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Posted:
Microsoft has made an official statement expressing frustration at how "inaccurate and incomplete" the reports game journalists have been making regarding the topic are. Why are they blaming us?
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Posted:
Sony is a sponsor of the UEFA Champions League and they have been advertising PlayStation pretty heavily.
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Posted:
EA has released a new screenshot from the Battlefield 4 singleplayer campaign.
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Posted:
For many months, media outlets, consumers, and gamers referred to Microsofts next-generation console as the Xbox 720. However, all that changed this week when Microsoft officially unveiled their new console and named it the Xbox One, a surprise to many.
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Posted:
GR writes: "Following the announcement of the Xbox One the results have been clear: many people arent happy about what Microsoft is doing with the Xbox brand. Reading comments and feedback online would lead you to believe that the Xbox One has no chance of competing next-gen. Meanwhile, gamers have been quick to wrap their arms around the yet-to-be-released or even seen PS4, which Sony touts as gamer-focused hardware. While there is good reason for these trends, this is only the beginning of a long feud and there are several challenges the PS4 faces that make it anything but the perfect machine you may be led to believe."
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Saturday, May 25, 2013
N4G: Today Hot
Friday, May 24, 2013
Refugees too distrustful of government to go home
Refugees too distrustful of government to go home
Following a series of attack on Shan State Army (SSA) Task Force 701
base on Sino-Burma border by the Burma Army two weeks ago, which sent
thousands of refugees to China, although the fight was over, people are
still fearful to return home as they distrust the army, said local news
sources from Namkham.
Refugees stranding at a Sino-Burma border
“People return to their homes in day time, but dare not spend the
night, so in the evening they cross back to China for rest. Let alone
the people who live on the other side of the Mao (Shwe) River, even for
people in the town of Namkham, it is a nightmare at night. Bomb blasts
and gun fires would occur here and there. Moreover, Burma Army is also
reinforcing its troops in the area with troops from Mandalay. This
impact on the people’s life and they are suffering mentally,” said Sai
Ai Mon, a member of Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) Namkham
branch.
It has been reported that the commander of Burma Army’s area command
met with the refugees and unsuccessfully persuaded them to return home.
Meanwhile, the Burma Army is also reinforcing its troops in the Loi
Hohso area bordering between Namkham Township and Kachin State, which
has sent people from Wan Sawn, Kunkeng, Kawng Nawng, Samtan, Wanmai,
Hinlong further 6 villages to Xiao Yun Pan village in China, added local
sources.
Related to the above news sources, SHAN has reached out to the SSA
Task Force 701 commander Lt-Col Zawm Mong who said, “As we are relocated
between east and west of Kachin Independence Army, if the Burma Army
decides to use force, they [Burma Army] will first encounter the KIA
troops either from east or west. It is not yet clear if the Burma Army
will attack any time soon. On the other hand, KIO and Burma Army are
preparing for a peace talk. The army may not want to put the peace talk
at risk.”
Receiving bags of rice donated by supporters
Meanwhile Sai Ai Mon said 2 Shan political parties from Namkham are
actively joining hands to get support and relief aid to the refugees for
their daily survival.
“Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) and Shan Nationalities
League for Democracy (SNLD) are collecting rice, cooking oil, salt,
medicine, clothing and other utensils in the town. Those supplies will
be delivered to the refugees on 24 May. Burma Army is also said to have
distributed rice 5 pey (16 liters) per family to some villages, which
were seized from SSA Task Force base. And 1 bag (60 liters) of rice per
household are also being distributed through the Border and Rural
Development Program. The government even has promised to repair the
houses which were destroyed during the fighting. People say, many of the
houses were destroyed after the attacks. However, whatever the
government is trying to amend and heal the wounds by this kind of
support, people will not believe them”.
Similarly, young people from Muse also have been collecting donations from the town, said a young man from Muse.
“Since 13 May, we have been visiting door-to-door toke-su
(fundraising) for the refugees in Muse. People are generously offering
donations. Within 5 days, we have raised 2 million Kyat ($2,200). We
have already delivered 12 bags of rice to the refugees. Now we are
collecting the funds. Although the army has told the refugees that now
they can return home, people will do so only if there is a certain
organization that can give them a guarantee for their safety. Some
houses have been looted in which they lost between $ 2,000–$ 3,000. Some
also said to have lost national identification (ID) cards. Some people
complain the loss of ID cards in tears,” said a Muse native Ai Sai.
Due to the attack on SSA Task Force base 701 in Namkham Township on
Sino-Burma border by a 400-strong force under the control of Military
Operations Command #16, people from Nawng Ma and other villages in the
region have fled to China for their safety at the time of reporting.
