance of timely elections, which seems to have become more of a priority than constitutional reform. Where does this fall in the list of priorities at this time?

A: First, I think we try to look at what the people of this country are asking for. [You could] argue that, as you build a democracy, it's important to have a constitution that's appropriate for a democracy. The president spoke to that. At this point elections look like they're going to happen in November, maybe late October, so it's critical to make those as successful as possible. So we're not choosing between the two. I think what we see is elections with a pretty clear schedule, and it's very important that those happen. Constitutional reform is on a different track. I don't know when amendments may or may not be passed, before or after elections.

Q: How is the US prepared to adjust its Burma policy in the event that the government doesn't fulfill those promises of timely and fair elections, or if the military asserts more dominance over the government?

A: It's really hard to answer that because there are a million different scenarios. As Burma moves forward, has successful elections, continues reform, moves on the peace process, all those sorts of things, that absolutely makes it easier for us to build on our relationship. To the extent that those things don't happen, it makes it harder. Again, it's hard to know because there are so many scenarios that could happen. I wouldn't want to make a specific prediction.

Q: Just one last question for you, Mr. Marciel. How would you characterize the policy views of Congress and the White House; do they share the same vision and benchmarks of success, or are they at odds?

A: The points I'm making are the administration's position, and certainly reflect the White House's views. Congress consists of a lot of different people, so there's not a uniform view. I spent a lot of time talking to, particularly, staff in Congress, and I hear a lot of those views, as I know the ambassador does. So what I would say is that there's a huge amount of interest in Congress, a lot of people hoping that things will head in a positive way. I think generally there has been support for our policy since the reforms began. There's a lot of difference on the tactics, and how to respond to specific incidents, certainly, some differing views about how things are going, but I think a lot of interest overall in the success of the country.

The post 'There's a Lot at Stake, Certainly' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Senior Minister Says Student Protestors ‘Threaten Stability’

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 02:35 AM PST

Ko Ko protests

Student protestors cross the border demarcating Magwe and Bago divisions on Monday afternoon. (Photo: Kaung Myat Min / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma's Home Affairs minister said over the weekend that protestors against the controversial National Education Law were threatening the country's stability and development, a high-level condemnation that comes as tensions rise between student demonstrators and the government.

In an interview with state-run media that aired on Saturday evening, Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Ko Ko said the ongoing protests were a political pretext for a movement masterminded by anti-government elements masquerading as students.

"We've found that there are some political parties fanning the protests, while social organizations are helping the students," he said.

"We also found that the protests are made up of student organizations and elderly people—people who are too old to be students, and married people. If you look at the situation closely, you will find that ex-political hardliners are behind the protests. They are using their children to take the leading role of the protests.

"We've found out that some foreign organizations are encouraging them," added the minister, who was accused last year of war crimes and crimes against humanity by a Harvard human rights group, which said it had collected sufficient evidence to merit the issuance of an International Criminal Court arrest warrant.

Nanda Sit Aung, one of the leaders of the student protests, rejected the accusations, calling them "classic" tactics used by Burma's former junta when confronting the country's long history of student activism and dissent.

"We are not asking them for power. [We're] just asking them to fix the undemocratic education [law]," he said.

Since last month, students have been on a 400-mile march from Mandalay to Rangoon to protest the National Education Law, which was passed last year. Protestors say the legislation was not drafted in an inclusive fashion and bans the formation of student unions. The students from Upper Burma have triggered similar marches originating in Irrawaddy and Tenasserim divisions, with the groups expected to arrive in the commercial capital sometime in the coming weeks.

Earlier this month, student representatives and government officials held two meetings to discuss the law, but the talks bore no tangible results. The government last week postponed a third meeting until after Feb. 12, which marks Union Day in Burma.

Political analyst Yan Myo Thein said he did not view the student protests as a threat to Burma's stability and security.

"The protests are not happening without reason," he said. "They are just pointing out the government's weakness. If they think the protests are a threat for them, I have to say their mindset is not much different from their predecessors, the ex-military dictatorship."

A proud tradition of student activism, dating back to Burma's struggle for independence from Britain, has been met by successive military governments with violent suppression, including crackdowns on pro-democracy protests in 1988 and during the 2007 Saffron Revolution. Authorities in both those incidents justified the suppression by claiming to be acting in the interest of the nation, the stability of which was said to be threatened by the protesting masses.

Asked about the possibility of a confrontation between students and the government this time, Yan Myo Thein said it was unlikely thanks to the current political horizon.

"We have both a general election and a referendum on constitutional amendments this year. It's a very politically sensitive year. If they take action very seriously [against student protestors], it will have a negative impact on their international image.

"Plus, if there is any crackdown, popular votes will pour onto the side of the opposition. They know it very well. They will take a negotiation approach rather than confrontation," he added.

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A Monumental Home Stretch to 2015 Elections

Posted: 08 Feb 2015 10:34 PM PST

A Monumental Home Stretch to 2015 Elections

A Monumental Home Stretch to 2015 Elections

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Downtown Rangoon’s Busiest Market

Posted: 08 Feb 2015 04:00 PM PST

Pansodan Market from Anawratha Road. (Photo: Timo Jaworr / The Irrawaddy)

Pansodan Market from Anawratha Road. (Photo: Timo Jaworr / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — In downtown Rangoon's Kyauktada Township, traffic on Anawratha Road lumbers along in fits and grinds to a halt for what feels like hours at a time. As the day wears on, stallholders gradually claim space on the boulevard between Seikkantha Street and Pansodan Road, spilling into the narrow residential laneways to the north.

Soon, the traffic on the sidewalk slows down to the speed of the road, as people eke and jostle their way through produce sellers, young couples dining on noodle salad and idle shoppers.

