Tuesday, December 5, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


U Wirathu: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi a Threat to National Religion and Identity

Posted: 05 Dec 2017 06:27 AM PST

In an interview with The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, ultranationalist monk U Wirathu offered his personal views on the current situation in Rakhine State and the government's legal action against nationalist Buddhist monks. The Irrawaddy's senior reporter Zarni Mann met with U Wirathu at the Dhama Thaharya Kyaung at Masoeyein monastery.

The Army and the government have been criticized for their handling of the conflict in Rakhine State. What is your view?

The government has been unreliable on this matter. So, we have had to rely solely on the Tatmadaw [Myanmar's military]. Personally, I fully support [military chief] Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and I believe him when he says the Tatmadaw will provide full protection to minorities in Rakhine State in order to protect them from genocide. When it comes to protecting the national identity, we only have him to rely on.

But the Army's actions in relation to the conflict in Rakhine State have resulted in fresh sanctions and condemnation.

I've read about that. I have to say it is inappropriate. This sort of operation [like the one the military is conducting in Rakhine] should be the responsibility of the government, not the Tatmadaw. The institution most responsible for handling such conflicts is the government. Taking action against the Tatmadaw rather than the government is a mistake.

Nonetheless, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been stripped of numerous honors and awards over her handling of the Rakhine situation.

No. No. What I want to say here is that taking action against the Tatmadaw by violating the country's sovereignty is wrong. Taking action against our country's leaders like this is unfair. What the international community should do is to talk with the government to find the best solution. I'm against any intervention like that by foreign countries.

Again, it is absolutely unfair to strip Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of her honors and awards. The Westerners are childish to do this. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi did not seek those awards and honors. It was they [the West] who awarded her and honored her. Stripping her of the honors and targeting people with sanctions or taking other such actions is inappropriate.

The government is now implementing the recommendations included in the report of Mr. Kofi Annan's commission in accordance with international standards and human rights. Isn't this a good development?

The report is satisfactory to all sides [but] it is not perfect. Initially the commission said the report's recommendations should be implemented as soon as possible. Later it said only the most urgent recommendations should be implemented immediately. So it is difficult for me to say if it is good or not. However, one thing I can say is there are many suggestions in the report that threaten the stability of the country. For example, it recommends that the government give citizenship to those who are not entitled to citizenship. Its proposal that the government amend the 1982 Citizenship Act poses a threat to the country. If the government agrees to do this, we will have to oppose it. I believe Buddhist monks and their supporters will take to the streets should the government agree to these recommendations.

However, many Myanmar citizens fled to a neighbouring country during the conflict. Shouldn't they have a chance to return to their homes?

I never said no one can come back. Everyone who deserves to come home must have the chance to do so. There are clear rules and regulations for this process, requiring that documents be checked. Anyone who can present the proper documents should be allowed to come home.

Pope Francis recently visited our country. As his visit came amid the criticism over the human rights issue in Rakhine State, the international community hoped he would address this. However, the pope did not mention the Rohingya explicitly and was widely criticized for that.

The pope is a religious leader. He is doing what religious leaders should do, which is to tell people to love each other, to help each other and to be patient. However, he did use the term "Rohingya" before visiting us. And afterwards, when he was in Bengladesh, he used the term "Rohingya". So to me, this means he is using his position as a religious leader to act as a political figure, rather than acting as a religious leader.

On the other hand, I have to question the international community on this point. Is it an abuse of human rights not to use the word "Rohingya"? The people of this country don't accept the term "Rohingya", so the Pope did not use it [here]. We have nothing to say regarding his diplomatic behavior. Personally, I do not like the way he used "Rohingya" before and after visiting our country.

In the past, you supported Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. What changed? Do you believe as some nationalists do that she is using human rights to oppress religion and nationalism, in particular through a series of lawsuits against nationalist groups?

We feel that we are being deliberately targeted. I believe we are being oppressed and that one day Buddhism and the Myanmar national identity will be replaced by other religions and by foreigners. I now see her as a threat to the country's religion and national identity.

When the State Sangha authorities declared Ma Ba Tha an unlawful association, the Mandalay divisional government reportedly ordered that the group's signs be taken down. However, some nationalists are reportedly still displaying them.

They [the authorities] are the ones who do not understand the law, which is why they issued that order. Maybe they believe they can intimidate us by issuing such orders. What I do know is that Ma Ba Tha would not have any problems if Ma Ha Na and the government obeyed the law. They are acting like scarecrows. Ma Ba Tha is not an unlawful association. People label Ma Ba Tha as "unlawful" based solely on the statement from Ma Ha Na; they are blinded by it. If they really see Ma Ba Tha as unlawful, they should take their claim to the courts. We are still working under Ma Ba Tha.

At a meeting last month the State Sangha authorities reportedly considered an appeal against the ban on you conducting public sermons. What is the status of that appeal?

There's nothing special about that. I just did it as a test, because we heard many different views [concerning the ban] in the town — apart from Gabaraye [i.e., the State Sangha] — that the decision to ban me had been made by a few senior monks. Some monks said that if they had been at the meeting, there would have been no ban. I'd like to know what would happen if all 47 senior member of Ma Ha Na were present. What I discovered was that in gatherings at Gabaraye, all views are the same. When talking about the 47 senior members of Ma Ha Na, even my teacher can't be trusted.

The post U Wirathu: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi a Threat to National Religion and Identity appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Analysis: Under Pressure, Aung San Suu Kyi to Seek Chinese Investment

Posted: 05 Dec 2017 04:18 AM PST

Myanmar is in China's embrace today. Facing political pressure and the threat of sanctions over the situation in Rakhine State, the government is seeking China's diplomatic and economic support.

It seems China will not hesitate to assist Myanmar. However, Myanmar's approach will be cautious and calculated as it also fosters other friendships in the region.

The government of Myanmar and its powerful military consider China an important and strategic partner but don't want to be seen as relying heavily on China alone.

The government is expanding its economic cooperation with other countries including Singapore, Vietnam, Thailand, South Korea, India and Japan. Singapore remains the top investor, having invested more than US$4 billion this fiscal year, followed by Vietnam with $1.3 billion. However, while important regional allies, they are not political heavyweights in the international arena with the clout to protect Myanmar.

Even so, Myanmar's armed forces will be cautious with China, given that it has provided arms and logistical support to rebel groups in the north for decades. It's not clear just how much trust and confidence Myanmar's generals have in Beijing.

In the 1990s, when the regime was desperately looking for jet fighters and ammunition, China sold low-grade jet fighters, weapons and ammunition to Myanmar's junta. The generals have diversified since then, purchasing jet fighters and military hardware from others including Russia, India, Pakistan, Israel and some Eastern European countries. Today, Myanmar is expanding military and defense cooperation with India, Russia, Japan and Thailand.

Nevertheless, one can see more military cooperation between the People's Liberation Army of China and Myanmar's armed forces. The China North Industries Corporation (NORINCO) and the Myanmar Army have pledged to expand collaboration with a view to growing defense trade and related technologies.

NORINCO announced the plans in a press release on Nov. 28, although the agreement was reached a few days earlier, the company said, in meetings between NORINCO President Wen Gang and Myanmar Army chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.

In its press release, NORINCO said it had a "long history of cooperation" with Myanmar and that it was looking to continue to provide the country's army with defense products and services and to continue to "expand and enhance areas of cooperation."

The US was preparing to help train Myanmar's army officers and expand military-to-military engagement, but violence and allegations of human rights violations in Rakhine State have shut down the contacts while the US Congress considers imposing sanctions.

State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's recent visit to China indicates that the two countries will strengthen economic ties. In a meeting with Suu Kyi, Chinese President Xi Jinping urged her to further expand bilateral cooperation.

The China-Myanmar economic corridor is new, proposed in November when Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi paid a visit to Naypyitaw.

The corridor will arrive in three phases, expanding to Mandalay, Yangon and the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone in troubled Rakhine State. It is part of a grand plan to boost connectivity between four countries: Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar.

The project will connect Kunming in China with Kolkata in India, then add Mandalay, Dhaka and Chittagong. It is part of China's grand geopolitical and economic strategy, connecting Beijing straight to the Indian Ocean.

Neither is India being left out of Myanmar's own geopolitical rebalancing. Suu Kyi wants her country to continue strengthening economic and political ties with India too. She studied in India, where her mother served as ambassador in the 1950s.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Myanmar in September, when he backed Suu Kyi's government and offered assistance and development initiatives for Rakhine State.

Mandalay Region Chief Minister Zaw Myint Maung has been to Kolkata seeking Indian investments in central Myanmar (he has also accompanied Suu Kyi's on her latest visit to China).

India shares a 1,600-km border with Myanmar along four northeastern states. Some Indian militants seeking separation and autonomy are based in Myanmar. Myanmar's army leaders have promised to push them out, but neither the region nor the Indian rebels are priorities for the government or the military.

Beijing Looks to Restive Rakhine

During her visit to Beijing and meetings with Chinese leaders, Suu Kyi is believed to have discussed several economic projects and existing contracts signed under previous governments, including the regime that ruled the country until 2010. They include the controversial Myintsone project suspended under President Thein Sein, the Letpadaung mining project, and the Kyaukphyu deep-sea port and related pipeline and railway projects in the area.

