Saturday, July 29, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Myanmar Robotics Team Makes Top 10 at Competition

Posted: 29 Jul 2017 06:44 AM PDT

YANGON — A team of Myanmar engineering students who landed a top 10 ranking at the world's first international robotics competition hope their achievement will inspire young people to practise science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) in order to improve the country.

The team finished six out of 163 teams across six continents at the FIRST Global Robotics Olympics, held in Washington DC in the United States from 16-18 July with the aim of fostering passion in young people for scientific and technological innovation.

The group of seven students aged 17-18 met with the media in Yangon on Friday to share their experiences of building the robotic kit and taking part in the competition, which was themed on addressing the issue of clean water.

The team comprised students from Yangon Technological University; the University of Information Technology; the University of Computer Science; Bursa Orhangazi Üniversitesi, Turkey; and the International Language and Business Centre. Hardware and robotics expert Ko Kyi Zaw Win mentored the group.

Team leader Phone Thiha Kyaw said, "We didn't expect to be in the top 10 at all," adding that all members learned plenty from their counterparts across the globe during the competition.

Team spokesperson Kyaw Za Zaw encouraged young people to use opportunities not only for their own development, but also for the development of their communities.

"I hope other young people across the country participate in such robotics competitions or any other STEM fields using all the available resources they could find in their environment," Kyaw Za Zaw told The Irrawaddy.

Ma May Pyae Sone Kyaw, 17, an engineering student at the University of Information Technology, was one of the two young women on the team.

Seeing all-female teams from other countries inspired her to believe in her own strength, she said.

"The whole idea that girls are not very relevant in building robots disappeared when I saw other all-female robotics teams at the competition," she said.

The Myanmar team won five out of six matches at the competition. Team Europe won the whole contest, followed by Poland, Armenia, Israel, and Germany.

Supported by USAID, Yangon innovation lab Phandeeyar in February called for applications to partake in the competition and formed the team of high school and university students, which it coached, said Myint Myat Aung Zaw, Phandeeyar associate and assistant mentor for the group.

Inspired by their achievement, he said the team hopes to pave the way for an annual regional robotics competition in the coming years.

Scot Marciel, US Ambassador to Myanmar, said at the event on Friday he was "surprised and not very surprised" to hear about the team's triumph, and praised Myanmar's youth as talented and hard working.

"This competition provides an environment where young, innovative thinkers can develop and fortify their ideas," he said, adding that his government was proud to have supported the team and the next generation of thought leaders.

The post Myanmar Robotics Team Makes Top 10 at Competition appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

This Week in Parliament (July 24 – July 28)

Posted: 28 Jul 2017 09:30 PM PDT

Monday (July 24)

In the Lower House, Dr. U Tin Aung of Kyaukse Township asked if the Ministry of Education would enable students enrolled in distance programs at universities to submit their assignments online. Deputy Minister for Education U Win Maw Tun replied that a pilot survey would be implemented in 2018, but that for the time being, the ministry would be unable to establish a website through which assignments could be accepted and assessed.

In the Upper House, Daw Ei Ei Pyone of Irrawaddy Division Consituency (8) asked if the government had plans to prevent citizens from seeking employment illegally in foreign countries as domestic workers. Union minister for labor, immigration and population U Thein Swe said the government would take measures to legally send migrant workers to "appropriate foreign countries at an appropriate time," and ensure that they received the protection and entitlements afforded by the laws of the countries in question.

Tuesday (July 25)

Daw Khin Saw Wai of Rathedaung Township asked in the Lower House if the government would translate laws which were written in English language and enacted in the colonial period, and are still enforced, into Burmese. Deputy Attorney-General of the Union Attorney-General's Office U Win Myint said that according to the law, his office is only responsible for translating laws written in Burmese into English.

Thirteen Lower House lawmakers discussed—and the legislature approved—an urgent motion put forward by Daw Thandar of Einme Township objecting to the end-of-mission statement issued by UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Myanmar Yanghee Lee on July 21.

Upper House lawmakers debated draft amendments to the controversial Telecommunications Law, and the military resisted the proposed reforms. Speaker of the Upper House Mahn Win Khaing Than assigned the bill committee to review the draft changes.

Wednesday (July 26)

The Union Parliament approved the list of nominees they had presented on Friday for three vice-governor positions and five director positions within the Central Bank of Myanmar, which will soon be vacant when existing terms expire.
The Union legislature also approved the draft law amending the Special Commodities Law.

Twenty lawmakers discussed the annual report from the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission for 2016, and Daw Zin Mar Aung of Yankin Township pointed out that the government's responses continue to be weak in addressing domestic violence, child rape, and the abuse of housemaids.

Thursday (July 27)

U Aung Sein of Dawei Township asked in the Lower House if the Parliament planned to enact a mediation law to help reduce possible lawsuits over civil cases both between people and between people and government departments. Judge U Mya Thein of the Union's Supreme Court said they were still conducting a feasibility study of court-led mediation for civil cases, and currently had no plan to enact a mediation law.

The Upper House approved the new Myanmar Companies Law. The draft law combines elements of the Myanmar Companies Act of 1914 and the Special Companies Act of 1950, reworked in hopes of attracting foreign investment, according to the Ministry of Planning and Finance.

Friday (July 28)

U Thein Htun of the Union Solidarity and Development Party submitted an urgent proposal urging the Union government to conduct a widespread awareness campaign about the H1N1 virus. The Lower House approved the proposal.

In the Upper House, lawmakers discussed the Myanmar Gems Bill 2017.

The post This Week in Parliament (July 24 – July 28) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 29)

Posted: 28 Jul 2017 09:19 PM PDT

Grab Announces Expansion, New Initiatives

The Grab Myanmar taxi-ride platform is introducing a new phase of expansion with investments in technology, driver care and local partnerships, the company announced this week.

Following a four-month beta trial, there are now more than 5,000 drivers on the Grab platform and driver-partners have reported a 30 percent improvement in monthly income on average, according to a company statement. Drivers also have access to banking and financial services through the company's partnerships with CB Bank and Wave Money, it added.

"The next phase for Grab in Myanmar is focused on bringing a five-star experience to driver-partners and passengers, while supporting the government in upgrading its transport infrastructure. This includes making the Grab app more user-friendly, upskilling and improving the well-being of driver-partners on our platform, and creating more job opportunities for locals," said Hooi Ling Tan, co-founder of Grab, which is headquartered in Singapore.

The Myanmar arm of the company said that new initiatives include the introduction of a Zawgyi- and Unicode font- enabled app with more safety and tech features, a 'Driver Care' program and partnerships with local firms to improve traffic management and driver welfare.

Yangon chief minister U Phyo Min Thein presided over a launch this week of Grab's new phase, where he encouraged the company to build the language, business and other skills of drivers in order to provide the best service to passengers.

Mini Grids Aim to Boost Electricity Access

The use of 'mini grids' to improve electricity connectivity in Myanmar is growing, according to a report in the Nikkei news website.

Trial operations are due to begin this year for one mini grid operation in about 10 locations in Sagaing Region, it reported.

The project is being operated by the Yoma Micro Power venture, a joint operation between Yoma Strategic Holdings and a Norwegian government fund, and will build small power stations that generate electricity with solar panels and diesel generators.

Excess power output will be stored in batteries and payments will be collected from customers, with mobile service companies as core customers. Each site will have at least one mobile service station.