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China Seizes Toilet Paper Bearing Image of Hong Kong Leader

Posted: 08 Feb 2015 09:41 PM PST

Toilet paper printed with the face of embattled Hong Kong chief executive Leung Chun-ying is served inside the toilet of a themed guesthouse in Hong Kong on Dec. 30, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Toilet paper printed with the face of embattled Hong Kong chief executive Leung Chun-ying is served inside the toilet of a themed guesthouse in Hong Kong on Dec. 30, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — Authorities in southern China have seized about 8,000 rolls of toilet paper and another 20,000 packages of tissues containing unflattering images of Hong Kong's pro-Beijing chief executive, according to an official of the small political party that placed the order.

The items were to be sold at a market in Hong Kong during Lunar New Year celebrations later this month, said Lo Kin-hei, a vice chairman of the Hong Kong Democratic Party.

The seizure came after Hong Kong was shaken by a massive pro-democracy movement in which demonstrators demanded greater electoral freedom than Beijing is willing to grant. During the demonstrations, protesters expressed anger at Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying, calling him a puppet of Beijing, and asked him to step down.

No reason was given for the seizure of the US$12,900 worth of goods in the city of Shenzhen, outside of Hong Kong, Lo said.

"I guess [the Chinese authorities] don't like people mocking government officials, especially high-ranking government officials, after the movement. They have become more cautious about criticisms about them," he said.

The party's 4,000 rolls of toilet paper with Leung's image sold out at last year's seasonal market, and it decided to get more this year from a factory in Shenzhen, Lo said.

The images of Leung on the novelty products are cartoonish and unflattering. One has him bearing two fangs, and another has the word "lying" on his forehead. The sickle-and-hammer symbol of the Communist Party of China also appears on some products.

The order was placed under the name of a friend to obscure the party as the true buyer, and all communications were done through the friend instead of the party, Lo said.

Citing the need to protect the manufacturer, Lo declined to reveal the factory's name and said he had no information on the whereabouts of the factory owner. "We are worried about what has happened to him," Lo said.

Calls to Shenzhen police rang unanswered on Saturday, and there was no official report about any seizure of toilet paper.

Lo said he found the act worrisome because it indicates further tightening by Chinese authorities on freedom of speech, which is guaranteed in Hong Kong's constitution.

"Many productions in Hong Kong rely on the mainland. This kind of tightening means in the future it will be more difficult to make products in the mainland," Lo said. "It's alarmful for Hong Kong people that they keep suppressing freedom in Hong Kong. We will become the mainland if this kind of mocking will be not allowed in Hong Kong."

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HIV-Positive Migrants Denied Care at Thai Public Hospitals

Posted: 08 Feb 2015 08:46 PM PST

A nurse takes care of a patient at a clinic in Thailand's Chonburi province on Jan. 20, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

A nurse takes care of a patient at a clinic in Thailand's Chonburi province on Jan. 20, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

BANGKOK— Zaw, an illegal Burmese migrant dying of AIDS-related illnesses, spent a weekend hunched over in waiting rooms at three Thai hospitals near Bangkok—each denying him care as he gasped for breath, his lungs full of fluid.

At a fourth hospital that admitted him, a doctor drove a large-gauge needle between his ribs, draining liters of fluid, but by then the 34-year-old was gravely ill.

Zaw died 40 days later—a death the Bangkok-based HIV Foundation that was helping him says could have been prevented with timely care.

Hospitals across the country are denying insurance and care to migrant laborers like Zaw despite an insurance scheme launched over a year ago, officials and rights advocates say.

"That's the story we have once every six to eight weeks: people in this situation, and we can't get them the care they need in time," Scott Berry, an Australian adviser for the HIV Foundation, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

"If we have a Thai, who has an identification card, we can pay for them to get them into a hospital, but if they're from another country, then we find that really difficult to do."

Thailand hosts an estimated 3 million migrant laborers, mostly from neighboring Burma, Cambodia and Laos, and 1.6 million of them are legally registered with the government.

The country has had a health package for migrants for more than 10 years, officials say, but an August 2013 policy expanded the migrant health insurance benefits—at a cost of 2,100 baht (US$64) per person—to include HIV prevention, care and antiretroviral (ARV) drugs.

"If you are non-Thai… documented or undocumented, you are eligible for that health insurance," said Sumet Ongwandee, director of the health ministry's bureau of AIDS and sexually transmitted diseases.

However, he and his colleagues acknowledge that many hospitals still turn away migrants because they do not understand how the insurance scheme works and worry they will have to cover the costly HIV care out of their own budgets.

For each migrant who buys health insurance, 600 baht ($18) is put into a fund for treatment of people with HIV/AIDS, and 50 baht ($1.50) into a fund for "high cost" care, including AIDS-related opportunistic infections such as tuberculosis, pneumonia and encephalitis.

Hospitals caring for HIV/AIDS patients need only to file claims and will be fully reimbursed, said Buncha Kakhong, head of the health insurance group in the permanent secretary's office at the health ministry.

The ministry called in staff from the 800 hospitals around the country twice in the second half of last year to tell them how HIV/AIDS claims are made and how the central HIV/AIDS fund works, but some still may not understand, he said.

Hospitals are obliged to let patients buy an insurance card, Buncha told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. The ministry is trying hard to improve awareness, but there are no punishments for those who fail to provide service, he said.

HIV-Positive Migrants Rejected

Thailand has made huge strides in fighting HIV, slashing the estimated number of people infected to 8,100 in 2013, from 143,000 in 1991, and last year extending free ARV drugs to all Thais with HIV.

HIV prevalence is about 1 percent among Thais aged 15 to 49, and about 1 to 2 percent among migrants.

Migrants, who do low-paying, backbreaking jobs across the country, face widespread exploitation and discrimination.

In the past, when migrants with AIDS sought care at hospitals, the staff would hand them over to NGOs, who would help transport them to the border, where they would die, too poor or ill to cross the border to return home, said Promboon Panitchpakdi, head of the Raks Thai Foundation.