The China-Myanmar corridor will no doubt boost China's trade and political influence. Moreover, planned highways, railroads and pipelines will give China direct access to the Indian Ocean. It will be interesting to see what the government can renegotiate with China to benefit its impoverished country, Rakhine State and the people.

The contracts are under review and it is believed that the current government has been trying to renegotiate them with China.

Unsurprisingly, China has backed Myanmar over the crisis in Rakhine State from the start; it has even offered to mediate.

In the first week of November, a Chinese delegation visited Rakhine State to assess the situation. The delegation, from China's Asean Economic and Cultural Association, was accompanied by Myanmar's Hintha Akari Co and seen meeting several key leaders.

Interestingly, during the trip the Chinese delegates said one planned project was to help Myanmar extend and strengthen fencing along the state's border with Bangladesh.

It seems China is shifting its attention to Rakhine State.

So, while the West — the US in particular — considers imposing targeted sanctions on Myanmar's generals and scaling back ties with the military, China is thinking of building highways and railroads.

The post Analysis: Under Pressure, Aung San Suu Kyi to Seek Chinese Investment appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Couple Arrested in Kachin After 1,000 Bullets Found at Their Home

Posted: 05 Dec 2017 03:31 AM PST

Former freelance photographer John San Linn and his wife were detained in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina on Monday night, after police found more than 1,000 bullets at their home in Myawaddy near the Thailand-Myanmar border, according to local police.

Lwin Maung Thein, a police officer in Myitkyina, told The Irrawaddy: "We detained him. The police in Karen State told us to arrest him. It is their case."

Police from Myitkyina and Myawaddy cooperated to arrest the pair. John San Linn worked as a freelance photographer in Kachin and Karen states in the past.

The police found 1,020 12.7 mm bullets under his house. The investigation is ongoing and police officer Lwin Maung Thein said he did not yet know whether the seized ammunition was thought to be linked to the Kachin Independence Army.

Ethnic rebels in northern Shan State often use these bullets. They can be used to destroy unarmored vehicles, penetrate lightly armored vehicles and damage external ancillary equipment.

The police officer said that John San Linn and his wife would be transferred to Karen State to face charges.

Police filed charges until Article 19 of the Arms Act for unlicensed possession of arms/ammunition, said Myawaddy police officer Thet Naing Soe.

"We have been trying to arrest him for a long time," Thet Naing Soe added.

He said that an anonymous source had provided the information used to arrest them.

John San Linn and his wife have two children.

The post Couple Arrested in Kachin After 1,000 Bullets Found at Their Home appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Wild Elephants Destroy Home, Crops in Ngapudaw Township

Posted: 05 Dec 2017 02:00 AM PST

PATHEIN — Two herds of hungry wild elephants destroyed a house and crops in a village in Irrawaddy Region's Ngapudaw Township on Monday.

According to locals, each herd included at least five elephants. The herds arrived separately from the east and west of the Pathein-Mawtin Road in the township's Dipayone Kwethit village on Monday evening.

"The two herds were only about 500 feet from each other. They seemed to be starving. They came close to the fences of our houses and ate bananas and other crops. Because they came so close to people, Forestry Police had to fire shots to scare them away," said Tin Chaung village tract administrator U Tun Lay, who helped police drive the wild elephants away.

A house in Dipayone Kwethit was destroyed by elephants that had wandered into the backyard to eat crops. The elephants were not aggressive toward villagers, local residents said.

"The elephants approached the fences of our houses, but didn't appear to be hostile. It seems they had been chased by a group of elephant poachers," said U Tun Lay.

"When one household scared them away, they went to another house. If that house scared them off, they went to the next one. The villagers were too scared to sleep that night [on Monday]. They made noises and lit fires [to keep the elephants away from their houses]," he added.

The elephants were still in the woods near the village on Tuesday morning, he said.

An "elephant-scaring" team was on its way to the village on Tuesday, Khun Pyone Naing, head of Ngapudaw Township Forestry Department, told The Irrawaddy.

The team, formed in June this year and made up of non-governmental organization workers, Forestry Police offers and Myanma Timber Enterprise staff, is tasked with scaring away elephants from human settlements and protecting them from poachers. It conducts regular patrols in forests, and when necessary drives away wild elephants with the help of domesticated elephants.

"Such places are frequently visited by wild elephants. We will drive them back into the forest with the assistance of domesticated elephants," Khun Pyone Naing said.

For the time being, Forestry and local police are providing security for the village.

According to local residents, wild elephants usually visit farms in search of food from the time of the paddy harvest in November until around May, just before the rainy season starts.

Elephants have seen their habitats shrink dramatically due illegal logging in recent decades, said Sai Zaw Oo, a supervisor at the Myanmar Elephant Lovers Association, which is based in Ngapudaw Township

"So, they come to human settlements to eat paddy, banana and other crops grown by humans. And this has led to human-elephant conflict" he said.

"At the same time, this has given elephant poachers the opportunity to hunt wild elephants that come and search for food," he added.

Last year, four local villagers were killed in elephant-human conflicts that erupted after the animals started eating crops near Ngwe Saung Beach in the west of Pathein Township, according to the Ngwe Saung Beach police station.

On Nov. 30 Forestry Department personnel had to drive away a wild elephant after it destroyed a house and killed a pig in Kyaukphya village tract in the west of Pathein Township.

The post Wild Elephants Destroy Home, Crops in Ngapudaw Township appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Carpetbagging in Myanmar’s Ethnic Areas

Posted: 05 Dec 2017 01:53 AM PST

With the transition in 2011 to a new hybrid civilian-military government in Myanmar, a number of international development/assistance carpetbaggers – organizations and individuals – have flocked to the country. Many of them are opportunist international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs), United Nations organizations (UNOs),  international development agencies (IDAs), and consultants which go into the conflict and ceasefire ethnic areas in countries to take advantage of the unsettled social, economic, and political conditions for organizational and/or individual self-interests.

Carpetbaggers is a term that was used to describe those persons who moved, immediately after the US Civil War, from the North to the former Southern rebellious states to take advantage of the unstable social, economic, and political climate. The term came to be associated with opportunism and exploitation by outsiders. Their name came from their luggage, which was manufactured from old carpets. The present day international development/assistance carpetbaggers, who carry backpacks now, are conflict/disaster seekers who prey on disaster areas and weak/collapsed states, such as Myanmar, in a similar manner as do "ambulance chasing" lawyers who rush to the scene of an accident to take advantage of any injured parties.

These international development/assistance carpetbaggers do not conduct any Do No Harm/conflict analysis; or if they do, they don't use it to understand the conflict dynamics and power/influence relationships of the situation on the ground so as not to really "Do No Harm."  Moreover, there is no sharing of these Do No Harm/conflict analyses with local stakeholders to ensure their validity.  Consequently, the international development/assistance carpetbaggers strengthen the centralization of the political, administrative, and fiscal powers of the Myanmar Government in social services while the ethnic people seek decentralization – an important aspect of their economic and political aspirations for the past seventy years.

Such actors undermine the social services provided by the ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in their administered areas by not obtaining operating permission from local EAO administrative officials; degrade local ethnic community-based organizations (CBOs)/civil society organizations (CSOs) by drawing experienced staff away with compensation packages above local prevailing terms; pay above local market rates for facility leases, driving up local lease rates; provide direct overlapping local services, such as in health care; and, use logframes to push their own priorities which are not that of the local community or ethnic partnership organization(s).

This situation also plays into the hands of local Burman and ethnic business cronies who utilize their networks within the Myanmar Government, state/region/township governments, and/or Tatmadaw to influence decisions regarding local international development/assistance for the benefit of their own business interests.

The Myanmar Government and Tatmadaw take advantage of this "ignorance" or "Do Not Care" attitude of the international development/assistance carpetbaggers in a proxy economic counter-insurgency strategy involving development, nation building, humanitarian assistance, and conflict resolution/peace building programs in the ethnic areas.

In essence, international development/assistance is co-opted and "weaponized" by the Myanmar Government and Tatmadaw against the EAOs by undermining the social and economic support given by the EAOs to their supportive ethnic populations as well as to push the EAOs toward the acceptance of unfavorable ceasefire terms and political compromises.

The international development/assistance carpetbaggers take political sides by complementing the economic concessions given by the Myanmar Government to those EAOs, which have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), while failing to similarly engage with EAOs which have not signed the NCA.

As one ethnic leader commented to a visiting INGO, "You Doing No Harm is harming us."