The Parami Energy Group also sees opportunities in electricity for villages, according to the report.

Parami signed an MOU last year with French state-owned utility EDF and the Magway Region government to supply mini grid electricity to 8,000 households. It is working to introduce similar projects in other regions and hopes to expand the business to one million customers in four years, according to CEO Pyi Wa Tun.

Just 32 percent of households in Myanmar use electricity from the grid as a main source of lighting, according to the 2014 census.

Improvements to the national electricity grid will likely take decades, according to analysts.

CITIC in Deal to Raise Rice Sector Standards

Two Myanmar organizations have signed a memorandum of understanding with China's China International Trust and Investment Company (CITIC) Construction to implement an agronomics service center project, according to reports.

The deal between the Myanmar Rice Association and the Myanmar Agronomics Public Corporation and CITIC was signed in Naypyitaw last weekend, Xinhua and the Myanmar News Agency reported.

The project is due to work to boost rice production per acre production rate, enhance rice quality, mitigate production costs and increase internal and external investment in production, milling and trading.

Myanmar exports a variety of Emata rice, Ngasein rice, sticky rice, parboiled rice and broken rice to international markets including China, Sri Lanka, the European Union and South Africa. But productivity is low compared to the production of neighboring countries such as Thailand and Vietnam.

China is by far the largest market with about 1.5 million tons of rice exported to the country through border gates during the fiscal year 2016-2017, according to the report.

CITIC already has a significant footprint in Myanmar as the lead partner in a consortium that has proposed taking a 70-85 percent stake in the US$7.3 billion Kyauk Pyu deep sea port, part of China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. CITIC also won the right to nearly run a nearby industrial park and an oil refinery.

In June The Irrawaddy reported that farmers were demanding compensation for land selected by CITIC to be part of the industrial park. Earlier this year a report by the International Commission for Jurists (ICJ) urged the government to ensure human rights in the Kyauk Pyu SEZ development.

Bus Firm Seeks Foreign Investors

A local US$10 million bus assembly and production facility is keen to enlist 50 percent foreign investment, according to DealStreet Asia.

Yangon-based Myanmar Motor Corporation Public Company (MMC) is keen to expand with an eye to export to mainly Asian markets, its president Htay Aung told the website. The company is in talks with two foreign enterprises, he added.

MMC is an exclusive dealer of the German commercial vehicle MAN. Currently, it orders parts and assembly of the vehicles in China which are then imported into Myanmar as finished buses.

The firm expects to roll out its own MAN buses from Yangon soon, after it gained a license to manufacture the buses locally in January this year. The vehicles will be assembled at a facility in Mingaladon Township which will be able to produce around 100 buses a year.

Started in 2012, MMC is a consortium of 31 local companies including Sakura Trade Center, Sakura Engineering and Construction Development, Sakura Technical Services and Sakura Auto which imports new and reconditioned cars.

Marriott in Deal for Downtown Yangon Hotel

The Hotel Sule Square and the Naing Group have signed a deal with Marriott International to open a hotel in downtown Yangon, it was reported this week.

The 200-room Courtyard by Marriott will be located in Yangon's Sule Square as part of a mixed-use development including retail outlets and cafes.

Karl Hudson of Marriott International said, "Myanmar holds immense potential as a new tourism destination in Southeast Asia given its rich history and natural beauty. Demand is expected to grow as the government and economy are stabilizing," according to a report in a trade website.

Forum on Small Business Development

A forum on the development of small and medium sized enterprises will be held by the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) at its Mingalardon Hall facility in Yangon on the morning of Saturday July 29 (today). The event is due to bring economists, government officials and private sector interests together and all are invited.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 29) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘Prospects For Peace Are Not Good’

Posted: 28 Jul 2017 07:58 PM PDT

Ye Ni: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we discuss the latest developments in Shan and Kachin states and their impacts on politics and the country's peace process. The Irrawaddy news crew members Ko Kyaw Kha and Ma Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint join me to discuss this. I'm Irrawaddy Burmese editor Ye Ni.

Speaking of the latest developments in the peace process in Shan State, Lt-Gen Yawd Serk of the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) has said that the prospects for peace now look dim. Shan politicians raised objections when they were asked to promise not to secede at the recent talks on federalism. U Harn Yawnghwe, a Shan politician living abroad and the son of [Myanmar's first president] Sao Shwe Thaik, was blacklisted [from entry to Myanmar]. And clashes have recurred between government troops and the SSA-S, though it has signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).

The news reports we've heard about Shan State are more and more discouraging. Ko Kyaw Kha, do you agree with what Lt-Gen Yawd Serk has said? And you've talked to the Shan politicians who attended a recent discussion in Thailand's Chiang Mai. What did you hear from them?

DATELINE IRRAWADDY: This week, The Irrawaddy discusses developments in Shan and Kachin states and their impacts on the peace process.

Posted by The Irrawaddy – English Edition on Friday, July 28, 2017

Kyaw Kha: The Committee for Shan State Unity (CSSU)—composed of Shan political parties, particularly the SNLD (Shan Nationalities League for Democracy) and SNDP (Shan Nationalities Democratic Party), and Shan armed groups SSA-N and SSA-S, and Shan local civil society organizations—planned to hold a meeting in Chiang Mai. The committee's main objective is to engage in Shan national politics and promote the rights of ethnic Shan people. However, the military attaché of the Myanmar Embassy in Thailand banned their meeting. So, the meeting was disrupted. They think their meeting was banned because one of the participants, the SSPP [Shan State Progress Party, the political wing of the SSA-N], is not an NCA signatory, as well as because of the news that U Harn Yawnghwe would attend the meeting, and because [the government] did not want to see political solidarity among Shan stakeholders. Currently, there have been renewed clashes between the RCSS [Restoration Council of Shan State—the political wing of the SSA-S] and the Tatmadaw. The RCSS held talks on this issue with joint ceasefire monitoring committees at state and Union levels, but there is still no clear answer. Both the RCSS and the Tatmadaw said clashes took place because there are still no clear lines of demarcation between the territories of the two sides.

YN: Let's talk about Kachin State. As you know, there have been clashes in Kachin State since 2011. Though they are not that frequent today, there are still sporadic clashes. The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) was previously leading the ethnic alliance United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), but has partnered with the United Wa State Army (UWSA) now. This has upset ethnic allies and raises question among them and the Kachin people about the KIO's leadership role. We have covered a report about KIO leadership as analysts have said that the political views of KIO leaders differ from one another. I've heard that the KIO leaders explained their stances and political developments in Kachin State at a meeting in Laiza. What will be the future political steps of KIA [Kachin Independence Army, the armed wing of KIO]?

Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint: Kachin people have criticized the KIO's switch from the UNFC to the FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee) led by the UWSA. They criticize out of their concerns about the uncertainties over political developments in Kachin. They asked if the KIO would not try for peace. But from July 15-17, the KIO invited people's representatives from inside and outside the country, community leaders, and locals to Laiza and explained their political shift. They explained that the UNFC had reached a dead end, and that Kachin was hit hard as the KIA has lost many outposts and hills in the large-scale assaults by the military since August 2016, and displaced persons had had to flee from place to place.

They explained that they had no other choices but to cooperate with UWSA to demand federalism and ethnic rights from the government. According to KIO leaders, some people understood the KIO's decision after the explanation, though they criticized KIO before, and they said that they would wait and see to what extent the KIO leaders can do this.