Access to care for migrants with HIV has improved dramatically over the past decade, said Promboon, whose organization has long worked on HIV prevention and care for migrants.

It is not clear yet if the migrant health insurance is sustainable and if its funds will cover the costs of care, he said. He urged Thailand to allocate part of its tax earnings to the health and welfare of migrants, and draft a law to back up the migrant insurance scheme.

"You can't have a large health insurance without a law that enforces (it)… Who knows, the next government may say, 'Oh, let's not do ARVs any more,'" he said.

Meanwhile, many hospitals remain reluctant to sell insurance to ill people, leaving those who are HIV-positive fighting for their lives.

"Although the policy was clear, localities were confused on issues of reimbursement and who was responsible for these migrants," said Brahm Press, head of the MAP Foundation, an NGO in the northern city of Chiang Mai that works with Burmese migrants.

"We then started hearing about discrimination where hospitals were rejecting migrants they knew were HIV-positive."

Babies With HIV

The denial of care has also endangered the lives of babies born to migrant women with HIV.

Thailand prides itself on testing nearly all pregnant Thai women for HIV and providing ARVs to prevent mother-to-child transmission. The rate of HIV transmission from Thai mothers to their babies was 2.3 percent in 2013.

For non-Thais, however, only 71.5 percent of the HIV-positive women who seek antenatal care get ARVs. The rate of HIV transmission from these mothers to their babies is 4.8 percent.

The HIV Foundation, which has helped about 1,600 people since it began its work three years ago, has assisted six pregnant Burmese women with HIV, five of whom did not start ARVs until a month or so before their due dates.

"That's very late," said Piyathida Smutraprapoot, who is in charge of HIV/AIDS prevention, care and treatment for the Bangkok metropolitan area. "We want pregnant women to get tested early, and… start treatment immediately."

Early ARV treatment will reduce the risk of the child contracting HIV from her.

One Burmese woman found out she was HIV-positive at her first antenatal visit, when she was six months pregnant.

She told the Thomson Reuters Foundation that she pleaded in vain with staff at a public hospital in Bangkok to sell her health insurance—even padding the 2,100-baht ($64) fee with a 3,900-baht ($120) bribe.

In her eighth month of pregnancy, with help from the HIV Foundation, she received ARV drugs to protect her unborn child from contracting the virus.

The baby's first HIV test in October, at one month old, came back negative. The result of his second test in January is pending. He has a last test when he is nine months old.

Only then can doctors declare him HIV-free.

The post HIV-Positive Migrants Denied Care at Thai Public Hospitals appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Philippine, Indonesian Leaders to Discuss Territorial Spats

Posted: 08 Feb 2015 08:33 PM PST

 

Indonesian President Joko Widodo reviews the honor guards upon his arrival in Manila on Sunday. (Photo: Romeo Ranoco / Reuters)

Indonesian President Joko Widodo reviews the honor guards upon his arrival in Manila on Sunday. (Photo: Romeo Ranoco / Reuters)

MANILA — The Philippines will raise its concerns over China’s land reclamation in disputed reefs and discuss Manila’s new peace deal with Muslim rebels with Indonesian President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, who arrived Sunday for a brief visit, an official said.

The Department of Foreign Affairs in Manila said President Benigno Aquino will discuss with Jokowi how their Southeast Asian nations can strengthen defense and maritime cooperation and bolster trade and investment.

Foreign Secretary Albert del Rosario said the Philippines’ concern over China’s land reclamation in disputed reefs in the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea will be raised in the talks with Jokowi.

The two nations are among the founding members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which has been helping resolve the long-unresolved territorial rifts involving China, Taiwan and four Asean member states—Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam.

Last month, del Rosario urged fellow ASEAN foreign ministers to seek international support and demand that China immediately stop the land reclamation, warning the regional bloc’s credibility may be undermined if it remains silent on the issue.

Del Rosario told the ministers that China’s massive reclamations could threaten freedom of navigation and the vast offshore region’s biodiversity.

The Philippines, Vietnam and Malaysia have protested the reclamation, worried that China can transform the emerging islands into offshore military bases to reinforce Beijing’s vast territorial claims, according to Philippine officials.

Indonesia and China have no formal dispute, though in 2010, Indonesia’s navy came close to a shooting encounter with Chinese vessels that had entered waters off Jakarta’s Natuna island gas field near the sea. Indonesian officials said the incident was an intrusion by fishermen and not part of a territorial dispute.

Indonesia’s support to the Philippine government’s peace talks with Muslim rebels in the south will also be tackled in talks with Jokowi, del Rosario said.

The Philippines signed with the largest Muslim rebel group a new autonomy deal for minority Muslims in the south of the largely Roman Catholic nation. The deal came under fire when some of the Muslim rebel group’s fighters were implicated in a Jan. 25 clash that left 44 Filipino police commandos dead.

 

The post Philippine, Indonesian Leaders to Discuss Territorial Spats appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


‘Myanmar Times’ to launch daily paper on March 9

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 02:16 AM PST

The Myanmar Times will embark on a new phase of its ongoing development next month with the launch of an English-language daily newspaper.

Tourism forum fizzles for Myanmar agents

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 02:09 AM PST

Companies that signed up to take part in last week's ASEAN Tourism Forum say the event offered poor value for money, with few prospective buyers.

White card vote prompts call for ministry resolution

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 02:02 AM PST

The status of holders of temporary IDs – widely known as white cards – should be clarified as soon as possible, a leading MP said last week, as parliament voted to give them voting rights in an upcoming national referendum.

Sittwe residents begin protests

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 01:58 AM PST

Protests in Sittwe against a parliamentary decision to allow temporary ID holders to vote in a planned referendum are to culminate in state-wide demonstrations on February 15, according to organisers.