The international development/assistance carpetbaggers are driven by basic human greed for financial rewards (e.g. salaries and grants), status/recognition (e.g., official posting titles, CV citations, and housing/transportation special benefits), and/or other personal gains through the exploitation of situations involving development, nation building, humanitarianism, and conflict resolution/peace building. There are multiple types of international development/assistance carpetbaggers:

  • Development carpetbaggers
    The international development carpetbaggers fund/build roads, bridges, and communications systems in the ethnic areas that extend the administrative and military reach of the Myanmar Government and Tatamdaw. They may or may not conduct Conflict Analyses, Environmental Impact Assessments, or Social Impact Assessments. However if done, they may only be paper-based, fill-in-the-blank exercises. Consequently, there are issues of environmental degradation and uncompensated/poorly-compensated land confiscations, resulting in displacement of ethnic people. Moreover, the resultant physical infrastructure may allow penetration by the Tatmadaw of vehicles and heavy armaments into conflict areas which were previously inaccessible. Of course, corruption follows as well.
  • Nation-building carpetbaggers
    The ethnic areas are targeted for nation building, which strengthens the control of the Myanmar Government and extends its administrative and Tatmadaw reach without the necessity of any power/resource sharing arrangements with the ethnic people. These opportunist nation-building carpetbaggers are eager to assist the autocratic Aung San Suu Kyi's Myanmar Government to become more efficient and effective in entering, controlling, and exploiting the ethnic areas. They have agreed with the Burma Government, in the so-called Naypyitaw Accord, to align their projects with Burma Government policies. It does not matter that nation building, without sustainable peace, undermines the now seventy year ethnic quest for political, administrative, fiscal, resource, and security power sharing and ethnic equality promised to them by General Aung San, Aung San Suu Kyi's father, when they formed the Union of Burma in 1948 with Burmans.
  • Humanitarian carpetbaggers
    There is the proliferation of humanitarian activities into the ethnic areas, especially in regard to health, education, and poverty reduction by some opportunist INGOs, UNOs, and IDAs. This allows for the further extension of Myanmar Government's administrative and Tatmadaw control in the ethnic areas through these proxies to undermine the relationship of the EAOs with their ethnic peoples' support base. These humanitarian carpetbaggers also must adhere to the Naypyitaw Accord. Many do not obtain memorandums of understanding (MoUs) from the EAOs which may control their targeted areas of operations or work with local CBOs/CSOs which are equipped to provide any necessary international assistance directly to their own people. Of course, the humanitarian assistance is also a source of additional overhead/administrative funding, salaries, housing/transportation special benefits, CV citations, and donor and organizational publicity for these humanitarian carpetbaggers. An Afghan analyst is reported to have remarked, "INGOs are the cows that drink the milk themselves" (Quoted in Making States Work, July 2004: P. 13).
  • Conflict resolution/peace building carpetbaggers
    One cannot forget the conflict resolution/peace building carpetbaggers who prey on conflict situations such as in the ethnic areas. These are the opportunist international academicians, institutes/think tanks, foreign governments, and foundations that are advising the Myanmar Government and EAOs about ceasefires and political dialogue. They are there to "help" the EAOs to "return to the legal fold". These carpetbagging consultants get grants and publicity for their ceasefire/peace building "back seat driving" and Western "cookie-cutter" solutions which, in any case, are not contextually-based to the unique Asian/Burma social, economic, political, and security sector realities in Burma. In short, they are more "cows that drink the milk themselves".

With the signing of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in 2015 by some EAOs and the accession of the Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party to government offices in 2016, the door is now wide open to even more international development/assistance carpetbaggers to reap organizational and/or individual benefits in the ethnic areas of Myanmar.

International development/assistance carpetbaggers have been "called-out" in numerous books and articles over the past half century. They ignore or dismiss such "calling out", as in this article, since they know that recipient countries need international development/assistance.

They give a bad reputation to those international development/assistance organizations which do good transparent and impartial work, and understand and properly respond to local social, economic, and political environments. While there has been some progress in reining these international development/assistance carpetbaggers in, many are still "out there". In this sense, they have come to Myanmar and are now spreading, like a virulent development/assistance virus, into the ethnic areas of Myanmar.

The ethnic people have been striving for self-autonomy, ethnic equality, and peace for almost seventy years. They desire sustainable peace through equitable power/resource sharing and security sector reform before international development/assistance.  International development/assistance are aspects of peace building, which should occur after, not before, peacemaking and peacekeeping. The Myanmar Government and Tatmadaw use peace building to avoid power/resource sharing with the ethnic people.

However, if the EAOs cannot resist the lure of international development/assistance, then they must vet and control access into their administered areas by international development/assistance organizations to ensure they don't undermine the EAO's popular support base, fracture the EAO or its alliances, and contribute to corruption. Moreover, wherever possible, international development/assistance must be channeled through local ethnic CBOs or CSOs in a fully transparent and responsible manner

The following are recommendations to control international development/assistance organizations seeking to implement activities in EAO-administered areas:

  1. All international development/assistance organizations, operating in EAO-administered areas, should be required to register with the governing EAO and only those who receive approval would be able to implement their project(s). Registration applications would include, as appropriate, local CBO/CSO partnerships, Conflict Analyses, Environmental Impact Assessments, and/or Social Impact Assessments.
  2. MoUs are signed between the EAO and registering international development/assistance organizations and such MoUs will govern the scope and terms of operations.
  3. The registration documentation is shared with the locally-affected communities for their comments and concerns.
  4. For approved registrations, written official authorization and personal identification cards are issued by the EAO.
  5. The activities of registered organizations are monitored by the EAO or an approved local ethnic CBO/CSO on a quarterly basis to ensure that they are in active and full compliance with the terms and scope of their MoUs, including expected outcomes, impact, and utilization of funding. Intentional noncompliance would be cause for termination of the project and exit of the offending organization(s).

Engagements with conflict resolution/peace building organizations and individuals must be evaluated as to appropriateness in respect to the political-military situation in Myanmar, Burma/Asian values, conflict history, conflicts-of-interest, political bias, conflict resolution/peace building experience, and other relevant factors.  Myanmar is an Asian multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, and multi-religious country with a long history of insurgency and dissent. There are no Western counties which have similar characteristics and can serve as a conflict resolution model for Myanmar. Consideration should be given to power/resource sharing models in Asia, such as in India, and to extent, models in Africa.

The ethnic people have suffered enough from the Myanmar Government and Tatmadaw since Independence. They don't need to be also deceived or exploited by some international development/assistance organizations and individuals which say "we have come to help you" with development/assistance, but really want to drink the milk themselves or serve as the willing or unknowing economic counter-insurgency tool of the Myanmar Government and Tatmadaw.

The EAOs must strictly vet, control, and monitor international development/assistance organizations and individuals and say "No" to international development/assistance carpetbaggers: they are not welcome to do their "carpetbagging" in Myanmar's ethnic areas.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post Carpetbagging in Myanmar's Ethnic Areas appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘They Are Bringing Her Down’

Posted: 04 Dec 2017 11:43 PM PST

YANGON — The Oxford City Council stripped Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of its Freedom of the City award last Monday, an honor it bestowed on her in 1997. She collected the award in person in 2012, after 15 years under house arrest.

"Oxford has a long tradition of being a diverse and humane city, and our reputation is tarnished by honoring those who turn a blind eye to violence," Councilor Mary Clarkson said in a statement posted on Twitter.

The city joined a number of other British institutions that have stripped the state counselor of honorary titles given in recognition of her long struggle for democracy and her fight against oppressive military rule in Myanmar, all referencing the latest crisis in Rakhine State.

Following orchestrated attacks by a Muslim militant group, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, against police posts and an army base on Aug. 25, Myanmar's 72-year-old de facto leader has faced strong international censure for failing to criticize the military's response and to speak out against violence toward Rohingya Muslims.

Subsequent clashes and security operations by the Myanmar Army have left hundreds dead and hundreds of thousands displaced, including more than 620,000 Rohingya who have fled to Bangladesh amid reports of killing, rape and arson by the military.

During a joint press conference with US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson in Naypyitaw on Nov. 15, the state counselor insisted that she has not been silent about the humanitarian crisis.

"I think what people mean is that what I say is not interesting enough. But what I say is not meant to be exciting, it's meant to be accurate. And it's aimed at creating more harmony and a better future for everybody, not for setting people against each other," she said at the time.

"We mustn't forget that there are many different communities in Rakhine, and if they are to live together in peace and harmony in the long-term we can't set them against each other now. We cannot make the kind of statements that drive them further apart. This is the reason why we are very careful about what is said."

Among the groups and institutions criticizing her government's response to the Rohingya crisis, those in the UK seem to be the most active.

Last month, the London School of Economics voted to revoke an honorary presidency awarded to her in 1992. Before Oxford, the city councils of Glasgow and Sheffield stripped her of their own freedom of the city awards.

Oxford University's St. Hugh's College, from which Daw Aung San Suu Kyi graduated in 1967, removed her painted portrait and name from its common room. One of Britain's largest trade unions, Unison, has suspended an award it had given her.

The Irrawaddy interviewed scholars, politicians and activists to find out why they believe Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is being stripped of her awards and what they think of the practice.

Thitinan Pongsudhirak / Supplied

Thitinan Pongsudhirak, associate professor and director of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Thailand's Chulalongkorn University

Some places and people in the UK undoubtedly and understandably feel betrayed by ASSK [Aung San Suu Kyi]. They had huge and unrealistic expectations for her to come into power under democratic rule and take Myanmar forward. However, Myanmar is beset with deep-seated structural problems — e.g. internal conflicts — that precede and transcend Ms. Suu Kyi. She can only do so much, and she is achieving a democratic transition like she was supposed to. But it is premised on a compromise with the Tatmadaw. She cannot have the cake and eat it, too. She cannot just come to power and kick out the army overnight.