Another criticism is that there are divisions in the party. KIA spokespersons and sources close to them have said that there are groups who have moderate views and want to hold talks on the NCA with the government, as well as groups who want to demand autonomy and ethnic rights together with the UWSA. Chinese analysts have said that Gen Gun Maw, who continuously engaged in the peace process with U Thein Sein's government, has moderate views, and Gen N'Ban La is a hardliner who would demand autonomy for Kachin State. Sources close to the KIA said that there are always members who have different views in a family, but that the divisions do not amount to a power struggle; and that the ones who have greater support from Kachin locals will take the leading role in engaging in the peace process with the government. Gen N'Ban La has cooperated with UWSA as it is also pressing the same demand—autonomy.  Again, there have been continuous clashes between the military and the Arakan Army, Ta'ang National Liberation Army and the Kokang group in northern Shan State. So, from a geopolitical perspective, the KIA feels unsafe remaining a member of the UNFC. For these reasons, the KIA has decided to cooperate with UWSA.

YN: It can be said that the main stakeholders in peace process now are the military, the NLD (National League for Democracy) government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the UWSA and ethnic armed groups based in northern Myanmar, the CSSU or Shan political forces, UNFC—the ethnic alliance of NCA non-signatories—and the eight NCA signatory groups, including the KNU (Karen National Union). And Lt-Gen Yawd Serk said peace prospects look dim. Ko Kyaw Kha, how do you think these players will end the show on the peace process stage?

KK: As we have consistently covered the peace process, what we see is that the prospects for peace for the time being are not good. The peace process is down. In the case of the joint ceasefire monitoring committees, discussions have stalled as territories haven't been designated yet [between the military and ethnic armed groups].

We can look at the peace talks with NCA non-signatories as two parts—groups led by UNFC in the southern part of Myanmar and groups led by the UWSA in northern part. The northern groups want to hold talks with the government as a bloc under the name of FPNCC. But the government has said that it would only meet with them separately. So, there is no negotiation at all. Despite the fact that China is mediating, the two sides still have not been able to meet, and discussions could not take place.

In the case of the UNFC, it has insisted that it would hold talks based on the nine points it has presented to the government; and the government is set to meet the UNFC next week.  But there are no talks between the government and the other stakeholders. In the case of the NCA signatories, some of them have not been able to hold a national-level political dialogue, and there is no progress in discussions about the renewed clashes between the government and NCA signatory groups [like the SSA-S]. NCA signatories are now just reviewing their dissatisfactions at 21st Century Panglong. There is almost no progress in the peace process, except that the UNFC will meet the government next week. It is suffice to say that the prospects look dim. That's why SSA's Lt-Gen Yawd Serk said that 2017 won't be the year of peace at all, as was claimed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Htin Kyaw.

YN: So, it seems that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has shifted her focus to the issue of IDPs (internally displaced persons), as the peace process has reached an impasse. She has met with the KBC (Kachin Baptist Convention) recently. Ma Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint, what have you heard about the meeting?

NLHP: They held talks for an hour and a half on July 24. They had some discussions about peace, but according to those who attended the meeting, before the second session of the 21st Century Panglong conference, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi urged Kachin leaders in Myitkyina to sign the NCA. But as it didn't happen, this time she asked KBC leaders if they would help children in areas controlled by the KIA to be able to go to school, and that the government would cooperate with the KBC.

The talks also focused on cooperation in returning IDPs to their homes. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi asked what the barriers were in peace process, and KBC leaders replied that the assaults of Tatmadaw were barriers to peace, and they urged her government to handle this seriously. And she replied that as the government was still trying to amend the 2008 Constitution, they only had formal relations with the Tatmadaw according to the Constitution, and the government therefore was not in a position to exercise direct control over Tatmadaw. She said the government wouldn't neglect the Kachin and the IDP issue, and the two sides agreed to cooperate on those issues as well as on the peace process.

YN: Thank you for your contributions!

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'Prospects For Peace Are Not Good' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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Friday, July 28, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

A Judicious Opportunity

Posted: 28 Jul 2017 07:50 AM PDT

HSIPAW, Shan State — The first thing that Irrawaddy journalist Lawi Weng said as he emerged from a prison van for the first session of his trial in the Hsipaw Township court was an enthusiastic "Hi, all."

Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) reporters Ko Aye Nai and Ko Pyay Phone Naing—also detained in northern Shan State under the same charges of allegedly violating Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act—gave a thumbs-up to their awaiting family members, colleagues, and fellow reporters outside the courthouse.

Before the three men stepped out of the van in shackles, Lawi Weng pointed to his handcuffs and sarcastically declared with a laugh, "This is what we get for being journalists. This is democracy—our country is a democracy."

Thursday's court session marked the official start to the journalists' trial, 32 days since their arrest by the Myanmar Army for making contact with the ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) for a story. Since then, they have been in detention, marked by two arbitrary court appearances, held without the prior knowledge of family members or colleagues, and in which they were remanded to police custody.

As this session was open to the public, the courtroom was packed with members of the detainees' families and legal teams. I was among the journalists that had to stand next to the windows outside in order to witness the trial, as there was no space for us inside.

The judge agreed to consider the defense lawyers' request for bail, stating that he would rule on it during the next hearing, scheduled for Aug. 4.

At The Irrawaddy, fingers are crossed that it will be granted.

In the past, particularly under the former military regime, Myanmar courts rarely granted bail in cases where the defendants were accused of liaising with "unlawful associations." The statute was largely used to prosecute pro-democracy activists, since the government had outlawed nearly any organization that worked on this cause. As a result, many detainees were handed the maximum three-year prison sentence.

The charges against Lawi Weng, Ko Aye Nai and Ko Pyay Phone Naing stem from a decision by the Shan State regional parliament in 2016 to label the TNLA a "terrorist" group; the three reporters were returning from covering a drug-burning ceremony in TNLA territory when they were arrested. However, since the Shan State parliamentary announcement was not followed by an executive order signed by President U Htin Kyaw confirming the organization's status, it is questionable whether the journalists can in fact be sentenced for liaising with the TNLA, as they were accused of doing.

Furthermore, the Myanmar Army affirmed that it would not put pressure on the judges handling the case and that the judiciary would be given space to decide upon a response that they rule is justifiable, according to the Myanmar Press Council, the body tasked with negotiating with the authorities.

State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi recently said, "It is not for us to comment on how the various cases should be tried in court. That's for the justice sector to take care of," when asked about the recent arrest of the three reporters.

Absent external intervention, the decision as to whether the journalists are guilty now falls solely on the judges, as they need not fear an outside party handing down verdicts already decided upon "upstairs."

Perhaps most importantly, it is an opportunity for the judiciary to signal to Myanmar's citizens that equality before the law may, as of yet, prevail, marking the dawning of an era that sees the rule of law resurrected.

The post A Judicious Opportunity appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

People Have Right to Criticize Govt: State Counselor

Posted: 28 Jul 2017 07:42 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — People have the right to criticize a democratically elected government, Myanmar's State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said on Thursday amid criticism of her government's lack of progress and failure to protect press freedom.

"The elected government must face criticism bravely and righteously. People have the right to criticize the government which they have elected," Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said at an event to mark the first anniversary of her State Counselor's Office in Naypyitaw on Thursday.

"Not all of the people will offer constructive criticism, this is not unusual in a democracy," she said.