Yangon students to support marchers

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 01:57 AM PST

Students in Yangon were planning to gather over the weekend to show their support for colleagues who are marching from Mandalay to Yangon.

Thousands flee homes after Tatmadaw and TNLA clash

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 01:51 AM PST

Armed clashes between government forces and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, including an air raid, have displaced up to 2000 people, civil society groups in the area say.

YCDC rep tries name-and-shame to improve city roads

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 01:50 AM PST

Engineers responsible for road works should be prominently named so that they can be identified in the event of future deterioration of the work, a newly elected member of Yangon City Development Committee has urged.

Slain journalist’s wife sets deadline for government action

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 01:37 AM PST

The widow of a journalist killed while in army custody has called for legal action to be taken against those involved in the death of her husband, a freelance journalist.

Manual brings green practices to hospitality trade

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 01:36 AM PST

A handbook aimed at providing guidelines for the sustainable management of hotels and restaurants in Myanmar was launched at the ASEAN Tourism Conference in Nay Pyi Taw on January 27.

UN official hits back over government statement

Posted: 09 Feb 2015 01:33 AM PST

A Myanmar-based United Nations official has criticised a recent Ministry of Foreign Affairs statement that said the UN special rapporteur on human rights had created "discord" during her latest visit.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


To Hopeland and Back (XI) - Day 4

Posted: 08 Feb 2015 08:27 PM PST

Day Four. Saturday, 31 January 2015.

One friend has suggested whether I should rewrite Day Three because there is some sensitive information. I have thought about it carefully and decided that we should keep it as it is. For several reasons:

I had already gone through my notes to choose what I should write and what I should not before I wrote it

I had written carefully so not to make the impression that I was demeaning anyone

I have great admiration for the type of work (dubbed citizenship diplomacy) that Harn Yawnghwe and Htoo Htoo Lay are doing and think they deserve recognition
Diplomats rarely are praised for the good work they are doing. Some of them are even villainized despite their good work. Like Robert Stewart, Viscount of Castlereagh ( 1769-1822), who had helped keep rebellion at home at bay and secure peace in Europe for a hundred years (1814-1914) but still despised and humiliated for more than 200 years until the meticulously researched work "Castlereagh: A Life" came out in 2012, thanks to the author John Bew. I don't want our two intrepid envoys to wait that long

And like it or not, the cat is out of the bag and I'm willing and ready to face the music. Also I think, transparency in this line of work, to paraphrase a quote on statistics, is like wearing a bikini. What is revealed is suggestive but what is concealed is vital and I believe I have not touched on the vital. I hope I'm right

Still apologies to everyone concerned if I have unnerved you in any way -- KJ

Today we are leaving for Tachilek and then to Chiangmai. Just before we left at 0830, we are treated to a big breakfast that will last me through the day.

There we are introduced to U Kyi Myint aka Zhang Zhiming, who became well known with his role in the Hsi Hsinwan battle fought between the Burma Army and the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). He says he is sorry he wasn't back in time to join the meeting yesterday as he was in Naypyitaw to present a hydropower project to the ministry of electric power.

U Kyi Myint aka Zhang Zhiming


We also run into some of Sao Sai Leun's kinfolks whom we had met on one of our trips into Hopeland.

The trip back is uneventful.

Back in Tachilek we are treated to a delicious lunch by U Lao Sang which I drink more than I eat. Then we are driven back to Mae Sai, where our hired minibus is waiting to take us back to Chiangmai.

All the way I spend most of the time thinking about Panghsang's call for support of its separate statehood. Yesterday Sai La was replying that according to his boss Sao Yawdserk, it is a matter worth consulting among kinfolks rather than with outsiders. When you want to leave the family you have lived together for so long, you don't just say goodbye and go. You try to straighten things out with the family before you do it. Which doesn't mean you don't have the right to leave. You do have. But you need to make sure your problems can be solved only by not continuing to stay. That there are no problems both for yourself and the family after your departure. I think I'm going to write more about it soon.

Just before I turn in I reread the closing line by Robert Kaplan about Burma in his "Monsoon". I hope I -- and the reader -- will sleep over it.

The struggle over the Indian Ocean, or at least the eastern part of it near the top of the Bay of Bengal, may come down to who deals more adroitly with the Burmese hill tribes.

Sunday, February 8, 2015

National News

National News


Yours for just $200k: Daw Suu’s discarded gate put up for sale

Posted: 06 Feb 2015 01:01 AM PST

A set of gates that became an enduring symbol of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's years under house arrest are to be auctioned, a businessman who now owns them said on January 31.

Saturday, February 7, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


YCDC Shelves Dagon Township Highrise Projects

Posted: 06 Feb 2015 11:34 PM PST

A scale model of Dagon City 1, near the Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon's north. (Photo: Marga Group)

A scale model of Dagon City 1, near the Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon's north. (Photo: Marga Group)

RANGOON — An international development complex worth nearly US$300 million, along with four other building projects, have been suspended while authorities consider the impact of proposed building heights on the nearby Shwedagon Pagoda.

Situated on land formerly owned by the military in Dagon Township, the five projects stretch over more than 71 acres of land, sold in 2013 and 2014 for the development of a five star hotel, serviced and residential apartments, and a shopping complex.

Site development of the flagship 22-acre 'Dagon City 1' project, near the U Htaung Bo roundabout and within walking distance of Shwedagon, began last year.

"The project was suspended a few days ago as the buildings will have more stories than what was stated in their proposal," said Toe Aung, the director of Urban Planning Department in Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC).

Dagon City 1, a joint venture between the international Marga Group syndicate and local partnet Thukhayadanar, includes plans for the development of a number of eight storey residential towers, according to a press release issued in June 2014. The municipality restricts buildings in the vicinity of Shwedagon to 62 feet, or around 5-6 stories, to protect metropolitan sightlines to the national monument.