Credited to SHAN
Testing Time for Myanmar
Testing Time for Myanmar
Monday, 01 April 2013 17:25 Soe Myint (Editor-in-Chief, Mizzima)
Recent riots in Meiktila and other parts of central Myanmar once again show that the country is passing through a testing time. The stakeholders—be it the armed forces, the opposition democracy activists or government officials—are each facing challenges in handling the recent communal and/or religious conflict.
Recent riots in Meiktila and other parts of central Myanmar once again show that the country is passing through a testing time. The stakeholders—be it the armed forces, the opposition democracy activists or government officials—are each facing challenges in handling the recent communal and/or religious conflict.
Burmese
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein are shown
in an earlier meeting, in a file photo. Photo: MRTV
If one
wants to understand why such communal and religious riots broke out in
Myanmar so soon after the country opened up, there are certain
underlying factors that need to be looked at.
Firstly is the fact that the majority of people in Myanmar are Buddhists and very religious (in a good sense) and they want to practice their faith publicly. However, there are, as in every society, both national extremists and religious extremists who want to exploit the transition of the country to their advantage and create space for themselves in this transitional period. This is equally true for opposition parties, businesspeople, armed ethnic groups, the military, and even the private media.
After decades of repressive military rule and living in a closed society, cut off from the rest of the world, people want to exercise their new-found freedom. This is the first time that they can target the establishment after harboring grievances for so long. The public has high expectations from the democratic changes underway in Myanmar.
In many ways, the anti-Muslim sentiment being exploited and led by certain factions of Buddhist monks is a way of expressing anti-establishment feelings. Many monks are still angry from the way the military brutally cracked down on their peaceful protests in 2007 and the recent mis-handling (another violent crackdown) of the Latpadaung copper mine protest by the police.
Another factor is a lack of education among some people, combined with the economic challenges, means people are more easily provoked.
The government is not sure (or at least it was not sure) of how to handle this kind of riot in a civilian way. The government is learning and it needs the support from its political alliances and its own citizens.
Yes, there are certain rogue elements within the establishment who are extreme nationalists or want to use it for their own benefit or specific political purposes, but the government in general and security forces are wary of how to handle such riots. In the past, riots like this were met with violent crackdowns and armed responses. The reaction was the same in Rakhine State last year. But the government realized that this was not the right way to deal with that kind of situation.
They are also aware that the international community and media are watching events in Myanmar closely. But it is not the role of the media to create what they call “fundamentalists”.
Condemnation of certain factions is not the answer or solution. One should not lose sight of the fact that the country is in transition under the framework of national reconciliation. Whatever we do, we should try to focus on not derailing the country and its stakeholders from the path of national reconciliation.
It is easy to condemn an event or a particular section of society, but it is difficult to bring everyone together on a path that moves forward. If we lose sight of the path of national reconciliation, it will likely take many years for Myanmar to reach the current level of changes or reforms.
In every transition, there are challenges and risks as well as opportunities. We should try to minimize the risks and challenges while taking maximum possible opportunities for the betterment of the society and country. This is easier said than done.
Of course, we should say outright that Myanmar should not provide a space for religious and racial fundamentalists. We should say that security forces should not be biased and should be professional in handling any riots in the country. We should say that there should not be a space for any sort of discrimination in Myanmar. The people of Myanmar accept that the country is not monolithic but it is a multi-linguistic, multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. The majority have to respect the minority.
But it is incomplete if we do not try to understand the root of the problems. It will not be complete if we are not consistent and focused to move along the path the stakeholders have agreed to follow: national reconciliation. These problems have existed in the country for a long time and will likely continue to do so for some time. They should be addressed over time and consistently with continuity.
Contrary to many people’s criticism for her “inaction”, I believe Daw Aung San Suu Kyi knows clearly that the country should be moving forward within the frame of this national reconciliation. This is what she is doing and this is the example that she is attempting to set for the people of Myanmar.
One should also recognize certain realities in the country. The present government is a quasi-civilian government that came to power not by a free and fair election but by keeping a strong opposition in jail with a one-sided election. Many of the leaders of the present government were former soldiers. The present constitution, that was adopted forcibly by the previous military regime just a few days after the country was hit by Cyclone Nargis in 2008, empowers the military with certain privileged rights such as a reserved quota of 25 percent of seats in parliament, appointments in certain important ministries, such as Home and Defense, as well as a right to return to military rule in certain situations.
The present constitution bars Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (having been married to a British man and having sons who are foreign citizens) to become Myanmar's President even if her party wins the majority of seats in any given election. The opposition political parties including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy are still very much in need of building as political institutions after years of clamp-down by the previous military regimes. Issues like capacity building and professionalism are in urgent need across almost every sector and on every level.