Civil servants should amend their work if criticisms are valid and, even if criticisms are not fair, they have to respect public opinion, she advised.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi admitted that members of her cabinet would not be perfect and that they have their own strengths and weaknesses. She urged civil servants to develop all of their capabilities to serve national interests.

"Don't only think about self-interest," she advised. "If the public can take pride in our civil servants, we will be able to take pride in our country."

The National League for Democracy-led government has come under fire as its political and economic reforms fall short of people's expectations, one and half year after it took the office. Its handling of the peace process, the Rakhine issue and racial divides also attracted criticism.

The main objective of the State Counselor's Office is to achieve peace, and the office also assumes the responsibility to provide guidance in efforts for national reconciliation, rule of law, improving the economy and living standards of people, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said.

Minister of the State Counselor's Office U Kyaw Tint Swe told the press: "We handle various issues such as government administration, international relations, national reconciliation, internal peace, the Rakhine issue, the Myitsone Dam, and the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone,"

"It is natural for civil servants and military personnel to be criticized in a democratic age," said journalist U Thiha Thway.

"In an age of democracy, every politician will be criticized. But, the problem is they don't respect criticism. There is no culture of tolerance for criticism here," he added.

A number of journalists have been charged for publishing articles critical of the government including U Kyaw Min Swe, chief editor of The Voice Daily, who was charged under Article 66 (d) of Telecommunications Law for publishing a satirical article questioning the country's ongoing peace process.

The post People Have Right to Criticize Govt: State Counselor appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Transforming Futures of Female Kachin IDPs Through Sex Education

Posted: 28 Jul 2017 05:26 AM PDT

WAINGMAW & MYITKYINA, Kachin State — Noticing she had a growing abdomen, 22-year-old ethnic Kachin woman Nang Tsin went to the only immediately available healthcare service nearby—a midwife. When the midwife revealed she was pregnant, Nang Tsin's face grew flushed in front of the health worker, as the young woman had been seeing a local man in secret.

"My waistline became very obvious," Nang Tsin, an internally displaced person (IDP) said, recalling the discovery of her pregnancy about six months ago as she nursed her two-month-old boy inside a 15 square-foot room of bamboo matting.

The midwife sent her for an emergency scan at the nearest clinic and the result showed that the baby was due in less than four months. When The Irrawaddy asked if she was aware of what caused her pregnancy, she responded, "I didn't know," with a soft voice.

Nang Tsin is one of some 150 women aged between 18 and 35 living at St. Joseph Mai Na Camp for IDPs in Waingmaw Township, Kachin State. The camp currently houses 1,472 people who fled from nearby villages, mostly in Waingmaw Township.

The camp has sheltered ethnic Kachin fleeing conflict since the 17-year-old ceasefire agreement between the Myanmar Army and the Kachin Independence Army broke down in 2011. To date, more than 100,000 have been displaced.

Even though doctors and nurses visited Kachin camps to raise awareness about reproductive health, Nang Tsin said she could not attend the talks as she was at school.

When The Irrawaddy visited the camp last week, women with infants wrapped in a blanket either on their backs or close to their chests was a common sight. According to the camp management, there are 74 children under two years old in the camp.

Nang Tsin poses for a portrait together with her 40-year-old mother Ja Mai at their bamboo shelter in Mai Na Camp in Waingmaw Township. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing/ The Irrawaddy)

A Lack of Sex Education

Though Nang Tsin may not be considered particularly young to have a baby, the fact that she lacked basic knowledge of pregnancy betrays the poor situation of sexual and reproductive health awareness in the camp.

Currently six months pregnant, Nang Tsin's 40-year-old mother Ja Mai gave birth to her first child when she was 18.

She stopped receiving contraceptive injections believing that she had already reached menopause but the mother of six unexpectedly became pregnant again earlier this year. Living hand-to-mouth and working to provide for the family, Ja Mai said she didn't even know that her daughter had a boyfriend.

According to Kachin-based Htoi Gender and Development Foundation, which has been working with women in the region—both in IDP camps and villages—advocating for reproductive rights and awareness of gender issues since 2011, women and girls in the camps can be more vulnerable than those who live outside of the camps because of the many social problems they must confront daily.

Nang Pu, founder of the Kachin State Women's Network and the director of Htoi, told The Irrawaddy that many young women and girls living in IDP camps often face unwanted or unplanned pregnancies due to a lack of sufficient education, healthcare, livelihood opportunities, friendship and family support.

"They don't get any emotional support to heal the trauma caused by displacement, [and] they have to live in very cramped or small places where they see things that they shouldn't be seeing at a young age," Nang Pu said.

"Their parents barely have time to be with them," she added, noting that most mothers tend to work outside of the camp or take care of household chores throughout the day.

Nang Pu, founder of the Kachin State Women's Network and the director of Kachin-based Htoi Gender and Development Foundation. She has advocating for women's reproductive rights since 2011. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing/ The Irrawaddy)

Nang Pu added that apart from the conditions young girls face inside camps, the discrimination they experience at schools also attributes to emotional complications regarding sexuality.

"Their peers from school single them out for anything they do just because they are IDPs, which makes them see no future in education," she highlighted.

She said that many such girls and young women then seek comfort in attention from men and boys who show an interest in them.

Addressing the Need for Knowledge

Recognizing the dire situation, a group called Colorful Girls run by a community-based organization known as Girl Determined, has been trying to give girls and women living in IDP camps the tools to tackle the obstacles they face.

Working with girls aged between 12 and 17 living across the country's remote regions as well as in urban centers, the organization invites displaced girls into its athletics program and discussions about leadership, decision-making, friendship and sex education.

It aims to help displaced girls gain confidence and cope with complex traumas in their lives, said Dashi Htu Awng, the regional coordinator for Colorful Girls' program launched in partnership with Htoi.

"During our discussions with them, we share basic knowledge about sexuality, their menstrual cycle and the risks of a sexual relationship with males as they reach puberty," Htu Awng explained.

"By gaining knowledge about sexuality, they can protect themselves from teenage pregnancies, spread their knowledge to their friends, gain confidence and better manage their sexual development," she said. "It is beneficial to their lives wherever they live."

According to Dashi Htu Awng, the adolescent girls in displaced families often have to care for their younger siblings throughout the day while their parents are busy outside fending for the family, which decreases their chances of attending school.

As the possibility of returning to their homes becoming increasingly slim, young girls have a difficult time finding motivation in their daily lives and for their futures, she added.

Some girls fear menstruation, due to misinformation that their cycles make them "dirty," Dashu Htu Awng explained, adding that many parents are not open with their daughters in discussing these issues.

Seng Mai, a 39-year-old mother of four, said her teenage daughter's behavioral transformation after receiving sex education and female empowerment training has been mind-opening for her and her daughter. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing/ The Irrawaddy)

At Zilun Baptist IDP camp in Kachin State capital Myitkyina, Seng Mai, a mother of four, told The Irrawaddy that mothers like her don't know how to explain sexual health and awareness to their daughters since they did not receive such knowledge from their own mothers.

Her 14-year-old daughter is one of the 250 young women benefiting from the Colorful Girls program across six Kachin IDP camps, and she said that her daughter's behavioral transformation before and after receiving the training during the last two years has been mind-opening for them both.

"My daughter has become more self-assured and very aware of what she should be cautious of regarding relationships with boys," said Seng Mai.

"If they are aware of how to prevent risk, they will know how to manage themselves and make their own decisions for their future," she said, adding that she always encouraged her daughter to make time for the training.