It remains unclear why the YCDC has waited until this week to raise its objections to the proposal. A draft plan on zoning and land use formulated by the YCDC, which is currently the de facto framework for urban development decisions and which details restrictions on building heights near Shwedagon, was being prepared for submission to the Rangoon Division Parliament in Feb. 2014, four months before Marga Group publicly released details of its development proposal.

Toe Aung told The Irrawaddy that the YCDC and Myanmar Engineering Society would reassess the projects and negotiate with developers, noting that there were other outstanding concerns that the projects would violate municipal regulations.

"According to the (draft) Zoning Plan, those areas have been partially designated as green areas," he added.

Local company Thukhayadanar is also the sole investor in the nearby $75 million, 7.5-acre Dagon City 2 development, itself subject to the YCDC's suspension. The identity of the other three suspended projects were not confirmed by the YCDC's Urban Planning Department.

Since Burma's re-engagement with the West in 2011, Rangoon's religious and colonial-era sites have been threatened by private commercial interests seeking land for high-rise and modern developments to a city long neglected by the former military regime and shunned by international investors.

The World Monuments Fund in 2013 put Burma's largest city on its watchlist of places "at risk from the forces of nature and the impact of social, political, and economic change."

In December 2014, a group Burmese urban planning and heritage experts sent an open letter to President Thein Sein, requesting the suspension of construction projects planned or already underway at Rangoon's heritage sites, including the downtown grid and the area around Shwedagon. The letter warned that such developments could threaten urban landscapes and displace city dwellers. suspend construction projects planned or already under way at Rangoon's heritage sites, such as the area surrounding Shwedagon Pagoda and the historic downtown core.

A PR Officer for Marga Group told The Irrawaddy that the project had already been approved by the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC), and a statement would be released shortly. MIC officials were not available for comment.

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Of Teachers and Tea Shops

Posted: 06 Feb 2015 05:00 PM PST

A tea shop in Rangoon. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

A tea shop in Rangoon. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

I thought of them often when I was in exile, and they sometimes came to my dreams. After my immediate family members, friends and teachers from my high school days were the people I missed most as the years away rolled on.

Recently I was glad to be able to attend our high school reunion. I wanted to pay respects to the teachers I had not seen in more than 25 years. I was excited to go, but I wasn't sure quite what to expect.

To my relief, many of the teachers who had taught me subjects like geography, math, history, economics and English were still alive. One arrived in a wheelchair. Others used walking sticks and were aided by assistants. They were in high spirits, though some shed a discreet tear.

"Where have you been?" one teacher asked me. After finishing school, I had disappeared for decades. For a long time, it had seemed that I would never come home.

The teachers accepted donations and presents from their former students and in return they offered us their best wishes. It was all a little emotional. In Myanmar style, there was a bit of warm commotion amid talk filled with memory and laughing. It was a time to reflect back, and to share tentative hopes. Looking around me, at a time when religious intolerance is increasingly evident, I felt grateful to have had teachers of many religious backgrounds—Christian, Buddhist and Muslim.

I looked for, but did not find, an old friend from sixth grade who was a Karen, like most of our English teachers. To my surprise, the last time I bumped into him was on the Thai-Myanmar border where he had become a soldier. I believe he later moved to the United States.

After we had paid our respects, the teachers, who were in their 70s and 80s, began to head home. I chased down a teacher who had taught me economics and whose classes had partly involved learning the benefits of Gen. Ne Win's socialist economic policy, even as we students could see its failures plainly outside the classroom!

I remembered she had always asked certain pupils, including myself, to carry her traditional rattan basket filled with teaching materials and lunch containers. To be allowed to carry the basket had been a special honor; it meant you were one of her favorites.

She was still energetic and she looked at me with a wide smile. I joked, "I became a rebel after taking your class! Thank you!" She giggled and walked on to her car.

Some of the teachers seemed more guarded and weary. They seemed uncertain, even sad; I speculated whether they were perhaps missing students who had never come home after dying on the streets.

Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy.

Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy.

One of my favorite teachers, who taught math in ninth grade, was in a wheelchair. My schoolmates told me she had often asked about me after I left Myanmar following the political turmoil in 1988. Now in her 80s, she looked at me with tears in her eyes and said, "You finally came home!"

I was thrilled to see that teachers of her age were still with us, and keeping themselves strong and healthy.

A former headmaster in his late 80s did not recognize me at first, but when I mentioned my grandparents' names, his jaw dropped. "They were my friends. Your grandfather and I played football together!" he said. I made sure to take his picture to show my grandmother who lives with me back home.

A history teacher who followed the news closely was more forthcoming. In quiet tones she confided that she thought the current political opening in Myanmar was significant. But "we have to move gingerly, slowly," she said, as if warning me not to expect too much in the immediate future.

I asked her about the history we had learned in class, particularly about the ethnic regions and civil conflict. "You know,'' she said, ''we taught what the government told us to teach." It came home to me that just as we were taught not to ask critical questions, but to obey and extend respect, our teachers were under similar pressures.

A friend told me that our former physical training (PT) teacher had recently passed away. We had always enjoyed his class in which we could roam around outside in the fresh air.

I remember he was tall and handsome and had sold snacks to students to earn some extra income. He was a police sergeant in active service, but he would come to school in casual wear. Some students wondered if he was a spy assigned to watch over us. But he was friendly and one of our favorites.

In those days teachers were afraid to discuss political matters. Other subjects, such as sex, were also taboo—we were supposed to be polite! Of course in the school bathrooms you could find indecent writing scrawled on the walls, as well as anti-government slogans.

When I reached the ninth grade, I started skipping classes in favor of sitting in tea shops where I began to catch onto other matters: mainly smoking and politics. Tea shops were a learning ground for dreamers and planners. The young me felt I was among intellectuals, people who thought big in ways that stirred the mind, people who were more imaginative and progressive than our school teachers. The tea shops were the kind of places that nurtured revolutionaries and radicals, where strategies were debated that could change the ruling order.