There are definitely many individuals within and outside the government who are trying hard to deal with such challenges and making efforts so that the country’s democratic reforms continue steadfastly and steadily. We should encourage such efforts. We should not forget that Myanmar was under a very tightly-controlled system and under repressive military regimes for decades. It takes time to evolve from that for everyone, every stakeholder—the administrators, the armed forces, the political parties, civil society groups, the media, etc.
But there are clear signs and visible actions that many stakeholders are making efforts to come out of those Dark Ages.
Here, we should be very careful of how the international community reacts or intervenes in the internal affairs of Myanmar, especially during this trying transitional period. They should offer a helping hand to deal with such challenges rather than setting “universal standards” for Myanmar and asking the country and its people to follow such “standards”.
It is also a testing time for the international community to understand and learn how to support Myanmar and its people in this transition to democracy. Myanmar should be given space to manage the transition with the assistance and support from well-wishers.
Myanmar has seen many positive changes in a very short period. It is important to ensure that they are sustainable and successful in the long term.
Firstly is the fact that the majority of people in Myanmar are Buddhists and very religious (in a good sense) and they want to practice their faith publicly. However, there are, as in every society, both national extremists and religious extremists who want to exploit the transition of the country to their advantage and create space for themselves in this transitional period. This is equally true for opposition parties, businesspeople, armed ethnic groups, the military, and even the private media.
After decades of repressive military rule and living in a closed society, cut off from the rest of the world, people want to exercise their new-found freedom. This is the first time that they can target the establishment after harboring grievances for so long. The public has high expectations from the democratic changes underway in Myanmar.
In many ways, the anti-Muslim sentiment being exploited and led by certain factions of Buddhist monks is a way of expressing anti-establishment feelings. Many monks are still angry from the way the military brutally cracked down on their peaceful protests in 2007 and the recent mis-handling (another violent crackdown) of the Latpadaung copper mine protest by the police.
Another factor is a lack of education among some people, combined with the economic challenges, means people are more easily provoked.
The government is not sure (or at least it was not sure) of how to handle this kind of riot in a civilian way. The government is learning and it needs the support from its political alliances and its own citizens.
Yes, there are certain rogue elements within the establishment who are extreme nationalists or want to use it for their own benefit or specific political purposes, but the government in general and security forces are wary of how to handle such riots. In the past, riots like this were met with violent crackdowns and armed responses. The reaction was the same in Rakhine State last year. But the government realized that this was not the right way to deal with that kind of situation.
They are also aware that the international community and media are watching events in Myanmar closely. But it is not the role of the media to create what they call “fundamentalists”.
Condemnation of certain factions is not the answer or solution. One should not lose sight of the fact that the country is in transition under the framework of national reconciliation. Whatever we do, we should try to focus on not derailing the country and its stakeholders from the path of national reconciliation.
It is easy to condemn an event or a particular section of society, but it is difficult to bring everyone together on a path that moves forward. If we lose sight of the path of national reconciliation, it will likely take many years for Myanmar to reach the current level of changes or reforms.
In every transition, there are challenges and risks as well as opportunities. We should try to minimize the risks and challenges while taking maximum possible opportunities for the betterment of the society and country. This is easier said than done.
Of course, we should say outright that Myanmar should not provide a space for religious and racial fundamentalists. We should say that security forces should not be biased and should be professional in handling any riots in the country. We should say that there should not be a space for any sort of discrimination in Myanmar. The people of Myanmar accept that the country is not monolithic but it is a multi-linguistic, multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. The majority have to respect the minority.
But it is incomplete if we do not try to understand the root of the problems. It will not be complete if we are not consistent and focused to move along the path the stakeholders have agreed to follow: national reconciliation. These problems have existed in the country for a long time and will likely continue to do so for some time. They should be addressed over time and consistently with continuity.
Contrary to many people’s criticism for her “inaction”, I believe Daw Aung San Suu Kyi knows clearly that the country should be moving forward within the frame of this national reconciliation. This is what she is doing and this is the example that she is attempting to set for the people of Myanmar.
One should also recognize certain realities in the country. The present government is a quasi-civilian government that came to power not by a free and fair election but by keeping a strong opposition in jail with a one-sided election. Many of the leaders of the present government were former soldiers. The present constitution, that was adopted forcibly by the previous military regime just a few days after the country was hit by Cyclone Nargis in 2008, empowers the military with certain privileged rights such as a reserved quota of 25 percent of seats in parliament, appointments in certain important ministries, such as Home and Defense, as well as a right to return to military rule in certain situations.