With an ambition to be a schoolteacher, Nang Seng—a nickname by which she, Htoi and Colorful Girls requested that she be referred—said she is willing to share the knowledge she received from the training with her 9-year-old younger sister.

"Such knowledge is very crucial for young girls like us," Nang Seng said, stressing that she had seen other girls at her camp who had conceived a child unintentionally and had to accept motherhood without preparation.

Filling The Gap

However, not every parent at the camp likes their daughters attending the training, believing that the organization is not helpful to their daily survival, Htu Awng said.

"One of the biggest challenges for me is how to better convince parents that what we are doing is for their daughters' long term personal development rather than for immediate impact," Htu Awng said, noting that IDP families rely on donor support in order to get by.

"They can't keep living their lives from donations," she said. "The families need support for capacity building to rebuild their lives and stand on their own feet."

Recognizing that sex education is desperately needed for both the displaced population and those who live in remote villages, Htoi's Nang Pu said that it is also crucial to restore sexual and reproductive rights for young girls living in IDP camps.

Such a strategy would reduce their vulnerability to sexual and domestic violence caused by a lack of awareness, and empower them with renewed confidence for their rehabilitation.

Nang Seng, 14, watches a Chinese drama on her mother's mobile phone in her shelter at Zilun Baptist IDP camp in Kachin State's Myitkyina. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

She said, however, that the most important element is peace—for the fighting in the region to cease so that displaced families are able to return home and rebuild lives.

"Peace is the most effective resolution for them to go back to their homes with dignity and achieve a situation where they stand on their own feet," Nang Pu said. "Everything else is chopping off the tree's branches rather than digging up the roots," she added.

While debates continue regarding the futures of those who have survived armed conflict, Nang Tsin and her husband are not sure about their own family's immediately future.

"I recently learned how to weave, maybe I can make a living with this skill," the young mother said.

The post Transforming Futures of Female Kachin IDPs Through Sex Education appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Lower House Approves Urgent Proposal on H1N1 Outbreak

Posted: 28 Jul 2017 05:09 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Lower House approved an urgent proposal on Friday to control an outbreak of H1N1 influenza that has killed six out of 30 confirmed cases in Myanmar.

Lower House MP U Thein Htun of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) submitted the proposal to boost awareness of H1N1—often referred to as swine flu—in schools, markets, factories, workshops, trains, buses, jetties, and airports in order to reduce the death rate and spread of the disease.

The lawmaker said there was not enough education about the disease, adding that some people died from H1N1 because they were admitted to the hospital too late.

On Thursday, a 24-year-old pregnant woman suspected of having H1N1 flu was admitted to a hospital in Naypyitaw, Dr. Aung Lin Aye, deputy superintendent of the hospital, told The Irrawaddy. Medical tests for the woman have been submitted to the National Health Laboratory in Yangon.

USDP lawmaker U Thein Htun said the government must stand by its slogan "Together with the People," noting that ministries, lawmakers, civil society, Red Cross, fire service and ward administrations need to collaborate.

Dr. Saw Naing, Lower House lawmaker of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), welcomed U Thein Htun's proposal.

"Raising awareness is good. Only if the public knows clearly how to protect themselves can they prevent [the disease spreading] in advance, including which mask they should use and how they should use it. And if there is a shortage of masks, the government has the duty to arrange for more," Dr. Saw Naing said.

U Thein Htun urged for checks of the disease at docks and airports, as has been done in neighboring India, he said, where 12,460 cases have been confirmed and 600 have killed so far in 2017.

The health ministry on Wednesday requested the World Health Organization (WHO) to help control the virus.

The post Lower House Approves Urgent Proposal on H1N1 Outbreak appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Organizes Update for Peace Stakeholders

Posted: 28 Jul 2017 04:40 AM PDT

YANGON — The government has invited 20 stakeholders for an informal meeting at the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NPRC) in Yangon on Saturday, July 29, with the aim of updating and consulting them on the peace process.

Among the list of invitees are civil society group members, former lawmakers, prominent writers, Myanmar Press Council representatives, and independent analysts.

It will be the first NRPC stakeholder consultation since the National League for Democracy (NLD) took office. State Counselor's Office spokeperson U Zaw Htay said it would be an informal gathering without publicity.

Several invitees told The Irrawaddy they are considering whether to attend the meeting, as they said there was no agenda available and no indicator of any particular issue that would be discussed.

"Calling such a meeting with the members of the public who have been following the peace process is a good thing to do," said one of the invitees, independent analyst U Maung Maung Soe. "But the key decisions are taken by the NRPC and peace commission."

Under the previous incarnation of the NRPC—the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC)— led by then minister U Aung Min, the former government held two kinds of regular stakeholder meetings.

One was a briefing session comprising more than 80 attendees, including diplomats, INGOs, and UN agencies. The other, called a Community Forum, would give a specific topic for representatives from the government, ethnic armed organizations, civil society groups, and media, as well as experts, to consider and discuss.

The post Govt Organizes Update for Peace Stakeholders appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Court Considers Bail for Detained Journalists

Posted: 28 Jul 2017 02:06 AM PDT

Hsipaw, Shan State — Hsipaw Township Court will consider the bail request of three detained journalists and rule next week, the judge presiding over the case announced on Friday.

"The judge accepted the submission of a bail appeal," said Daw Khin Mi Mi, lawyer of one of the accused men, Irrawaddy reporter Lawi Weng.

"Persons facing the charge can be released on bail and we believe the judge will do his best," reported the lawyer, adding that the judge said he would rule at the next court hearing on Aug. 4.

Six men—including Lawi Weng and the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) reporters U Aye Naing and Ko Pyae Phyo Naing—appeared in Hsipaw Township Court on Friday for the third time on Friday after two earlier surprise court dates.

All of the journalists appeared in good physical and mental health.

The court, on Friday, heard testimony from a local army official as a witness for the prosecution.

Capt. Thet Naing Oo, who arrested the journalists in June, presented photos and video files as proof of the accused's connection with ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA).

He told the court that the journalists failed to request permission from local security forces at a police station, Myanmar Army base, or local administration office before travelling to cover a drug-burning ceremony held by the TNLA to mark the UN's International Day Against Drug Abuse.

"They [the army] said we need permission to go to that area, but we are journalists and citizens of this country and we have the right to travel freely inside our own country," Lawi Weng told reporters after the court hearing, before being sent back to Hsipaw Prison.

The six men—three journalists, two drivers and a local man—were travelling in two vehicles near Phayagyi Village between Namhsan and Lashio townships on June 26 and were arrested on suspicion of connection with the TNLA, which operates in the area.

The journalists and a local man were charged under Article 17(1) of the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act for contacting the TNLA, while the drivers received additional charges for the two unlicensed vehicles. They were placed in detention in Hsipaw Prison.

Amnesty International issued a statement on Thursday calling for the immediate and unconditional release of the journalists.

The post Court Considers Bail for Detained Journalists appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Myanmar Army is Indirectly Pressuring Media’

Posted: 28 Jul 2017 01:55 AM PDT

YANGON — The Office of the Commander-in-Chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, released a statement on Wednesday prohibiting the usage of military ranks employed by the Myanmar Army for non-state armed organizations.

"We hereby declare that military ranks, which are entitled only for military personnel of the Tatmadaw (Army, Navy and Air), are not to be used in reference to persons of other unconcerned organizations; and that military ranks are to be used correctly in line with existing laws," reads the statement.