Many of my female friends remained dutifully in the classroom, hoping to go on to become doctors or engineers. Few considered journalism as a career. But those female students were also our messengers. They would bring us gossip, as well as inform us of our teachers' reaction to our absence.

Later on in Yangon I bumped into yet another former teacher, who is now in her 60s. Her husband was a well-known literature guru and a former political prisoner who spent years behind bars.

"It's lucky that you are back here, but I must tell you this," she warned. "Never get involved in politics because you will always suffer. You will never win. They are not kind-hearted people and they show no humanity!''

I felt she must offer the same kind of thoughts to her older husband who was resting at home. He was a poet who taught us to be more critical, and a bit more rebellious. He encouraged us to read literature such as Dostoyevsky's "The Brothers Karamazov," John Steinbeck's "Tortilla Flat," and Jack London's "The Sea Wolf." And he steered us towards poetry, including the works of W.B. Yeats

When we finally made it to college, we were exposed to other young and progressive professors and tutors who were bookworms and politically-minded. Unlike in the high school days, we shared similar thinking with these figures; namely, the view that we were governed by a bunch of uneducated dictators who were adept at manipulation, repression and guns. We felt as though we were going to hell if we didn't revolt. And then the time to say "no" came in the form of the 1988 uprising, and many of the friends and teachers I knew ended up serving long jail sentences.

Those teachers, friends and mentors from school, college and the tea shops helped shape the person I have become.

Today the dilapidated buildings and classrooms of my former high school in a Yangon suburb appear much the same as they did 25 years ago.

But at the school, amid our reunion, I also sensed a new spirit and a feeling of anticipation. Some young students came up to me and talked and posed for pictures. They mentioned my writings and my TV programs covering political matters. And as I looked back to the 1980s, and I looked at them, I could not but hope for a more promising future.

Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in- chief of The Irrawaddy. This article originally appeared in the Feb. 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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The Blind Tiger: Look No Further

Posted: 06 Feb 2015 04:31 PM PST

The Blind Tiger bar. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

The Blind Tiger bar. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — If you're going to go on a date at the Blind Tiger, bring someone you like. The cocktails are spicy enough that a single splash on someone's face will burn to high heaven. Skip past the Spiked Tiger on the menu and ask the Thai mixologist, Addy, to whip you up a 'Burma Strawberry.' Be sure to nod your head and wai him in anticipatory gratitude. At first, this strawberry and chili infused vodka cocktail is sweet and refreshing. It then turns punishing, with a kick strong enough to surprise but that's just shy of overdone. Not for the faint of heart—or stomach—it ranks alongside Gekko's 'Horse's Neck' for best cocktail in Rangoon.

It's a great start to a night. After all, a speakeasy should have good drinks. Owner Sophie Barry was a camerawoman for most of her life and owned the Mexican-themed 'La Cantina' in Kabul from 2009 till 2011. She settled in Rangoon to be close to her sister, and quickly realized that the Yaw Min Gyi neighborhood desperately needed a good bar. When she stumbled into the old cyber café that used to sit on the ground floor of United Condo, Sophie embraced the concept of a speakeasy and set out to fully soundproof the walls.

After arriving at the nondescript building that sits on the corner of Nawaday and Alain Pyar Road, visitors have to 'follow the paws' on the graffiti-filled walls of the ground floor and navigate a couple tricky hallways to then knock on the heavy wooden door marked only by the image of a tiger smoking a cigarette. The eyes of one of the many Burmese bartenders—many of whom previously worked in Dubai—will peep through the eyehole before welcoming guests inside. The venue itself is a mixture of dark and luxurious, with sparkly bead curtains and provocative art contrasting nicely with the Bordeaux walls and heavy wooden furniture.

All in all, it's easy to settle in for the night and allow the music and the hours to pass you by, only to be jolted back to reality by the sudden realization that the bathroom is talking to you, in which case, don't worry: It's not the alcohol, but the speakers installed to play a looped recording about the history of speakeasies while patrons, well, take care of business.

Open till 10:30pm, the kitchen at The Blind Tiger caters to all degrees of hunger, from the 'I'll just have a few dainty garlic shrimps with my ginger mojito' to the 'I'm desperate; bring me a burger large enough to feed a small family, please.' The half-burger, an upcoming addition to the menu, is still quite a mouthful, and is served in a brioche bun accompanied by a bounty of caramelized onions, bacon, and your choice of cheese (camembert, blue cheese, cheddar) and sauces, of which there are too many to choose from. It hits all the right notes and definitely stands out among other Rangoon burger offerings, though it could have been juicier.

Other highlights on the menu include the meatballs—rich and flavorful—and the crab cakes. Don't leave without trying the crab cakes, which are absolutely sublime, though the portion size is a little too European.

Consider yourself forewarned: with its insulated soundproofed walls that block out not only noise, but also traffic, cell reception, heat and the changing skies, The Blind Tiger lends itself to arriving early, staying for dinner, loosing track of time, and stumbling back to greet a new dawn with a fuller belly and a lighter wallet, the soul all the merrier for it.

The post The Blind Tiger: Look No Further appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Feb. 7, 2015)

Posted: 06 Feb 2015 04:00 PM PST

Development Banks Refute Claims They Will Fund Coal Power Station

The Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the World Bank have denied a Burmese firm's claim that they will partly finance a coal-fired power station on the coast near Pathein.

The A1 Group of Companies said it and a Japanese consortium including major corporation Mitsubishi would fund 30% of the Nga Yoke Kaung plant's development cost and the rest of the money would come from ADB and World Bank loans.

"The ADB is not associated with the mentioned coal-fired power project and ADB is not considering involvement in any coal-fired power project in Myanmar [Burma]," the bank's external relations officer Alex Nyi Nyi Aung told The Irrawaddy in an emailed statement.

The ADB would make no further comment on the A1 Group.