The present constitution bars Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (having been married to a British man and having sons who are foreign citizens) to become Myanmar's President even if her party wins the majority of seats in any given election. The opposition political parties including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy are still very much in need of building as political institutions after years of clamp-down by the previous military regimes. Issues like capacity building and professionalism are in urgent need across almost every sector and on every level.
There are definitely many individuals within and outside the government who are trying hard to deal with such challenges and making efforts so that the country’s democratic reforms continue steadfastly and steadily. We should encourage such efforts. We should not forget that Myanmar was under a very tightly-controlled system and under repressive military regimes for decades. It takes time to evolve from that for everyone, every stakeholder—the administrators, the armed forces, the political parties, civil society groups, the media, etc.
But there are clear signs and visible actions that many stakeholders are making efforts to come out of those Dark Ages.
Here, we should be very careful of how the international community reacts or intervenes in the internal affairs of Myanmar, especially during this trying transitional period. They should offer a helping hand to deal with such challenges rather than setting “universal standards” for Myanmar and asking the country and its people to follow such “standards”.
It is also a testing time for the international community to understand and learn how to support Myanmar and its people in this transition to democracy. Myanmar should be given space to manage the transition with the assistance and support from well-wishers.
Myanmar has seen many positive changes in a very short period. It is important to ensure that they are sustainable and successful in the long term.
Credited to Mizzima
The Burmese Army targets the Shan troops
The Burmese Army targets the Shan troops
Jai Lert
Tai
09 May 2013
The Burmese
troops launched an fierce attack on the Shan troops on the Shan-China border
since this morning. The fights are still going on at the time of reporting.
According
to the local source in Nam Kham, northern Shan
State, "Local villagers from Nawng
Ma and Nawng Kham fled to China border. Some fled to Nam Kham for
shelters."
Reportedly,
there were around 800 villagers fled from the fighting and taking refuge in China. The Chinese authorities also were
seen on the border after the shooting broke out. According to the local source,
the Burmese Army used artillery to pound the SSA bases.
The
incident took place after four Burman civilians
who believed to disappear into the village. After the disappearance of
the Burman civilians, the Burmese Army asked the SSA to return them which SSA-S claimed to have no knowledge of their
whereabouts.
After
that, the Burmese made a checking on SSA's bases and SSA allowed the
Burmese Army to clarify their allegations. However, after the checking,
the Burmese Army burned down the camps which angered the armed Shan
fighters.
According to the local source, "It is a shame to SSA for seeing their camps burning down which they could not do anything." The incident sparked anger for the SSA. Again, they were told to calm down by their commanders."
However,
the Burmese deployed around 300 troops to raid the whole base of SSA in Nawng Ma
today (09 May). Both sides opened fire. As a result, 9 were killed and 8 were
wounded on the Burmese Army side whilst SSA lost one fighter and 2 were
wounded.
According
to
a Burmese political analyst, "The Burmese Army does not want peace. The
military campaigns against the ethnic armed groups damaged the
reputation of
the reformed Thein Sein government. The government promotes peace but
its
commanders are war-hungers. They are too concerned to lose power to the
reformed government. The only thing they would survive is waging war or
creating wars. Wars would only keep them survive."
However, a
border observer disagreed, "If the government can't control its troops and
they are powerless. It is another block that the government must control its
own troops. If not, how could the ethnic armed groups trust the so-called trust
building process of the government?"
He added,
"The Burmese government's main objective behind the ceasefire was ensure that EU and US lift sanction on
their military personals and business partners. The signals of ceasefire,
participation of Daw Su in the parliament were the keys for the EU and US to
lift sanction. Of course, the release of some political prisoners a big bonus
for Thein Sein to walk proudly in the international community."
Credited to ShanExpress
Thursday, May 23, 2013
Burmese government troops must withdraw: KIO
Chiang Mai (Mizzima)
– The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) says an agreement to
begin a political dialogue to solve decades old disagreements can be
signed as soon as Burmese government troops withdraw from KIO areas.
A cease-fire agreement was signed in 1994, and there is no need to sign another such agreement, KIO General-Secretary Dr. La Ja said in a press conference on Tuesday in Chiang Mai. “If they withdraw...we can start a political dialogue,” he said.
The KIO and a government union-level peace delegation held preliminary peace talks in January.
Currently, government troops numbering around 1,000 soldiers occupty positions in Momauk sub-township and Daw Phung Yang sub-township, which are controlled by KIO brigades No. 5 and No. 3, respectively, a KIO officer told Mizzima.