It’s like these UK places withdrawing her recognition because they feel jilted, a deep disappointment in the face of the humanitarian crisis in Rakhine. The Rohingya issue gnaws at the collective conscience of the international community. They want quick answers and are quick to blame. They can blame the Tatmadaw and [Senior General] Min Aung Hlaing, but they have already been blamed aplenty. They can relate more by blaming Ms. Suu Kyi because they are familiar with her.

It’s like the international community has put her up on the highest pedestal and made her into a global democracy icon, way beyond what she is capable [of] and what the reality on the ground would countenance. And now they are bringing her down.

The withdrawals of honors in the UK also reflect the facile views these institutions held of her in the first place. The world is complicated. Rakhine is an intractable mess.

Of course anything to do with the Tatmadaw does not go down well with international stakeholders. There is so much baggage and ill will regarding the army’s misdeeds in the past. That ASSK is working with the Tatmadaw and Min Aung Hlaing taints her in the eyes of [the] international community.

At the same time, I do think ASSK can take more risks on the Rakhine crisis. She can leverage her immense moral authority against the army for a more acceptable outcome…. Moreover, she has shown that she is a poor executive, with no message and no messenger — i.e. the virtual absence of a decent communications team.  She micromanages too much, does not have a grand strategy, and does not know how to be [the] transitional and transformative leader her country needs at this time.  And she has not groomed others to help and succeed her.

Al Haj U Aye Lwin / The Irrawaddy

AI Haj U Aye Lwin, chief convener for the Islamic Center of Myanmar and member of the Kofi Annan-led Advisory Commission on Rakhine State

We appreciated the Western nations very much for their help and support for democracy in Myanmar.  But their actions right now could put the democracy that they want to flourish in reverse. If the democratic forces are weak, the dictatorship will come back.

In her first public address [on the Rohingya crisis], the state counselor already said that she condemned any human rights violations and unlawful violence and that action would be taken against anyone, regardless of race, religion, or political standing, who violated human rights. She also said she would speak with those who have fled and those who have stayed in the state.

She invited diplomats and officials to observe the problem too. She has done all of this under difficult circumstances. In her second public address [on the Rohingya crisis], she spoke of the repatriation of refugees, houses to be rebuilt for the residents in the state, and programs to improve their lives. She had already formed the committees to implement the programs as well, as per the commission's recommendations.

I would like to tell them [Western critics] to consider carefully the conditions in Myanmar. There are forces trying to exploit religion for political gain, especially the hatred of Muslims. So speaking out however they want to is not essential. It is only important to do the things that need to be done to resolve the problems. They need to understand that. They are doing it to give moral support [to the refugees], but they are blaming the democratic forces and weakening them, which makes the dictators happy.

U Thant Thaw Kaung / The Irrawaddy

U Thant Thaw Kaung, founder of the Myanmar Book Center and Myanmar Book Aid and Preservation Foundation, a leading book importer and distributor in Myanmar

No one asked when they gave those awards. In Myanmar there is not only the Rakhine issue. We will show the world by our actions what needs to be done, as the state counselor said.

Ko Mya Aye / The Irrawaddy

Ko Mya Aye, a prominent Muslim political activist since the 1988 uprising

It is not good for the image of the state counselor or for our country. We felt upset. But it will all be over if we resolve everything fairly and justly.

I think it depends on the institutions and student unions in the UK. I don't know on what norms and standards they based their decisions. I assume that both accurate news and fake news reaches them. And accurate and fake information reaches the state counselor too.

Myawaddy Mingyi Sayadaw / Myawaddy Sayadaw/ Facebook

Myawaddy Mingyi Sayadaw, a senior Buddhist figure

Is it a small thing that Daw Suu has done? Who says she doesn't deserve those awards? Compared to her, those titles are too small. It is too childish to withdraw what they gave. Wait and see. Only those who revoked the awards will lose their dignity in the end, not her.

The post 'They Are Bringing Her Down' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Poems Highlight Love, Struggles of Migrant Workers in Singapore

Posted: 04 Dec 2017 09:24 PM PST

KUALA LUMPUR — When night falls after her 14-hour workday, Indonesian domestic worker Deni Apriyani retreats to her room in Singapore and reaches for a pen to jot down her feelings, in poem after poem.

"I usually write about my daily life," the 27-year-old said.

"I feel satisfied – it's like you have just released something heavy in your head," Apriyani told the Thomson Reuters Foundation from Singapore where she has been a domestic helper for an expatriate family since 2013.

Like tens of thousands of maids in Singapore, Apriyani rises at dawn to clean, cook and look after children but this largely invisible domestic workforce and other migrant workers in the city-state often live in the shadows.

Now a small number have taken to poetry to write about their daily struggles, being homesick, love and joy in an annual contest which aims to break down barriers with Singaporean society by showcasing migrant workers' literary talents.

Apriyani won the first prize at this year's competition on Sunday with a poem about domestic abuse, which was based on an account from a woman in her home village in Indonesia.

Organizers said they have seen steadily rising entries since the competition was launched in 2014, with over 100 submissions this year from migrant workers representing eight countries including Bangladesh, Myanmar and the Philippines.

The poems were mostly written in their own languages before being translated into English.

Organizer Shivaji Das said he had seen a surge in what he termed "activism poems" in recent years, which talk about the struggles of migrant workers.

"We have seen poems about their work situations, such as not being treated nicely, not being paid or around their living conditions," said Das, an Indian-born management consultant and author who moved to Singapore 12 years ago.

Migrant rights groups allege mistreatment of domestic helpers is widespread although the Singaporean authorities have consistently denied this.

Das said the aim of the competition was to give migrant workers "a voice and a platform."

"It is much more powerful to have them speaking about themselves in their own voice, their dreams and fears."

"The whole idea is when you see them in this way, you tend to appreciate them more as a complete human being, instead of being just an economic machine," Das told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Singapore counts on a large number of migrant workers in sectors ranging from construction and manufacturing to the service sector.

The post Poems Highlight Love, Struggles of Migrant Workers in Singapore appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week

Posted: 04 Dec 2017 08:59 PM PST

Air Kanbawza Lethwei Fight | Dec. 10

Myanmar, French and Japanese boxers will compete in this Lethwei challenge fight.

Dec. 10, 2 pm. Theinbyu Stadium. Tickets between 10,000 and 30,000 kyats at 01-557787, 01-8605145.

Zero Platform: International Performance Art Festival Dec. 8-10

This event will feature two days of performance art and a one-day seminar. More than 30 artists from Myanmar, Thailand, the Philippines, Vietnam, Finland, Poland, Germany and Belgium will participate.

Performances Dec. 8-9, 4 pm to 8 pm. Thakhin Mya Park. Seminar Dec. 10, 1 pm to 4 pm. New Zero Art Village, Pane-Nae-Gone Village, Hmawbi Tsp.

Book Fair Dec. 7-17

Yangon University Library will showcase rare books to celebrate the university's 97th anniversary.

Dec. 7-17. Yangon University Library.

Myanmar International Fashion Week Dec. 8-10

This event will showcase the latest fashion and jewelry items.

Dec. 8-10, 6 pm to 9 pm. Shwe Htut Tin Ground. Tickets at 01-553711, 01-551143, 01-400760

808 Festival Yangon 2017 Dec. 9

Boombox Cartel, Coone, DVBBS, Timmy Trumpet and Vini Vici, BG b2b Blacklix, BG X Hane and Kitty will perform.

Dec. 9. Thuwunnabhumi Event Park, Upper Pansodan Street. Tickets 25,000 kyats to 75,000 kyats at 09-43174433

Festive Christmas Performance | Dec. 9

This event features carol singing with a performance by the Orchestra for Myanmar and a special guest conductor from Poland, Maestro Wojciech Czepiel.

Dec. 9, 7 pm. Holy Trinity Cathedral, Bogyoke Road, next to Bogyoke Market. Free entry for people of all faiths.

Nay Myo: Solo Poetry Day Dec. 9

The respected poet and artist will recite old and new poems.

Dec. 9. 2 pm. Yangon Book Plaza, 5th Floor, Thanzay Market, Lanmadaw Tsp. Tickets 5,000 kyats. (Admission includes Nay Myo's new book, a drink and entry into a lucky draw to win one of his paintings.)

Property Show Dec. 9-10

High-end flats will be on sale at discounted prices at this event.

Dec. 9-10, 9am to 7 pm. LOTTE Hotels & Serviced Apartments, No. 82, Sin Phyu Shin Avenue, Pyay Road, 6½ Mile.

Morning Glory Exhibition Dec. 6-10

Hundreds of paintings by more than 40 female artists tackling a range of subjects will be showcased at this exhibition.

Dec. 6-10. Myanmar Artist and Artisan Association, Bogyoke Market.

Warm Sunshine Exhibition Dec. 8-12

This art exhibition features modernist works by Nay Myo.

Dec. 8-12. Ahla Thit Art Gallery, No. 17, University Avenue Road, Bahan Tsp.