"The World Bank is not and has no plans investing into coal plants in Myanmar [Burma]," the bank's communications officer Meriem Gray told The Irrawaddy.

The consortium, which includes the Ministry of Electric Power, has said the plant would have a generating capacity of 300 megawatts and coal to fuel it would be imported via a purpose-built port.

A power plant of that size usually costs several hundred million dollars.

Local residents oppose the development plan. Mitsubishi has said it would pay for some local people to visit Japan to see how coal-fired power plants operate near Japanese residential areas in order to allay concerns.

China to Spend $24bn on Yunnan Province Infrastructure

Burma's economy is about to face stiff competition for investment from the neighbouring Chinese province of Yunnan, according to an industry report.

Yunnan is currently the third poorest of China's 31 provinces, with per capita income of only US$4,050 in 2014, oil and petrochemicals magazine ICIS reported.

The Chinese central government is spending over US$24 billion in Yunnan to improve the province's infrastructure, including 1,500 kilometers (932 miles) of new highways. The aim is to make Yunnan a key component of Beijing's plans for a so-called New Silk Road, analyst John Richardson said in an ICIS report on the province's development.

"China will increasingly buy basic raw materials, such as oil and gas, from its less-developed neighbors. It will then re-export finished or semi-finished goods, such as chemicals and polymers, to these neighbouring countries," Richardson said.

Yunnan's geographical position connects its borders directly with Vietnam, Laos and Burma, and via the River Mekong with Thailand and Cambodia.

In addition to the twin crude oil and gas pipelines now operating from the coast of Arakan State into Yunnan, China is continuing negotiations with Naypyidaw to expand its oil transhipment port at Kyaukphyu, which it also wants to link to Yunnan by railway.

New Dawei Port-Industrial Plan a Result of 'Pressure from Thailand'

A leading economist specializing on Burma is "very sceptical" about the benefits to the country of a port and petrochemicals complex at Dawei on the southeast coast proposed by Thailand.

A new agreement on a special economic zone at Dawei will be signed in March, Reuters quoted Thailand's Deputy Transport Minister Arkhom Termittayapaisit as saying last week, after a meeting of Bangkok and Naypyidaw government officials.

Bangkok has been attempting to revive the Dawei project for two years, after construction firm Italian-Thai Development (ITD) failed to find financial partners to back a contract it obtained under Burma's former military government.

"I confess to remaining very sceptical about Dawei. Pressure for it seems to come more or less exclusively from Thailand, even though the [Burma] government seems happy to play along, as an indicator perhaps of progress and investor interest," economist and professor at Australia's Macquarie University Sean Turnell told The Irrawaddy.

"One gets the feeling that Japan continues to be dragged to it and to only make enough encouraging noises to keep dreams alive."

ITD will partner with Rojana Industrial Park Company in a first phase Dawei development agreement to be signed in March, Reuters quoted Arkhom saying.

Rojana is a Thai-Japanese joint venture firm based in Bangkok comprising Vinichbutr Group and Nippon Steel & Sumikin Bussan Corporation, a Japanese conglomerate involved in infrastructure developments, textiles and foods.

Central Bank Builds Closer Ties with Singapore

Singapore is seeking to further strengthen its financial links with Burma following a visit to Naypyidaw by the city-state's senior minister, Goh Chok Tong.

The two countries signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on February 3 to "cooperate on banking supervision and capacity building," said Singapore's Channel News Asia (CNA). It will involve the Monetary Authority of Singapore and Burma's central bank.

"The MoU reflects longstanding bilateral relations that have deepened in recent years," said a joint statement quoted by CNA.

Two Singaporean banks, the Overseas Chinese Banking Corporation United Overseas Bank, are among nine foreign banks that have been given limited licenses to operate in Burma.

Singaporean banks had close dealings with Burma during the military regime era and military-linked funds were often rumoured to have been deposited in Singapore.

Local Firm Wins Country's 'First Helicopter Service License'

Air Myanmar Aviation Services has been awarded Burma's first regular helicopter service licence by the Department of Civil Aviation (DCA), the Xinhua Chinese news agency said.

"[Burma] is upgrading its aviation business in a bid to boost the air transport sector amid growing tourist arrivals in the country year-on-year," Xinhua said. The company will use two AS350 B3 helicopters providing a service "to airports and other designated heliports in the country."

The Naypyidaw government has announced plans to privatise 30 airports but in January said this plan would be postponed until later this year or 2016.

The DCA said the delay was due to continuing negotiations with companies bidding to manage Burma's international airports.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Feb. 7, 2015) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


INTERIM SOLUTION: From Comprehensive Single Text Negotiation to Peace Pledge Agreement?

Posted: 06 Feb 2015 06:49 PM PST

Recently, two "interim solution" proposals, which is also known as interim arrangement, compromise solution, intermediate solution and temporary solution, but coined in German as "Zwischenloesung", have been making the rounds. One is the much publicized United Nationalities Federal Council's (UNFC) "Agreement Relating to the Establishment of a Federal Union" and the other, the "Peace Pledge Agreement" (PPA) proposal, which the Euro-Burma Office (EBO) is canvassing, with likely endorsement of Karen National Union (KNU) and Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA). It is not clear, however, if this is originated from Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), Union Peace-making Working Committee (UPWC) or even from EBO itself. But a reliable source indicates that it is the handiwork of EBO and KNU combined.

The excerpt of the six points proposal draft are :
1. Building of a federal union, in line with Panglong spirit, according to the outcomes from political dialogue
2. To sign Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) within three months
3. Not to arrest or persecute those involved in the peace process, using association with illegal organizations act; and free all those arrested under such act
4. To form Union Peace Consultation Joint Committee (UPCJC) and necessary joint committees in one month; and within three months to formulate Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD), together with political parties and appropriate individuals
5. To hold political dialogue within six months, according to the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD) achieved, in all-inclusive manner
6. To strive for the betterment of all the people residing within the country
According to SHAN, the United Wa State Party/Army (UWSP/UWSA) and National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) warmly received the EBO, Pyidaungsu Institute (PI), KNU and RCSS delegation in Mong La, last week, by Sao Sai Luen, head of the NDAA, also known as Mong La group, but politely refused to endorse the six points PPA proposal.