“There are a lot of government infantry troops around Laiza, Lajayang, Sadon, Lweje and Zinglum. Brigade No. 99, and battalions from Military Operations Command are active in the areas. In the area controlled by battalions No. 15, 12, 16 and 27 of brigade No. 3, there are at least 600 government soldiers. In the area controlled by Brigade No. 5, there are 400 or 500 government soldiers.”
Meanwhile, a resident in Myitkyina said he saw a convoy of about 500 government soldiers leave Myitkyina heading north along the Myitkyina-Putao Road on Tuesday evening.
The KIO also said government troops are in areas of Brigades No. 4, 3 and 5 in northern Shan State.
Despite the 1994 cease-fire agreement between the KIO and the government, fighting broke out on June 9, 2011, and has flared up intermittently despite an order by President Thein Sein that all offensive government actions cease.
In recent peace negotiations, the Karen National Union, Chin National Front, New Mon State Party, Shan State Army – North, Shan State Army – South and Karen Peace Council have all signed preliminary agreements with the government’s union level peace delegation to obtain cease-fire agreements.
http://mizzima.com/special/kachin-battle-report/6679-burmese-government-troops-must-withdraw-kio.html
A cease-fire agreement was signed in 1994, and there is no need to sign another such agreement, KIO General-Secretary Dr. La Ja said in a press conference on Tuesday in Chiang Mai. “If they withdraw...we can start a political dialogue,” he said.
The KIO and a government union-level peace delegation held preliminary peace talks in January.
Currently, government troops numbering around 1,000 soldiers occupty positions in Momauk sub-township and Daw Phung Yang sub-township, which are controlled by KIO brigades No. 5 and No. 3, respectively, a KIO officer told Mizzima.
“There are a lot of government infantry troops around Laiza, Lajayang, Sadon, Lweje and Zinglum. Brigade No. 99, and battalions from Military Operations Command are active in the areas. In the area controlled by battalions No. 15, 12, 16 and 27 of brigade No. 3, there are at least 600 government soldiers. In the area controlled by Brigade No. 5, there are 400 or 500 government soldiers.”
Meanwhile, a resident in Myitkyina said he saw a convoy of about 500 government soldiers leave Myitkyina heading north along the Myitkyina-Putao Road on Tuesday evening.
The KIO also said government troops are in areas of Brigades No. 4, 3 and 5 in northern Shan State.
Despite the 1994 cease-fire agreement between the KIO and the government, fighting broke out on June 9, 2011, and has flared up intermittently despite an order by President Thein Sein that all offensive government actions cease.
In recent peace negotiations, the Karen National Union, Chin National Front, New Mon State Party, Shan State Army – North, Shan State Army – South and Karen Peace Council have all signed preliminary agreements with the government’s union level peace delegation to obtain cease-fire agreements.
http://mizzima.com/special/kachin-battle-report/6679-burmese-government-troops-must-withdraw-kio.html
Hkun Htun Oo: State governments must have more power
Hkun Htun Oo with visiting Rights and Democracy president Gerard Latulippe on 26 February 2012. (Photo: Kawli Media)
Reminiscing about his 7 year ordeal in prison (“It’s like a fairy tale to me”), he denied all the charges leveled against him, including one that said he was part of the exiled Shan government set up two months after he was arrested in 2005. “The years in jail have made me more determined than ever to work for the people who had trusted me and elected me (in the 1990 general elections),” he added.
He also took the opportunity to take a swipe at the present regime. “They say druglords and rebels are controlling the border areas,” he said. “But I seem to be seeing 8-9 druglords sitting in the parliament.”
Shan Drug Watch 2011 report has charged that at least 7 of the Members of Parliament are known drug entrepreneurs.
Hkun Htun Oo, 69, is a scion of the Hsipaw Princely House, whose last ruling prince Sao Kya Seng (his uncle) was detained during the 1962 coup never to return to his home and family. A founder of the SNLD in 1988, he was elected by the people in his hometown two years later. His party also won statewide, but like the NLD that had won countrywide, the ruling military council had refused to transfer power.
Hkun Htun Oo aka Khun Tun Oo has been known as an outspoken politician. His bold presentations in the 1993 National Convention, called by the junta to lay down principles for the constitution, had won grudging admiration even from the Burman parties that had previously regarded him only as a leader of minorities who rarely looks beyond their narrow interests.