The Irrawaddy has interviewed legal experts and journalists about the potential impact of the prohibition on news reporting and beyond.

U Sein Win, training director of the Myanmar Journalism Institute (MJI)

Yes, it is true that the previous military government had enacted a law about how the organizational structures and terms should be used in reference to members of people's militias. I can accept it because people's militias had agreed to follow those instructions in order to be formed as people's militias. But the Tatmadaw can't impose such a ban on other organizations. Such restriction is a negative sign.

We are still trying to achieve peace. How can we continue to engage in the peace process if [the Tatmadaw] doesn't recognize the organizational structures of other armed groups such as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and Karen National Union (KNU)? For example, if Gen Gun Maw attends the peace process, will he be referred to as Gun Maw? We can't do that. Doing so is disregarding other organizations. The [Tatmadaw] can't act like they are the only one. This contradicts the peace process.

It will also have an impact on the media. I view it as the [Tatmadaw's] second step to deter the media to make reports about ethnic armed organizations. As the first step, it applied Article 17 (1) [of the Unlawful Associations Act]. They are making it difficult for the media to report on the peace process.

U Aung Thein, lawyer

There have never been cases of prosecuting and imprisoning for using military ranks [in reference to people not belonging to the Myanmar Army]. The government of the Socialist Program Party imposed a ban on using ranks like lieutenant and captain in reference to robbers.

Armed organizations formed according to the structures of an army would use military ranks. Persons such as Gen Gun Maw [of the KIA] have attended the peace talks [with the government] in his capacity as a general. And people's militias also use the military ranks such as major.

How can we complain about them using their own military ranks while peace is still in the negotiation process? The government has invited and talked with those people and those organizations at peace negotiations. Though there is the [Unlawful Associations Act] which was enacted in the past, the government was meeting with rebels in the peace negotiations. I don't want to argue about if they are right or not. But [the rebels] have their own forces, armies and organizations for their own causes. So, there are armies and clashes. And they would hate to be addressed themselves as ordinary persons.

The media did not invent the military ranks for them. When you interview someone who identifies himself as Gen Gun Maw, you can't refer to him as U Gun Maw in the report. He won't accept it. As long as a [single] Union Armed Forces can't be formed in the country, the separate armed groups will use their own ranks. If this is prohibited, they won't even come to the peace negotiation table.

It is nothing to do with journalists. Those organizations have used such ranks and risen up against the government for around 60 years. And they won't just remove these ranks when they come to the peace negotiation table to talk with the current government. The media will refer to them according to the term they describe themselves. Journalists should not be prosecuted for this.

U Myint Kyaw of the Myanmar Press Council. (Photo: Photo by Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy)

U Myint Kyaw, Myanmar Press Council

It is not that the media have given them those ranks. The media has to refer to them according to the way they describe themselves. And the media don't have the right to change that.

The [military] statement [issued on Wednesday], I think, is not yet an order. But it is still too early to say. Maybe they will issue an order. But it is absurd if the media will be given such an order. It is censorship and restriction on media.

Regarding the ethnic armed groups, the [military] sent letters to journalists in Irrawaddy Region last year [restricting the use of military ranks for non-state armed groups.] But no journalist has agreed to do so.

Editor of Mawkun Magazine, U Zeyar Hlaing. (Photo: Photo by Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy)

U Zeyar Hlaing, editor of Mawkun Magazine

The Tatmadaw applied the law based on the 2008 Constitution. So, the question is whether the Constitution has an effect on the entire territory of Myanmar, because, according to the Constitution, there must only be one armed forces, and the head of all the armed forces is the commander-in-chief.

As journalists, we are ethically responsible to present all information from all sources in different perspectives. It is journalistic ethics to make balanced reporting without bias.

While we are working for national unity, it is important that people get all the information about what is happening in ethnic areas. By doing so will help us understand each other. And it is the duty of the media to do so. So, it is not sensible that the Tatmadaw refers to a law that does not even have effect across the country.

My view is that they are attempting to impose censorship by threatening the media. Censorship was abolished in 2012. But if you think there is no censorship now, you are wrong. There have been many challenges. For example, some media agencies practise self-censorship because of the concerns of the owners of media agencies. The current government has even sued the media. The senior leaders of the ruling party have made derogatory remarks about the media. And the Tatmadaw has started to oppress the media as an example. This is not a good sign for a democratic society.

U Arr Man says the military are indirectly pressuring the media. (Photo: Photo by Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy)

U Arr Man, chief editor of 7 Day News Journal

In the statement, the military gave the example in reference to a militia major who was killed in a bomb attack recently. It is not clear whether the ban is only for people's militias or both signatories and non-signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) too. We're trying to get it clear. But we still can't reach the military spokespersons.

If the ban is meant for all [armed groups], we have to question it because local media have widely published reports about the peace process and referred to them according to the ranks that they use to describe themselves since 2011-12.
The peace process has received greater attention since 2011-12. With more and more instructions, we feel like we are being restricted. This is indirectly pressuring the media.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post 'Myanmar Army is Indirectly Pressuring Media' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Army Unnerves Ethnic Kachin

Posted: 27 Jul 2017 10:16 PM PDT

The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) recently hosted a public meeting at its headquarters in Laiza from July 15-17, attended by an estimated 500 members of the Kachin public and 200 KIO representatives.

At the meeting, the KIO's Vice Chairman Gen N'Ban La revealed the organization's reasons for pulling away from the United Nationalities Federal Council and allying with the Wa-led Northern Alliance. He emphasized the future plans of the Federal Political Negotiation Coordination Committee (FPNCC) of the Northern Alliance in dealing with the Myanmar government and its military. Lt-Gen Gam Shawng, the Kachin Independence Army's chief of staff, and Col Zau Raw, the secretary of the Kachin Independence Council, followed by stressing the KIO's political goals.

According to these generals, the KIO's political goal is to form a federal Union based on the 1947 Panglong Agreement, which promised equal political rights to Myanmar's ethnic nationality groups. Much of the Kachin public share the KIO's vision that a genuine federal political system could end the civil war and pave the way toward Myanmar being a more peaceful country.

Many Kachin people—who have bore the brunt of military violence—firmly believe that the Myanmar Army's perpetual offensives against the KIO are not a solution to achieving peace.

After the war between the KIA and the Myanmar Army resumed in 2011, following the breakdown of a longstanding ceasefire, there were an unprecedented number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) uprooted from Kachin communities, forced to abandon villages and properties. Many lost their lives.

In this crisis grew a more vocal desire for sustainable peace in the region, as opposed to a temporary ceasefire. The Kachin public and the KIO have been seeking a way to cease escalation of the conflict and pursue fruitful negotiations with the government and its military.

Members of the Kachin public voluntarily formed the Peace-talk Creation Group (PCG) and a Technical Advisory Team (TAT) to assist in discussions between the government and the KIO. Both the PCG and the TAT have put concerted efforts into mediating between the Burmese Army and the KIO, and assisted in several meetings for both sides. Unfortunately, their perseverance has not yet paid off.

Instead, armed conflict is intensifying in several areas, particularly in Kachin State's Hpakant and Tanai, creating further displacement.