The post Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rakhine Govt to Return Hindu Refugees to Maungdaw

Posted: 04 Dec 2017 08:29 PM PST

YANGON – At the request of the state government, all Hindu internally displaced persons (IDPs) currently sheltering in Danyawaddy football stadium in Rakhine's capital Sittwe returned to Maungdaw on Tuesday, according to Hindu community leader U Ni Mal.

On Nov. 28, the Arakan State Cabinet summoned Hindu community leaders to discuss the relocation. After attending the meeting, U Ni Mal disclosed that the state government wants all Hindus moved from the temporary IDP camp, as it plans to hold a football tournament in the coming weeks.

According to U Ni Mal, the government informed displaced Hindus that a temporary structure has been constructed for them right behind the Maungdaw District administrative office. Regional authorities pledged Hindus would be allowed to return to the places they were living in before the Aug. 25 attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in Maungdaw.

In response to ARSA attacks, the Myanmar Army launched attacks on the group, which resulted in more than 620,000 Rohingya refugees fleeing to neighboring Bangladesh. The international community has accused government troops of committing ethnic cleansing during the operations.

The Myanmar and Bangladesh governments signed a Memorandum of Outstanding (MoU) on a refugee repatriation agreement a couple of weeks ago in Naypyidaw. But details have not been officially announced yet.

"No one wants to return to their place of origin, as entire villages were butchered by aggressive Bengali attackers. We don't trust them. We told them it's impossible," said U Ni Mal.

Since the armed conflicts erupted in Maungdaw, more than 3,000 Hindus have fled to Sittwe Township and at least 1,200 have sought refuge in separate locations in Maungdaw district as well. As stability has been restored to the region, some Hindus have returned independently to Maungdaw. As of last week, 552 people remained in camps, with 352 returning on Sunday.

On Thursday, the remaining 200 people will be returned to Maungdaw. U Ni Mal said the state government would provide transportation and food for the displaced people.

U Ni Mal helped local authorities to unearth a mass grave containing the bodies of 45 Hindus in northern Maungdaw's Ye Baw Kya village in September. More than 50 additional bodies have yet to be recovered, though eight Hindu women among those returning from Bangladesh have shown authorities a crime scene near Baw Talar village.

"Dozens of Hindus were slaughtered near Baw Talar creek, but the killers threw the bodies into the creek. So we can't find them," said U Ni Mal.

He said he had received death threats via phone from Muslims angered that he has cooperated with the authorities.

"They are pissed off at me as I assisted authorities to find Hindu corpses. Actually, I was helping to locate the bodies to assist grieving families and my relatives, but they accuse me of being a government man," he said.

The post Rakhine Govt to Return Hindu Refugees to Maungdaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Monday, December 4, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


ANALYSIS: Tug Of War over Indigenous Rights and Govt’s Forestry Plan

Posted: 04 Dec 2017 05:06 AM PST

YANGON – Civil society organizations (CSOs) want the rights of indigenous people to be officially recognized in Myanmar's Nationally Determined Commitment (NDC), the government's action plan to implement the Paris Agreement for tackling carbon emissions, in order to prevent tribal people being driven from the forest to make way for climate-change mitigation projects.

The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) includes a legally established rights platform for indigenous people to support the exchange of experiences and the sharing of best practices on mitigation and adaptation. It was approved as part of the Paris Agreement that was signed in December 2015 at COP 21 (the Conference of Parties).

At COP 23 — held in the German city of Bonn last month — recommendations were submitted by various groups and states on ways to implement the platform, including a strategic plan, procedures and structure. Some Myanmar civil society groups like the Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) and Promotion of Indigenous and Nature Together (POINT) joined the Bonn conference from Nov. 6-17.

In an interview with The Irrawaddy, Mai Thin Yu Mon, one of CHRO's representatives in Bonn, revealed that participants exchanged views in a working group committee that provided a voice for the world's indigenous people, as well as drafting a rulebook for every nation in the world.

"Whenever people talk about climate change, they think it's about growing plants and increasing permanent forest estate. And then they start thinking of pulling out the people who rely on the forest, in order to grow plants and to protect the forest. As they only emphasize the forest, it destroys the livelihoods of these people," Mai Thin Yu Mon said.

The CHRO representative has been participating in UN climate change conferences for several years and noted that the indigenous rights platform was officially recognized by the UNFCCC several years ago after participants realized that while a small number of scientists and environmentalists could monitor rising global temperature and the impacts of climate change, tackling climate change in a holistic way required the local knowledge of indigenous people.

Deforestation Rates in Myanmar

In order to reduce carbon emissions, Myanmar submitted an Intended Nationally Determined Contribution (INDC) in 2015 and filed National Determined Commitments (NDC), which outline its voluntary national targets on climate-change mitigation and adaptations in future years.

The Global Forest Resources Assessments 2015 report indicates that Myanmar's forests cover 45 percent of its total land acreage, which was down dramatically from 60 percent 25 years earlier. Between 2010 and 2015, Myanmar's annual deforestation rate was 1.7 percent, which translates into the loss of approximately 546,000 hectares of forest per year and ranks as "the third largest net loss of area in the world within one decade."

The Myanmar government has announced a temporary logging ban nationwide, and a one-decade logging moratorium in the Bago Yoma Region, while round log exports have been forbidden since 2014.

As deforestation and degradation have surged, shrub and bush land across the state has proliferated as a result of increasing agriculture, the granting of large-scale industrial concessions (mainly for oil palm and rubber), timber harvesting, fuel-wood collection as well as charcoal production. Kyayah, Mon, Sagaing, Kayin and Chin states have also largely been affected by shifting cultivation, according to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation (MONERC).

According to a pamphlet on Myanmar's REDD program that was distributed at the Bonn conference, shifting cultivation remains widespread, covering at least 2-4 million hectares nationwide and probably more as monitoring on farming sites is limited.

Myanmar INDC and Indigenous Rights

The forestry master plan, or Myanmar NDC commitment, is likely to be resisted by ethnic groups who rely on shifting cultivation to sustain their communities.

In September, a confrontation occurred between local Kachin people and officials from the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation after the ministry announced a plan to seek World Heritage Site status for Mt Khakabo Razi in Kachin State's Putao area. Locals are concerned about land loss in the near future.

The Myanmar NDC identifies short, medium and long-term priority actions, including forestry, as well as the promotion of biodiversity in line with the Paris Agreement. But it does not mention indigenous people's rights, POINT program manager Hla Doi said.

POINT also provided a report which analyzed the Myanmar INDC. It says Myanmar plans a Permanent Forest Estate (PFE) under the management of MONERC and intends to expand the designation of Reserved Forests and Public Protected Forests (PPFs) to cover 30 percent and 10 percent of the country's land area, respectively. Those goals are also mentioned in Myanmar's 30-Year National Forestry Master Plan.

Myanmar's REDD program estimates that the annual mitigation potential for deforestation reduction targets of 30% by 2025 and 2030 would be around 10.1 million and 16.86 million metric tons of CO2, respectively. Given the current average global CO2 price of US$5 per ton, Myanmar stands to earn around US$51 million by 2025.

"The expansion of PPE does not recognize the rights of indigenous people and local communities to their forests and restricts access to the forest resources that are essential for their livelihoods, health and cultural traditions," the report says.

A Chin woman carries her child in a sling in Siangsawn, a village 5,255 feet above sea level in Chin State. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Hla Doi said, "By mentioning indigenous rights in its commitment paper [NDC], it could prevent land-grabbing and the expulsion of indigenous people who rely on the forest."

Mai Thin Yu Mon of the CHRO also noted that many indigenous people have been living in forests for generations, and had their own traditional forest management systems long before the government started branding different areas as nature reserve forest, protected forest and national gardens of Myanmar.

Tribal groups in Myanmar have traditionally used shifting cultivation with specific timeframes, such as abandoning a cultivated place for a few years and returning to the land again when it has regenerated. Mai Thin Yu Mon urged the government to adopt local practices that could contribute to mitigation projects in practical ways.

She added that deforestation was caused mainly by mass illegal logging in regions where there was a lack of law enforcement, referring to areas contested by armed ethnic groups.

As for the government's NDC approach, Mai Thin Yu Mon predicted, "As the areas are officially selected for reserved forests, indigenous people are going to be forced to leave and they will lose both their livelihoods and group identities."

The Irrawaddy sought to obtain from Hla Maung Thein, the director-general of the Environmental Conservation Department and also chair of the Myanmar delegation, an official response to the criticisms made by the CSOs regarding contested areas between the government Army and ethnic armed groups. Hla Maung Thein attended COP23 in Bonn but he could not be reached for comment on Tuesday.

Pushing on the International Stage

The International Indigenous Forum for Climate Change (IIFCC), which is the collective voice of indigenous people from around the world, designed a draft statement on the issue in Canada in September. The IIFFC and CSO groups brought the draft to COP23 and discussed it with government officials in the hope of reaching an agreement an on indigenous platform as well as a detailed plan, but the outlook for such action remains bleak, especially in Asia, where governments have shown little interest in protecting the rights of such groups.