http://www.english.panglong.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=4456:hkun-htun-oo-state-governments-must-have-more-power&catid=85:politics&Itemid=266
About Shan
http://www.sca-uk.org.uk/?about-shan
- Shan: the golden people- Origin of Shan
- Different Shan in different geographical regions
- Shan Language
- Shan Culture and identity
- Nationality of Shan States
Shan: the golden people
Shan are ethnically and linguistically members of Tai ethnic group (Siamese branch of Indochinese people) to which Thais and the Laotians also belong to. It was suggested that the term Shan may come from Siam, the root of Syam and Assam. Referring to their skin colour, neighbours called Tai people as “Siam”, derived from Sanskrit (Pali) word Syama, which means “golden” or “dark” colour. It was written as Syam or Rham and pronounced as Shan in Burmese. When British came to rule Burma in 19th century, they called Tai people as Shan based on Burmese pronunciation and Tai people in Burma (today Union of MYANMAR).Origin of Shan
It was suggested that Tai were the first to migrate from their original seat in Central Asia towards the south and to settle along rivers Mekong (Myanmar/ Thai), Menam, Irrawaddy (Myanmar) and Brahmaputra (Assam). By A.D.18 (early Christian era), Tai already had their first seat in on the Shwele river (at China-Myanmar border) and then the Tai (Shan) dominion gradually extended in the country of Irrawaddy (now known as Union of Myanmar).Today, most of the Shan inhabit the Shan State in North-East of Myanmar. The current Shan State is the biggest of the 14 states and divisions of the Union of Myanmar covering 60,000 square miles, ~23% of the of the entire country (the size of England and Wales combined). The State has 9 millions Shan inhabitants(~16% of the entire population of the country) along with other migrants from other parts of Myanmar and neighbouring countries like India and mainly China.
There are also some groups of Shan inhabitants scattered throughout other parts of Myanmar and neighbouring countries, such as Tai Khamti (Khamti Shan) in the Sagaing division and Kachin State of Myanmar, Tai Ahom, Dai and Thai Yai in Northeast of India, Yunnan province of Southern China and in Northern Thailand.
Different Shan in different geographical regions
Although Shan refers to themselves as Tai, they were known by a few different names, such as, "Thai Yai" in Thailand, "Dai" in China, Tai Ahom in the Northeast of India and “Shan” in the Union of Myanmar (formerly Burma) and to the western world.In addition, Tai-Shan live in Shan state of Myanmar or in Yunnan province of Southern China are classified into a few different type of Tai-Shan, such as, Tai Lai, Tai Nüa, Tai Long, Tai Sã, Tai Leng, Tai Sipsongpanna, Tai Kham Ti, Tai Lü, Tai Mao, Tai Khün, Tai Loi, Tai Long, etc. Although they share the common language with slightly different accent, their traditional costumes could be very different (especially for women) in different type of Tai-Shan.
Shan Language
It was suggested that the Tai/ Shan, its sister groups (the Thai and the Lao) and its cousin groups (the Zhuang and the Kam Sui languages in China) came from a common Kadai root (one of the language groups of East and South Asia) 2000 years ago. Although these groups were separated geographically and thus have been linguistically distanced they still share much in common.Tai (Shan) language is a very tonal rich language. Tai people speak a 5 or 6 tone variety. Most people only recognise that Tai (Shan) people speak a little differently from place to place.
Shan Culture and identity
Although the Shan State has been under the British and Burmese rules for centuries, Shan maintain their distinct identity from other fellow ethnic groups of the Union of Myanmar, in terms of language, culture and tradition.Like Thai food being famous in worldwide, Shan food is the most popular flavour in Burma. Typical Tai temples are mainly found in Yunnan province of Southern China and its architecture is very much similar to those of temples in Thailand.
Shan traditional long drum, sheep dance, sword dance, martial arts dance, and Kinnara and Kinnari (female and male mythical birds whose faces look like human or said to be half human-half bird creatures) dances are very unique cultural materials of every Shan celebration events.
Shan has its own flag which was one of the outcomes of Panglong Agreement in 1947, which served as the most important stepping stones to independent Union of Myanmar today. On Shan flag, Yellow represents the religion of the people of Shan states (Buddhism), Green represent the good agriculture the people of Shan land dwell on, Red represents Bravery of Shan State people and White represent peace and stability for the future Shan State.
Nationality of Shan States
Apart from the Shan, there are also some other sister ethnic/nationalities live in the Shan States of Myanmar, other nationalities of the country like Palaung, Pa-O, Wah, DaNu or Innthar, etc. They speak different languages from Shan people and dress differently.Learn All About SCAMS
The link is as follows:
http://www.accc.gov.au/content/index.phtml/tag/TheLittleBlackBookOfScams08
This is what the website says about the booklet:
The little black book of scams highlights a variety of popular scams that regularly target Australian consumers and small business in areas such as fake lotteries, internet shopping, mobile phones, online banking, employment and investment opportunities. It also offers consumers tips on how to protect themselves from scams, what they can do to minimise damage if they do get scammed and how they can report a scam.