The reluctance of UWSP/UWSA and NDAA to endorse the PPA could be seen by the SHAN report of 29 February. The report writes:
Just before we (the delegation) are leaving, it is informed by our hosts:
• We (the UWSP/UWSA and NDAA) stand between the UNFC (United Nationalities Federal Council) and you (KNU and RCSS). Furthermore, governments on both sides are all ears to what's happening here. So we may need time to make correct decisions
• The friendly relations between the RCSS and the UWSP is very important if peace is to be achieved
• Gen N Banla , the leader of the Kachin Independence Organization/ Army (KIO/KIA) and the UNFC, has called us this morning from the Sino-Burmese border. He wants us to mediate among the ethnic armed organizations (EAOs)
While the UNFC proposal, aimed to be signed on the Union Day, has been widely publicized, the EBO initiated proposal is not widely known, due to its little or no media visibility of the specific issue for the reasons unknown.

The UNFC proposal has also been politely pushed aside, if not roundly rejected, by U Aung Min, the President's top peace negotiator.

The Irrawaddy Burmese Section, on 6 February, reported that " Their proposal, if not exceeding the framework of NCA discussion, could be agreed. But if new facts would be asked to be included, which are not in the NCA, we'll have to discuss before making the decision. I told them today that if all their proposals are within the framework of the NCA, it is possible. If exceeding the framework, it could not happen."

Similar rejection was also reported. According to DVB report of 5 February, when asked whether the signing of UNFC's Union Day proposal would happen, U Aung Min replies: " You could imagine, this side has 16 organizations and when I asked (their opinions) all their 16 organizations are not not of the same opinion. On our side, we have 3 organizations (government, military and parliament) and could adjust to each other easily. Because so many organizations are involved, even if one agrees, the other could disagree and so on, having lots of difficulties. Please try to understand this."

Meanwhile, RCSS led by Sao Yawd Serk have met UPWC headed by U Aung Min to discuss about Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) as an interim solution agreement,to be signed on the Union Day. It is said that U Aung Min has given a list of points which he deemed necessary for the MoU, including continued discussions on the forming of a federal union, according to the DVB report on 5 February. But the RCSS said that it needs to consult with the Central Committee, before it could decide whether to go along with the government statement or not.

According to DVB, Sai La, a spokesperson for the RCSS/SSA, said the objective of the meeting was to work out and sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Shan armed group and the government – a form of preliminary agreement – as the proposed nationwide ceasefire agreement is unlikely to be signed by 12 February, Burma's Union Day, as previously projected.

"We have not yet decided a title for the MoU but it is aimed at ensuring steady progress in the ceasefire talks and the peace process, and to prevent the use of military means to resolve matters prior to the signing of a nationwide ceasefire agreement," he said.

And so the whole situation has moved back from single text negotiation level, that should pave way for comprehensive solution, to a lower level of interim compromise solution agreement, so that a semblance of interaction with each other could be maintained, given the frosty atmosphere after the stalled peace process talks in September, last year.

And to make the matter worst, Burma Army's increased offensives in Kachin and northern Shan States have damaged the trust even more. The November 19, 2014, attack on the KIA cadet academy and escalated human rights violations, due to the heightened armed clashes, are also in no way conducive to the peace process as a whole.
Ethnic Nationalities Affairs Center (ENAC), a think-tank close to the UNFC, Briefing Paper for February reasoned, why the NCA is out of question as follows:
There are five main reasons why the NCA will not be signed on Union Day 2015:
1. The negotiations over the text have not moved forward. The September round of talks led to greater disagreement between the parties due to the Burma Army representatives revisiting previously agreed upon points. The NCCT brought proposals on most of the remaining issues to the Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC) representatives at the December Coordination Meeting, but the UPWC has still not communicated any decisions on these proposals to the NCCT.
2. Remaining points in the text are important and will take time to get right. For instance, there is still no agreement on the code of conduct or the monitoring mechanism, two pieces of the NCA that will be necessary for it to be a meaningful agreement. Disagreements remain over the roadmap for political dialogue and the wording of the basic political principles, such as federalism.
3. The negotiation process does not encourage expedited decision making. There is a limited amount of time prior toFebruary 12. The NCCT and UPWC are the negotiating organizations for the two sides, but they are not the final decision makers. The EAO leaders and UPCC will need to review and decide whether to sign any final NCA text.
4. The increased Burma Army offensives in Kachin and northern Shan States have damaged trust. The parties have still not come together to discuss the cause of the November 19, 2014, attack on the KIA cadet academy or figure out how to prevent such incidents in the future. The fighting has since escalated and involved human rights violations, weakening confidence in the army's commitment to the NCA process.
5. The government insists on limiting international observers and witnesses. To improve trust in the process, the NCCT has proposed that regional and western countries serve as witnesses to the NCA and that some members of the Peace Donor Support Group join China and the UN as observers to the negotiations. (Source: ENAC Briefing No. 4 - February 2015
It is, of course, not clear if this remedy of interim solution will lead the peace process back to the August 2014, single text agreement stage, where substantial progress were made in most sticky areas like " federal union, federal army, usage of the word resistance", among others, were being agreed for further consultation at political dialogue phase.
As Union Day draws nearer, we are left with the choice of either to endorse the PPA initiated by the EBO, signing MoU initiated by UPWC and RCSS, according to each and every individual group's decision, or just wait for the seventh round of single text negotiation after the celebration of Union Day, on the 12th of February.

The contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SDU) — Editor