Mai Thin Yu Mon noted that it was mentioned in discussions that sometimes China strongly opposed such indigenous rights platforms, as such a global platform would clash with its existing laws. The same problem can be seen in Myanmar, where the 2008 Constitution's provisions only mention "ethnic people" rather than "indigenous people."

"ASEAN governments are not interested much in indigenous rights as they don't want to change their enacted policies," Hla Doi said.

However, some wealthy countries, especially the U.S. and those in Europe, have supported a global mechanism for indigenous people and even allowed indigenous rights specialists to join government delegations to discuss the issue.

Kayah women work in a field in Demoso Township, Kayah State, in June. (Photo: Thet Tun Naing/ The Irrawaddy)

"We hope to be recognized as an official body under the UNFCCC that can consult with the UNFCCC regarding indigenous people's rights. Then, if Myanmar offers no way for indigenous people to join the climate action plan, we can lodge a complaint over it via the indigenous body," said Mai Thin Yu Mon.

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88 Generation Student Leader Still Working for Democracy

Posted: 04 Dec 2017 04:19 AM PST

Ko Mya Aye, a prominent leader of the 88 Generation students—a term used to refer to the young leaders who took a prominent role in Myanmar's pro-democracy uprising in 1988—has resigned from the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, a civil society organization formed by these student leaders.

The Muslim pro-democracy activist recently sat down with The Irrawaddy's Htun Htun and talked about continuing his political commitments following his resignation.

What made you resign from the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society?

It is not because of disagreements. In certain cases, I wanted to talk more openly. As some members of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society are establishing a political party, I thought I might have some difficulty in performing my duty, so I stepped down. This is not a departure from politics or due to bitter disagreements.

What are your priorities? Were there any restrictions on you in the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society?

I view the Rakhine problem as a very critical issue that directly concerns the sovereignty of the country. People are talking about harmonizing the two societies [Rohingya Muslims and Arakanese Buddhists]. We can't allow R2P [responsibility to protect]. We need to work together with the government to get rid of [religious and racial] extremism from society, which may cause some friction.

As for the peace process, we should think about how to start negotiations with the Northern Alliance [armed ethnic groups based in northern Myanmar] rather than ignoring it. Meanwhile, there have been setbacks in peace negotiations with the UNFC [United Nationalities Federal Council].

We need to express our views and take action to break this stalemate. It is time we question whether 21st Century Panglong is enough [to create peace] and if Myanmar's peace process is really making progress.

How will you engage in ethnic issues after resigning from your organization?

I have reached an agreement with some people to work with them. It is important to have a straightforward approach toward ethnicities. To put it frankly, you can engage in ethnic issues if you are willing to think about how to bring about self-determination, fundamental rights and a federal Union for them. A lot of 88-Generation members, including those abroad, are willing to do so.

Will you join a political party?

No, I won't. There are many other 88 Generation students. Politics by its nature is not a single man's work. It is about cooperation and collaboration. It is not one man's show and it is difficult to handle alone. I've talked with like-minded people about building a federal Union. I will continue engaging in the country's peace process and I'd like to create harmony in a divided society.

I've got a lot of like-minded people to serve human rights, farmers' rights and labor rights. Perhaps we may become an entity. I'd like to engage in politics based on principle, but not a political party.

What is your view on the political party of your former comrade U Ko Ko Gyi?

Political parties are about taking and managing the State's power. Everybody says a federal Union will be built. In fact, principle is important in building a federal Union. Though everybody is saying federalism, we will get nowhere if there are faults with the operation, even if we have a policy.

In my opinion, political parties should have coherent policies rather than the general policy of building democracy and a federal Union. I totally agree with Ko Ko Gyi's party in principle though I chose not to join it. This is democracy and they have a right to do so. And the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society is cooperating in some areas.

You have come under more political attacks than other 88 Generation members because of your religion. Does that cause difficulties?

There are no difficulties, but there are pressures. There were pressures even when I was in the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society. There are attacks against me on the grounds of religion, but not on my activities. What can I do? I belong to a different religion. I am and will be subject to discriminatory attacks on the grounds of religion. But the warmth of some people can make up for all those attacks.

Political analysts suggest that the Rakhine issue has pushed Myanmar closer to China. What is your view?

That is true, especially because of our geopolitics. Our location necessitates maintaining ties with China. Previously, Myanmar's government wanted to rebalance its ties with China and western countries. Unfortunately, that has failed. It is bad for our country. I am worried that we will have to rely completely on one country.

Do you think Myanmar's closer ties with China will pave the way for the Northern Alliance to make peace with the Myanmar government?

Not necessarily. Perhaps, it may contribute to some extent. There is a need to find out the reasons that make them distance themselves from each other. Your question suggests that the Northern Alliance is under the thumb of China. We should not view it like that. Let's take the KIA [Kachin Independence Army] as an example. We need to understand its standpoints and feelings. It'd be better not to make suggestions if we are not sure about the connections between them and China.

What are your suggestions to solve the Rakhine issue?

R2P will bring more disadvantages than advantages. So, you would ask me if we should raise a serious objection then. We can't. The more we deny, the more we lose. We have to think delicately about how to handle international pressures and the current situation. [Former national security adviser] Minister U Thaung Tun has said we are in a red stage. Our country is at a critical point. While civil society and non-governmental organizations should think about how to create harmony between the two societies, the government should strictly enforce rule of law.

The government knows the causes of the problems. There are people who have served in the government since the time of the military government. The government should verify according to the 1982 Citizenship Law and immigration records, and grant [full] citizenship and naturalized citizenship accordingly. And it should implement this process in cooperation with western countries which are calling for R2P. If the government is acting honestly and justly, R2P will not be applied and international pressures will also reduce. I would like to urge those concerned to avoid provocative remarks.

What do you think of the NLD government's handling of the Rakhine issue?

I think the NLD government knows certain things about the Rakhine issue, but it seems to be quite difficult for it to handle. The 2008 Constitution is the major challenge. The country will pick up and we'll be able to see good results in 2020 if we can overcome this challenge.

The Rakhine issue has marred Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's image on the international stage and she also has had some honors removed. Do you think it is related to her handling of the issue?

Everyone should be aware that our country will fall if Daw Aung San Suu Kyi falls. Once she falls, our country will not recover. We need to understand that she can't fail. Perhaps her image has been marred because of some misunderstanding under some circumstances. But I don't think her reputation will continue to suffer if she walks on rightly.

What is your political aspiration for the future?

As a citizen, I will continue to serve the interests of the country and people. My goal is to establish a democratic country conceptualized by the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. I will continue my efforts until such a country is built. I individually will not join parliamentary politics.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Ethnic Language Teachers Missing Months of Govt Pay

Posted: 04 Dec 2017 03:42 AM PST

Hundreds of ethnic language school teachers in Mon and Karen states have been missing out on their salaries for the past several months, according to local sources, despite a government promise to pay them at the end of each month.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy today, U Myo Tit Aung, the education minister in Mon State, blamed the Union government for not yet allocating money for ethnic language teacher salaries to the state.

"The Union government did not yet divide [the budget] for our expenses, so we could not give them their salaries," U Myo Tit Aung said.

"We even asked them when they could give it to us. They told us they will give it, but we do not know when," the minister added.

There are 1,792 ethnic language school teachers in Mon State — including 595 teaching Mon, 445 teaching Sgaw Karen, 161 teaching Pwo Karen, and 67 teaching Pa-O — instructing more than 43,000 students.

Last year the state government agreed to a proposal from the Mon Literature and Culture Committee, a community group, to pay the language teachers a monthly salary of 30,000 kyat, due at the end of each month.

However, hundreds of language teachers have not been paid for the past six months, said Nai Mon Rai Jai, the Mon Literature and Culture Committee's general secretary.

"We want to know where their pay is. Our Mon teachers are civil servants; they should have the same rights as government school teachers," he said.

Nai Mon Rai Jai said his committee has asked the state government for the teachers' salaries several times, to no avail, and he suggested officials meet with the teachers directly to explain to them why their salaries haven't arrived.

He said the teachers had also gone unpaid for a nine-month stretch last year and that the repeated delays were a reflection of the Union government's overall lack of respect for ethnic groups and their languages, belying its pledges to give them equal rights.

Despite multiple requests by the Mon Literate and Culture Committee, the government does not allow ethnic language instruction during regular school hours.

"I am not saying our ethnic teachers need money, but it is not normal to treat them like this," Nai Mon Rai Jai said.

The pay delays have also come up in the state Parliament.

"I have talked about it a lot in Parliament. I have talked about it so much my mouth has gotten bigger. But the Parliament just says the Union government has not provided it [the salaries] yet," said U Tun Min Aung, the state's ethnic affairs minister.

Similar delays are occurring in Karen State, according to its ethnic affairs minister, U Min Tin Win. He said the Union government might pay the salaries in January.

There are a total 21,000 ethnic language school teachers across the country teaching 51 languages.

The post Ethnic Language Teachers Missing Months of Govt Pay appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pope Reveals Details About Army Chief Meeting and Defends Avoiding Word ‘Rohingya’

Posted: 04 Dec 2017 03:32 AM PST

YANGON — Pope Francis, who did not publicly use the word Rohingya during his recent visit to Myanmar, said he was still able to make his message clear during his meeting with Myanmar military leader Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing.