March 2013 SHRF Monthly Newsletter
- Commentary: Land Grabbing and Related Issues and Abuses Continue
- Contents: Themes & Places of Violations reported in this issue
- Acronyms:
- MAP
- Land abandoned under force seized and original owners required to buy them back, in Lai-Kha
- Burmese military let people’s militia groups grow crops on lands long cultivated by local people, in Nam-Zarng
- Situation of land grabbing and related abuses in areas under the influence of a ceasefire group “UWSA”, in Murng-Ton
- Original local people forced to sell land, restricted from cultivating remorte farms, in Murng-Ton
- Threats of land confiscation, arrest and restrictions, in Murng-Ton
- Wresting of water from original local farmers, in Murng-Ton
- Land grabbed and resold by businessman under “UWSA” protection, in Murng-Ton
COMMENTARY:Land Grabbing and Related Issues and Abuses Continue
As land grabbing, attempts at land grabbing and other problems related to land have continued unabated at many places in Shan State, human rights abuses connected or related to these incidents have also been rampant over the years up to the present.
The Burmese military have not only taken lands for themselves but have also permitted, and even instructed, their cronies and cohorts, including ceasefire groups, people’s militia forces, their families and relatives, and influential individuals, etc., to take lands that they wanted for various purposes.
Many land areas that have been forcibly taken or which people have attempted to take had been originally cultivated by local people for generations. Even many lands claimed to be ownerless or uncultivated had in fact been abandoned due to pressure by the authorities on the owners. Furthermore, apart from taking lands for their own use, the Burmese military and some ceasefire groups and people’s militia forces have exerted control over the use of lands in areas under their influence. They allowed only their relatives and cohorts to farm in certain land areas and prohibited the original local people from doing so.
In attempting to grab lands, where it was not probable to simply confiscate or take them for some reasons, the military and their cohorts have often used various means including restrictions, threats and other cunning ways, so that the lands would sooner or later fall into their hands.
People generally believe that without the backing or tacit approval of the Burmese military, the situation would not have become as bad as this. These individuals and groups, their cronies and cohorts, would not have been so bold as to not care about any consequences.
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CONTENTS: Themes & Places of Violations reported in this issue- Themes: All the reports in this month’s issue are about various types of human rights violations directly and indirectly connected to land issues, including land grabbing, attempt at land grabbing, and other related incidents of violations, e.g. restriction, intimidation, extortion, etc., committed by members of the administration, the Burmese military and their cronies and cohorts, from around mid 2012 up to the beginning of 2013
- Places: Lai-Kha, Nam-Zarng and Murng-Ton
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ACRONYMS:LIB = Light Infantry Battalion (e.g. LIB246 = Light Infantry Battalion No. 246)
IB = Infantry Battalion
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LANDS ABANDONED UNDER FORCE SEIZED AND ORIGINAL OWNERS REQUIRED TO BUY THEM BACK, IN LAI-KHAIn late 2012, up to the end of the year when this report was received, many displaced people who returned to their native places to reclaim and work their original rice fields and farms were told by a people’s militia force under the Burmese military that they needed to buy them if they wanted them back.
Sometime around early and mid 2012, there has been news about people who had been displaced for various reasons being allowed to return to their original villages by the current nominally civilian government, which had assumed power a year or so before.
Another piece of news had been that since the Shan resistance troops and the Burmese army troops had reached a ceasefire and had agreed to work together toward a democratic country in which all peoples are equal, the Burmese military would no longer oppress the people.
This news has had some effects on several displaced communities inside and outside of the country. Many people have been interested in returning to their original places, which they had been forced to leave for many years, if they could reclaim and work their original rice fields and farms.
During late 2012, a number of people from several village tracts including Wan Paang, Zalaai, Wan Heng, Wan Saang, Wan Thi, Kaang Un and Naa Poi, in Lai-Kha township, returned to their original places from which they had been forcibly relocated by the Burmese army troops during the 1996-1997 mass forced relocations, in which more than 1,000 villages were relocated.
These longtime displaced people were from different places inside and outside of the country, including those who had been staying and working in Thailand since their displacement more than 10 years earlier. Although they have been able to survive by working hard at different places and abroad, these people have always wanted to return to their original places which they still call home.
Most of them were once decent farmers, working many acres of wet rice fields and dry farmland for generations, and owning hundreds of head of cattle. After being displaced, they have virtually nothing to call their own. At best, they could only earn enough to feed their families, although some may have done a little better or worse than others.
However, when they got to their original places, they were told that if they wanted to work their rice fields and farms again, they had to buy them back from the concerned authorities in the area, a Shan people’s militia force working under the Burmese military.