As a result of the conflict, a number of Kachin civilians have also been targeted by outdated laws, such as charges under Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act. After the war resumed in 2011, a number of such cases drew the attention of the media. One man, Lahtaw Brang Shawng was arrested in June 2012 from an IDP camp and, the following year, sentenced to two years in prison. Another, Lahpai Gam, was arrested the same month and was sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment. In November 2016, 49 young men and women from Putao were arrested after returning from a 25-day training program in Laiza on the cultivation of crops to substitute for opium; the course included sessions on fighting drug abuse, on furthering Kachin language and culture, and understanding democracy and federalism. After several months in detention, 48 people were released, but one remains imprisoned with a sentence of several years.

Due to battles in Mong Ko, northern Shan State, in late 2016, civilian property including warehouses, a school, a Catholic Church and more than 100 homes were bombed or destroyed. In the aftermath of the operation, two pastors from the Kachin Baptist Convention —Dumdaw Nawng Latt and Lajaw Gam Seng—were arrested on December 24, 2016, allegedly for helping journalists report on the destruction of the church in the conflict.

During bouts of conflict, IDP camps in the border areas have reportedly been hit by artillery —some, multiple times—forcing displaced people to flee yet again. For example, in April 2014, the IDP camp at Lagat Yang—on the border between Shan and Kachin states—was allegedly struck, and emptied of its 800 residents.

Many observers believe that these military strategies are intended to push the KIO/A toward signing the nationwide ceasefire agreement, or to disarm.

The arrest of civilians, the targeting of IDPs the pressure on the KIO by the Burmese Army does not help build a relationship between the government, its army, and the ethnic Kachin public. Instead, it caters to anti-Bamar resentment. In turn, the KIO boasts more widespread support from the Kachin public.

This is a prime moment in which trust could be built between the government, its military, and all of Myanmar's ethnic minorities. The government should abolish Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act, which charges civilians under the suspicion of affiliating with ethnic armed groups. Inevitably, many ethnic nationality civilians must communicate with their area's respective armed groups, because the public drives these groups forward in the peace process and in shifting their political goals.

They also assist them in taking part in peace talks with the government and have, in the past, served as intermediaries. For example, Vice Snr-Gen Soe Win, the Tatmadaw's deputy commander-in-chief, and other Generals—the Commanders of the Bureau of Special Operations (1) and of the Northern Command—used to meet Kachin religious leaders and political parties and relay messages to the KIO. Even the State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi invited and met religious leaders from the Kachin Baptist Convention to Naypyitaw on July 24, 2017. If the government and its military charge such individuals under Article 17(1), it can hinder the country's peace process and negate potential peace talks.

The government and the Myanmar Army should, therefore, shun strategies that undermine the people's trust in them and their peace initiatives. Instead, they should accelerate the momentum of the peace process so as to build the federal Union which groups like the Kachin have long hoped for. Absent such changes, the Kachin public is likely to lose confidence in the government and its military, making it all the more difficult for any peace process to succeed under these flawed circumstances.

Joe Kumbun is the pseudonym of a Kachin State-based contributor.

The post Myanmar Army Unnerves Ethnic Kachin appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Our Fight For Press Freedom

Posted: 27 Jul 2017 07:44 PM PDT

As we believe in a free press, it has been our mission since the beginning to protect and preserve press freedom and develop an independent media free from bias and influence.

Over the course of 24 years, The Irrawaddy has been at the forefront of lobbying for freedom—outside and inside the country—for the Fourth Estate in Myanmar.

We have persistently challenged successive governments— from the former military regime to U Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government to the current Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy administration—as an independent monitor of power and are continuing to do so.

But do not be mistaken in thinking Myanmar today enjoys a free press. Anybody who says so will be seriously insulting the four journalists, including our reporter Lawi Weng, who have been detained by the country's military for their commitment to the truth.

With the media under attack in Myanmar, here is a collection of our stories on press freedom.

OPINION

Journalists' Case to Test Judiciary

The upcoming court appearance will be a trial in which we see whether the court will act independently without being influenced or intimidated by anyone.

The Military's Offensive Against the Media

Journalists are under attack and press freedom is in jeopardy, writes Kyaw Zwa Moe.

Defending Lawi Weng

The arrest of Lawi Weng and the DVB reporters demonstrates that Myanmar remains an unsafe place for journalists to work, writes Aung Zaw.

Open Letter to the State Counselor

Building peace and a federal democratic system are understandable priorities, but another matter too requires urgent attention, writes Kyaw Zwa Moe.

NLD Govt Must Live up to Its Manifesto on Press Freedom

Until Burma is free from state-owned media and laws like Article 66(d), neither journalists nor citizens can freely honor World Press Freedom Day.

Analysis: Burma's Military Remains Intolerant of Press Freedom

Recent incidents highlight the military's wariness of press freedom, fearing a negative portrayal of its institution.

A Note From the Newsroom on World Press Freedom Day

On World Press Freedom Day, we laud great progress but note that true freedom of the press has yet to be achieved in Burma.

Back to Square One for Press Freedom in Burma

A harsh sentence handed down to journalists for reporting on an alleged chemical weapons factory serves as a reminder that Burma is still an "enemy of the press."

Press Freedom Is Not a Gift

Burma's government has created more space for journalists to do their work, but its mindset remains as narrow as ever.

Burma’s Media Landscape: Better, but Still Far from Free

Despite recent reforms, Burma remains one of the most restricted countries in the world in terms of press freedoms.

Time for Media to Seize Freedom

The notorious censorship board is still chopping subjects which it judges are "inappropriate" and even banning journals from printing.

Burma—Media versus Minitrue

Burma's media continues to be governed by authoritarian censorship regulations despite the looming creation of a new Press Council.

How Much Freedom Does Burmese Media Enjoy?

Since coming into power, President Thein Sein has mentioned the importance of the fourth pillar in society and revealed that both he and his office follow media reports in and outside of Burma.

IN PERSON

Satirist Feels 'Restraint' After Recent Arrest

The Irrawaddy speaks with the columnist charged—and then released—under Article 66(d) about his arrest, self-censorship, and current writing.

Dateline Irrawaddy: Telecoms Law Must be Amended to 'Serve Its Intent'

The Irrawaddy discusses the new proposed draft of the Telecommunications Law, the controversial Article 66(d) and recent arrests of journalists.

Legal Expert: Press Council Must Defend Detained Journalists

Myanmar Press Council must stand with reporters if they are to escape unlawful association charges, says Media Law consultant U Khin Maung Myint.

Ma Thida: 'Fear Makes People Fierce'

Writer Ma Thida discusses collective fears in present day Burma: how they manifest, how they cause harm, and how they must be faced.

Incoming Info Minister Pe Myint: 'I Will Ensure Press Freedom'

The Irrawaddy tracks down the incoming cabinet member in Naypyitaw to discuss press freedom and prospects for Myanmar's state-owned and private media.

Press Freedom, With Limits

Myanmar's journalism scene is opening up, but after speaking with reporters in Yangon, media watchdog Shawn Crispin sees cause for concern.

Will Aung Kyi Defend Press Freedom?

Myanmar's new information minister is known to be moderate and most of the country's journalists are cautiously optimistic about his appointment.

SPECIALS

In Sketches: Myanmar's Challenging Media Landscape

A series of cartoons by The Irrawaddy from 2014 to 2017 reflect media milestones and hardships.

Interactive Timeline: Press Freedom Under Attack

Explore the publications currently being threatened in Myanmar's courts.

NEWS

Advocates: NLD Govt Has Failed to Advance Press Freedom

Advocates from 14 local organizations issue an assessment report on freedom of expression in Myanmar, one year into the NLD's leadership.