Pope Francis was in Myanmar last week as the first ever Head of the Vatican to visit the country.

During his four-day visit to Myanmar, the first person Pope Francis met upon his arrival was neither the country's president U Htin Kyaw nor State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. It was the chief of Myanmar's powerful military Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, who has been internationally accused of his army's human rights abuses against the minority Rohingya Muslims.

Little was revealed of the details of the meeting between the two leaders until a press conference was held by Pope Francis on board the plane on his way back to Rome on Saturday.

In the wake of the meeting, Vatican Radio reported on Monday that "they discussed the great responsibility of authorities of the country in this time of transition," quoted Greg Burke, the director of the Holy See Office as saying.

The Senior General's Facebook post about the meeting said the Snr-Gen explained to the Pope that there was no religious discrimination in Myanmar as the country ensures religious freedom.

When asked about the meeting on Saturday, the Pope said Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing asked him for the meeting and it was a good and civilized meeting.

"This general asked me to speak. And I received him. I never close the door…..It was a beautiful conversation. I couldn't say because it was private but I didn't negotiate the truth," he said, according to a transcript of the press conference.

The meeting was initially scheduled for Thursday before the papal departure to Bangladesh. When asked about the change in schedule and if he felt he was politically manipulated by the general to show who was the most superior in the country, the Pope replied: "I don't know the intentions but I was interested in dialogue."

The Vatican also acknowledged that the meeting breached protocol as Myanmar's military chief met with Pope Francis before the pontiff met with the country's civilian leadership.

When pressed if he used the word Rohingya during the meeting with the general, the Pope replied he used the words needed to get to the message.

"When I saw the message was accepted, I dared to say everything I wanted to say," he said by using a Latin phrase meaning 'few words are enough for the one who understands.'

During his stay in Myanmar, the Pope also met with the country's president U Htin Kyaw, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and leading senior Buddhist monks from Ma Ha Na, the State Sangha authority.

The pope was criticized for not using the word Rohingya while he was in Myanmar.

During the press conference on Saturday, the Pope said if he had said the word in official speeches, it would have been a door slammed in the face.

"I was very, very satisfied with the talks that I was able to have because it's true I haven't had the pleasure of throwing the door in a face publicly with a denunciation, but I did have the satisfaction of dialoguing and letting the other speak and in that way the message arrived."

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Fake IEDs Found at Myanmar Embassy in Bangkok

Posted: 04 Dec 2017 12:08 AM PST

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Two fake improvised explosive devices were found in a trash can near the entrance to the Myanmar Embassy's visa section in Bangkok on Monday morning.

The area was closed while Thailand's bomb squad investigated. Embassy services stopped for about three hours.

Myanmar's Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) released a statement on Facebook that read: "It was a fake bomb, in which the plastic pipes and watch were taped and inside the plastic was rice."

Myanmar authorities are cautious about the security of the embassy and its staff, the statement continued.

U Moe Aung Khine, the labor attaché from the Myanmar Embassy, told The Irrawaddy that the device it was found around 9 a.m. and Thai police were informed.  The bomb squad confirmed that it was an improvised device but that there was no need to worry just before noon.

Hundreds of Myanmar migrant workers had been in line for various services, some picking up passports or applying for visa extensions.

Ko Johny, a migrant worker from Chiang Mai who was at the embassy to pick up his passport, told The Irrawaddy: "We were shocked. If something had exploded, many people inside and outside of the embassy could have been hurt."

He was relieved when police assured that everything was "fine and back to normal," and continued to wait for his passport.

Thai police currently do not have any information regarding suspects, but said they would check CCTV footage and investigate.

The post Fake IEDs Found at Myanmar Embassy in Bangkok appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

S Korea, US Kick Off Largest Air Exercise Amid N Korean Warnings

Posted: 03 Dec 2017 08:50 PM PST

SEOUL — South Korea and the United States launched their largest-ever joint aerial drills on Monday, officials said, a week after North Korea said it had tested its most advanced missile as part of a weapons program that has raised global tensions.

The annual US-South Korean drill, called Vigilant Ace, will run until Friday, with six F-22 Raptor stealth fighters to be deployed among the more than 230 aircraft taking part. The exercises have been condemned as a provocation by the isolated North.

F-35 fighters will also join the drill, which will also include the largest number of fifth generation fighters to take part, according to a South Korea-based US Air Force spokesman.

Around 12,000 US service members, including from the Marines and Navy, will join South Korean troops. Aircraft taking part will be flown from eight US and South Korean military installations.

South Korean media reports said B-1B Lancer bombers could join the exercise this week. The US Air Force spokesman could not confirm the reports.

The joint exercise is designed to enhance readiness and operational capability and to ensure peace and security on the Korean peninsula, the US military had said before the drills began.

The drills come a week after North Korea said it had tested its most advanced intercontinental ballistic missile ever in defiance of international sanctions and condemnation.

Pyongyang blamed US President Donald Trump for raising tensions and warned on the weekend the Vigilant Ace exercise was pushing tensions on the Korean peninsula towards "a flare-up," according to North Korean state media.

North Korea's Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Country called Trump "insane" on Sunday and said the drill would "push the already acute situation on the Korean peninsula to the brink of nuclear war."

The North's KCNA state news agency, citing a foreign ministry spokesman, also said on Saturday the Trump administration was "begging for nuclear war by staging an extremely dangerous nuclear gamble on the Korean peninsula."

North Korea regularly uses its state media to threaten the United States and its allies.

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Saturday, December 2, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Myanmar Turns To China as It Faces International Criticism

Posted: 01 Dec 2017 07:15 PM PST

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! Myanmar has faced growing criticism from the international community – especially western countries – after conflicts intensified in Rakhine State. This has pushed the Myanmar government and Tatmadaw back to China. Recently, the US Secretary of State visited Myanmar, and after he returned, he slammed the Tatmadaw for what happened in Rakhine State and labeled it "ethnic cleansing." Then, it seems as though both the Myanmar government and Tatmadaw turned toward China. I've invited political analyst Dr. Yan Myo Thein to discuss this. I'm Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

Dateline Irrawaddy : အေနာက္ႏုုိင္ငံေတြရဲ႕ရခိုင္အေရး ေ၀ဖန္မႈေတြ…

Dateline Irrawaddy : အေနာက္ႏုုိင္ငံေတြရဲ႕ရခိုင္အေရး ေ၀ဖန္မႈေတြဟာ ျမန္မာ ကုုိ တရုုတ္နဲ႔ ယခင္ထက္ပုုိမုုိနီးကပ္သြားေစသလားရခုုိင္အေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တဲ႔အေနာက္ႏုုိင္ငံေတြရဲ႕ေ၀ဖန္မႈေတြဟာ ျမန္မာအစုုိးရနဲ႔ တပ္မေတာ္ကုုိ တရုုတ္နဲ႔ ယခင္ထက္ပုုိမုုိနီးကပ္သြားေစသလား ဆိုုတာနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ဧရာ၀တီ အဂၤလိပ္ပုုိင္းအယ္ဒီတာ ေက်ာ္စြာမုုိးနဲ႔ ႏုုိင္ငံေရးေလ့လာသုုံးသပ္သူ ေဒါက္တာရန္မ်ဳိးသိမ္းတုုိ႔က ဒီတပတ္ ဒိတ္လုုိင္းအစီအစဥ္မွာ ေဆြးေႏြးထားၾကပါတယ္။

Posted by The Irrawaddy – Burmese Edition on Friday, December 1, 2017

About 600,000 Rohingya Muslims fled to Bangladesh after militant attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in August prompted military counter-insurgency operations. The international community strongly condemned Myanmar. Countries like China and Russia stood by Myanmar when it came under pressure. Apparently, those pressures have pushed Myanmar closer to China. Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing recently visited China. And State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is going to pay her second visit to China this year. People are speculating over whether the two countries are deliberately strengthening ties or if international pressure has caused this. What do you think?

Yan Myo Thein: Elections were held in 2010 and President U Thein Sein's government emerged in 2011. Since then, Myanmar has started to improve its ties with European and western countries including the US. On the other hand, it maintained its existing 'Pauk-Phaw' relationship with the People's Republic of China.

But after the 2015 election saw the government led by President U Htin Kyaw and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi taking office, most people expected that Myanmar would win greater support and assistance from European and western countries including the US, and that it would be able to step out of the shadows of China more.

But because of what happened in Rakhine State, Myanmar has come under the pressure and restrictions of western countries including the US. Consequently, this has made Myanmar lean towards China. As you have said, former President U Thein Sein visited China once a year during his term. He visited China five times.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi visited China in 2015 before she could form the government that succeeded U Thein Sein's. Then she visited China in 2016, and paid another visit in late April this year. Therefore, her planned visit on Nov. 30 is her second visit to China in a single year. According to my study, I have found no records of Myanmar's previous State leaders visiting China twice in a year. Considering this, we can guess that Myanmar and China have grown close because of international pressures.

Recently, Myanmar Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing visited China. Chinese President Xi Jinping received him and apparently agreed to increase cooperation between the two armed forces. Xi Jinping said that Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's visit was successful. Considering all of this, I think western countries including the US do not have very good approaches toward Myanmar's crises, challenges and problems.