The post Our Fight For Press Freedom appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Blood and Silk: Power and Conflict in Modern Southeast Asia

Posted: 27 Jul 2017 06:58 PM PDT

Southeast Asia is undoubtedly one of the world's economically fastest growing regions and the home of sophisticated cultures – but it's also where decades-long ethnic and political rebels are still active. And despite the economic progress, most of the Southeast Asian countries are moving towards authoritarianism rather than democracy or, at least, a more pluralistic rule. Michael Vatikiotis examines these contradictions and conundrums in his most recent book, which is appropriately named Blood and Silk: Power and Conflict in Modern Southeast Asia. Vatikiotis has lived the region for three decades; he knows the area well and speaks Thai and Indonesian. He is also a former editor of the now defunct Hong Kong weekly Far Eastern Economic Review and now works as a conflict mediator for the Geneva-based Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue.

He mentions Singapore as a typical example of development models that defy Western concepts of the-rise-of-the-middle-class-leads-automatically-to-a-more-democratic-form-of-government: "Singapore is indisputably the region's most advanced economy; it has the highest income per capita, the best health indicators, and the biggest concentration of smartphones on the planet." Yet, there is little popular participation in government, no vibrant press and dissidents are dealt with harshly.

In much poorer Cambodia, the UN spent billions of dollars to introduce democracy in 1993. But as soon as elections were held, a new authoritarian regime headed by yet another strongman, Hun Sen, emerged and many of those opposed to his rule either went quiet or fled the country.

Thailand, a promising democracy in the 1990s, has experienced what many believed belonged to the past: two military coups, the first in 2006 and then again in 2014. In Myanmr, pro-democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, won a spectacular election victory in November 2015, leading to the country's first civilian government since 1962. But when Vatikiotis met government officials six months later, they answered his questions with "all matters will be decided by the State Counselor" (Vatikiotis refers incorrectly to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's new title as de facto head of state as "State Councilor," but that is a minor mistake.)

With Laos and Vietnam under strict one-party rule and Brunei an absolute monarchy, that leaves only Indonesia and the Philippines as actual democracies in Southeast Asia – but the new president of the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte, has told the world to mind its own business when he masterminded a violent campaign against alleged drug dealers, resulting in extrajudicial executions of thousands. And the country's economy remains dominated by the rule of a traditional oligarchy while millions are living in slums and abject poverty.

In Vatikiotis' view, the main problem is that rather than address deteriorating social conditions and income inequalities that have come with economic expansion, "Southeast Asian governments have become prone to conservative impulses serving the ends of power." And with China as the rising and the United States as the declining world power, it is hard to argue that democracy is the way forward. In civil society, religious extremism – manifested by militant Islam in Indonesia and Malaysia, and radical Buddhist movements in Myanmar – and intolerance in general are on the rise in the region.

Blood and Silk is not a dry academic study of social conflicts or the political and economic impact of China in Southeast Asia. It is well written and explains the origins of conflicts in the region as well as how those have impacted today's politics. But his analysis of the reason for the tragic fate of Myanmar is questionable. Like many other Western analysts before him, he seems to believe that the abolition of the old monarchy by the British in the late 19th century forebode the disaster that came after independence in 1962: "Myanmar without the monarchy was pretty much a ship at sea without a captain or cultural anchor. The result is a country still dominated by a 400,000-strong army."

The French kept the traditional royal rulers of Indochina in nominal power throughout colonial rule, but, once independent, that did not prevent those countries from being plunged into bloody civil wars. On the other hand, Japan deposed Emperor Sunjong when Korea was turned into a colony in 1910 – and South Korea today is an economic powerhouse as well as a thriving democracy. A more plausible explanation for Myanmar's inability to become a functioning national entity is the fact that the country, with its present borders, is a colonial creation bringing together peoples and ethnic groups with little in common, and even centuries of conflicts with the Burman kings that predate British rule.

Vatikiotis also makes the unfortunate mistake of saying that 100,000 ethnic Kachin had by the end of 2016 "fled into neighboring China." While some refugees did take refuge on the Chinese side of the border when the conflict escalated in 2011, they were soon pushed back into Myanmar by the Chinese and remain in makeshift camps in rebel-held territory or near government-controlled towns in Kachin State. China, evidently, feels that it can do whatever it wants in the region, or as Vatikiotis aptly quotes Chinese State Councilor Yang Jiechi as saying: "China is a big country and other countries are small countries and that's just a fact."

Despite some minor flaws, this is a book worth reading for anyone interested in the politics of modern Southeast Asia. Leaders such as Suharto in Indonesia, Mahathir Mohamad in Malaysia and Thaksin Shinawatra in Thailand "promised their people happiness and prosperity but in the end left them divided and deprived…they enriched their families and brooked no dissent. They left anger and conflict in their wake." Sounds like a grim conclusion of the situation in Southeast Asia. But there is also hope, according to Vatikiotis, and it rests with Southeast Asia's historically resilient civil societies: "The slow response of government to grievances and use of divide-and-rule tactics to undermine opposition will force communities and groups to look after themselves and defy the powerful center."

The post Blood and Silk: Power and Conflict in Modern Southeast Asia appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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National News

National News

Govt seeks to lift special commodity tax on diamonds, emeralds and gold

Posted: 27 Jul 2017 03:07 PM PDT

The Union government asked the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw on July 26 to lift the special commodity tax and commercial tax on the production and sale of diamonds, emeralds and gold.

Local companies to exhibit at Bangkok’s Organic and Natural Expo 2017

Posted: 27 Jul 2017 02:39 PM PDT

Two Myanmar organic products manufacturers will participate in the Organic and Natural Expo 2017 to be held at Queen Sirikit National Convention Center in Bangkok next week.

Passenger ship Kissapanadi 2 arrives in Rakhine State

Posted: 27 Jul 2017 02:30 PM PDT

The Kissapanadi 2, the second passenger ship of the three vessels donated by Japan, arrived in Kyaukpyu on July 25 and it will be used for coastal transport along the Rakhine coast.

H1N1 rises to six, peaks during monsoon period

Posted: 27 Jul 2017 02:13 PM PDT

Myanmar has sought the help of the World Health Orgnization (WHO) to the worsening H1N1 influenza outbreak sweeping the country and killed six people.

Rakhine Advisory Commission report being fine-tuned

Posted: 27 Jul 2017 02:09 PM PDT

The final report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State is being fine-tuned and will be released, as scheduled, in the second-half of August said the commission's spokesperson.

141 schools shut down in Dawei amid H5N1 outbreak

Posted: 27 Jul 2017 02:06 PM PDT

A total of 141 schools have been shut down in Dawei town in Thanintharyi Region for 5 days due to the H5N1 outbreak in the area, a regional education official said Thursday.

Tatmadaw must be referred as “Tatmadaw”

Posted: 27 Jul 2017 01:51 PM PDT

A senior general on Thursday urged the media to refer to the country's armed forces as Tatmadaw and not by any other name in their news reports.

Recurring floods displace over 130,000 in Myanmar

Posted: 27 Jul 2017 01:36 PM PDT

Recurring floods in large part of the country have forced over 130,000 people to flee their homes as of July 25, relief officials said.

Objection to farmland law changes draft bill

Posted: 27 Jul 2017 01:24 PM PDT

Almost 50 Civil Society Groups strongly objected to the facts related to the Farmland Law amendment draft hearing session in the parliament held in June.
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