KZM: Those factors might have contributed to a certain extent. But in my opinion, the main point is that the government has changed. U Thein Sein's government and the preceding military government had good relationships with China. At that time, people didn't like China because it supported a government that was not elected by them.

YMT: Yes, they didn't.

KZM: Frankly speaking, there were anti-China sentiments at that time. Then, the National League for Democracy (NLD) government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi took office, and the main difference from its predecessors was that the people supported it. It is fair to say that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has even gained greater popularity lately. Under such circumstances, I think people may have a good opinion of any government that supports Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government.

Myanmar people used to like the US because it supported democracy in Myanmar. But now Myanmar people are not happy with the responses of western countries including the US, probably because they feel that western countries don't understand them. Speaking of China, it has politically and economically backed Myanmar governments—the military regime—over the past three decades. And it has benefitted. It seems that China will get further benefits from Myanmar, which is being forced into a corner. Especially, the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone in Rakhine, and a trunk road…

YMT: Yes, the Yunnan-Mandalay-Yangon-Kyaukphyu economic corridor.

KZM: So, I think this has further opened the way for China….

YMT: Yes, I think so.

KZM: in terms of economic opportunities in Myanmar.

YMT: As you've discussed, when Myanmar was under military control, people didn't support the Tatmadaw government. So, they supported sanctions targeted at the Tatmadaw government. But now, the international community must take this fact into consideration that the government was elected by the majority of people.

The international community should make multilateral engagement with both the Myanmar government and Tatmadaw. They should engage and negotiate with them in various aspects so as to find answers. On the other hand, Myanmar government shouldn't have unnecessary concerns. For example, it should open the way for international cooperation. It would be a positive step for Myanmar's government to open the way for the regional Asean bloc to take a part in solving the problems, difficulties, and crises facing the country. Another thing is about media. As far as I'm concerned, it is still difficult for media to get into Rakhine for reporting. They are still being restricted. So, we have to think about how we can change the situation.

KZM: That's the problem of the Myanmar government. It has not permitted the UN to do an investigation. It has also restricted the media. It'd be better for it to open up. It'd be better not to impose restrictions if it had not made any mistake or wrongdoing. But now, all the reports have come from Bangladesh as a result.

As you've said, cooperation is the most important thing. The government is almost two years in office now. Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing visited European countries [in 2016 and in April this year]. But lately, it appears that the Myanmar Army has to rely more on China.

As we've mentioned earlier, [Chinese President Xi Jinping] said that his visit was successful. And it is likely that there will be greater cooperation between the two armed forces. In the wake of the Rakhine issue, the UK cancelled its training for the Myanmar Army. And the US is considering imposing sanctions on Myanmar military leadership. This will have political consequences on Myanmar.

YMT: What is sure is that if western countries continue engaging with us this way, China's influence on our country will increase politically, economically and militarily. Regarding the Yunnan-Yangon-Mandalay-Kyaukphyu economic corridor, people have just learned about that project recently. Previously, they only knew about the Kyaukphyu-Kunming railroad and motor road project.

The economic corridor is a much bigger project than we previously thought, and it is likely to become a part of the India-Bangladesh-Myanmar-China economic corridor. We need to think about how we can benefits from these Chinese projects for our people and the development of our country. At the same time, we also need to think about how we can win back the trust and support of western countries including the US in our political transition.

KZM: That is extremely important.

YMT: Yes, it is.

KZM: From Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's speeches and her talks with foreign diplomats, we can say that she has not completely leaned towards China. It seems that she will pursue a rebalancing strategy because we need assistance from the international community. We are one of the poorest countries in the world and have no political stability at all. We have a long way to go to make peace with armed ethnic groups. So, I think the leaders of our country need to act very shrewdly. They shouldn't tactlessly distance themselves from the world.

YMT: The foreign policy and international relations tactics and procedures of our country's leaders are extremely important. European and western countries including the US have constantly supported our country—they greatly supported our struggle for democracy. But we are still in a transition to democracy. And we can't even lay down a sound foundation yet. Our country's democracy is still in its nascent stage.

Besides, there are a lot of crises and conflicts including the Rakhine issue facing us. So, the political storm is really strong. Under such circumstances, the government, Tatmadaw, political parties, and civil society organizations should think about how to work in collaboration to win back the support of western countries including the US. They should identify weak points and try to fix them. Another thing is the role that Myanmar diplomats in foreign countries can play. Ambassadors appointed by the government are the strikers in implementing our foreign policy. They need to explain the situation and engage [with foreign governments] on the front line.

KZM: Thank you for your contribution!

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Tatmadaw Chief Offers Cryptic Definition of Military’s Political Role

Posted: 01 Dec 2017 06:37 PM PST

CHIANG MAI, Thailand – Myanmar Army chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing said the military as an institution must be free of political influence, while at the same time asserting the principle that the Tatmadaw continues its efforts in support of "national politics."

During an address to newly graduating officers of the Defense Service Academy's intake 59 in Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay Region, on Friday, the Army chief also singled out for praise his troops' handling of the Rakhine State crisis and peace-building efforts in the country.

His remarks drew criticism from observers and political analysts, who pointed to the fact that 25 percent of seats in the legislature are reserved for military appointees, while the Tatmadaw also retains control of three key ministerial posts.

The Tatmadaw "must be a professional army that is apolitical; to be out of the shadow of political influence, it must not be involved in party politics or national politics," said Dr. Yan Myo Thein, a political analyst.

Only when the Tatmadaw is a professional institution will it be able to assist in the country's democratic transition, he said.

To achieve that, he said, the Tatmadaw "needs to end its involvement in the government and parliament sooner rather than later."

While the Army Chief has stressed the importance of making the Tatmadaw a "standard" army, this is different from the professional institution advocated by many observers.

Defining what is meant by being "free of the shadow of political influence" is tricky, said Kheung Sai, an adviser to the Restoration Council of Shan State. Only Sen Gen Min Aung Hlaing can really say what this means, Kheung Sai said.

He suggested two possible meanings for the general's remark: that the Tatmadaw is a professional army that does not participate in politics; or that the Tatmadaw is not influenced by a particular political party.

Allegations of rights abuses denied

Despite accusations of human rights violations against ethnic minority areas during the civil war over the past seven decades, most recently in northern Rakhine State, the Army chief insisted that his troops strictly followed orders, rules and regulations.

"No one is above the law," he said, adding that the Tatmadaw has a constitutional duty to protect citizens and the state without harming the state's sovereignty.

He urged the new graduates to be good officers who are loyal to their superiors, respected by their subordinates and trusted by the people.

Highlighting the Tatmadaw's role in the current Rakhine crisis, he said that while the military's efforts have been in accordance with the law, international institutions and some Western media misunderstood the Rakhine crisis due to the dissemination of incorrect information and propaganda.

Though he did not mention any specific reports, it is likely that he was referring to those published by international human rights organizations during the past three months.

Human Rights Watch has accused Tatmadaw troops of killing Rohingya and committing mass rapes against Rohingya women and girls. The United Nations and the U.S. have described the situation in Rakhine State as "ethnic cleansing", and Amnesty International has labeled the political situation there as "apartheid". Some Western media have suggested the Rohingya are the victims of genocide. Most people in Myanmar use the term "Bengali" rather than Rohingya.

Sen Gen Min Aung Hlaing reiterated that his men "strictly followed orders and acted in accordance with the rules of engagement [ROE] during the recent Rakhine crisis." He said the Muslim militant group known as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) – which the government regards as a terrorist group – coordinated attacks on 30 police outposts and an Army base and brutally killed local villagers. The general did not specify any groups of victims by name, but they are known to have included Rakhines, Mro and Hindus.

Groups of minority Hindus were brutally killed in an ARSA attack on Aug. 25. Their bodies were unearthed one month later, on Sept. 24.

"The Tatmadaw will provide full protection for those minority groups in Rakhine State to protect them from 'genocide'," he added.

Push for NCA implementation

Regarding the peace building process, he affirmed the Tatmadaw's view that the six-point policy for peace should be followed by all sides, as it was drafted based on past experiences and the current circumstances.

He emphasized the importance of signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with the eight ethnic armed groups, adding that "NCA principles don't impose any restriction nor prohibition on the rights of the people and allow them to enjoy their rights as much as possible. Thus peace can be achieved by quick implementation of the NCA."

The Army chief's remarks about the NCA were welcomed by Kheung Sai, who said the military leader's comment would help smooth the path for further negotiations.

Negotiations at a recent meeting of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee and a review of the NCA's implementation involved heated debates over each term of the NCA, he explained.

However, he said, "it should be clear that there are still some terms on which the ethnic armed organizations [EAOs]' leadership and the Tatmadaw have yet to agree."

One of these sticking points concerns the definition of security reintegration, he said, with questions remaining over whether reintegration refers to assimilation into society or disarmament. This still needs further clarification, Kheung Sai said.

EAO leaders want detailed discussions of security sector reforms (SSR). However, the Tatmadaw wants to limit discussions to disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) under the topic of security sector reintegration.

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