The said Shan people’s militia force were members of a former ceasefire group led by a man named Aai Thoi, who had been extorting money from the local people over the years and sharing the spoils with the Burmese army troops under whom they operated.
The price of rice fields was set at 100,000 kyat per acre, and farmland was between 30,000 and 50,000 kyat per acre, depending on their locations. People who could not afford to buy back their fields and farms were unable to resettle down at their original villages.
Those who had gone back from Thailand were said to have already been thinking of returning to Thailand. If they could not get back their fields and farms and grow at first at least subsistence crops they could not survive, because there were virtually no other means of livelihood in the area.
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BURMESE MILITARY LET PEOPLE’S MILITIA GROUPS GROW CROPS ON LANDS LONG CULTIVATED BY LOCAL PEOPLE, IN NAM-ZARNG
From mid 2012, up to the beginning of 2013 when this report was received, many lands already cultivated by local people in Nam-Zarng township have been forcibly taken by several people’s militia forces, operating under the Burmese military, to grow their own crops.
With the permission from the Burmese military under which they operated to grow crops on lands in the areas designated for them, these militia groups have taken many acres of plots of land to grow corn, sesame and peanut, etc. for their own consumption.
In choosing plots of land to grow their crops, they did not care whether the lands belonged to or were already cultivated by other people. They simply put their tractors to work and tilled the ground in the land areas they had chosen and in the process had included many areas of local people’s farms.
It was learned that a people’s militia force known as ‘Naa Yaai’ group have been designated by the Burmese military to settle down in an area about 15 miles south of Nam-Zarng town, where there were several villages inhabited by an indigenous people known as ‘Yaang Lam’.
Another people’s militia force known as ‘Maak Keng’ group have been designated an area southwest of the town down to Murng Zid village tract, where there were several villages inhabited by indigenous peoples such as ‘Tai Loi’, ‘PaO’ and ‘Palaung’.
A people’s militia force named ‘SSS’ were previously permitted to be stationed in Nam-Zarng town, but were ordered by the Burmese military in 2012 to move to the east of the town in the area of Ta Saai and Kung Pok villages in Mong Mon village tract.
During the period from around mid to the end of 2012, these people’s militia groups have taken many acres of farmland originally cultivated by the local indigenous peoples in those areas. Although community leaders of those respective peoples have occasionally complained about this to the township administration, nothing has yet been done up to the end of 2012.
In early 2013, on 8 January, members of a PaO people’s militia force in Nam-Zarng township came to the area of Haai Naeng and Kaad Lur village tracts in the township and told the local people that their group would soon come and control the area to take some land for their own benefit.
The area of land they most likely intended to take covered some villages, including Saam Khaa village, inhabited by ‘Shan’ and ‘Yaang’ indigenous peoples. There were more than 100 households, big and small, with a total population of around 500.
These village communities have lived in this area for generations and earned their living by cultivating their own farmland, of which each household had about 4-5 acres. These communities would surely lose most of their land, or even be forcibly relocated, they said.
Furthermore, there were rumours circulating that some kind of mineral has been discovered somewhere underground in the area, which indicated that it could eventually become a mining area and the local people would then be forced to move out.
Some people who thought that would certainly happen sooner or later one day and they would actually have to move away, most likely without receiving any compensation, have already been preparing to move before anything has happened.
Although the said people’s militia group or the Burmese military under which they operated had not yet come to do anything about the land in February 2013 when this report was received, some people have already moved to find other places where they could engage in some kind of livelihood. “Before it is too late”, they said.
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SITUATION OF LAND GRABBING AND RELATED ABUSES IN AREAS UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF A CEASEFIRE GROUP “UWSA”, IN MURNG-TON
Since their settlement several years ago up to the present, members of the UWSA ceasefire group in Huay Aw area in Murng-Ton township have grabbed a lot of land, and are still attempting to grab more, and in the process have committed human rights violations against many people in the area and other surrounding areas.
UWSA (United Wa State Army), a ceasefire group with their main headquarters close to the Chinese border in northern Shan State, were allowed to set up their second headquarters in Murng-Ton township close to the Thai border in southern Shan State by the Burmese military after they forcibly relocated a number of Wa civilian families to the area, a decade or so ago.
Since then, land grabbing by the UWSA troops and land wresting by Wa civilian new settlers from the original local people have become serious problems up to the present, with the new settlers often getting the upper hand because they enjoyed the backing of the UWSA which in turn enjoyed the backing of the Burmese military.
The following are some instances of human rights violations that took place in late 2012 up to early 2013:
ORIGINAL LOCAL PEOPLE FORCED TO SELL LAND, RESTRICTED FROM CULTIVATING REMOTE FARMS, IN MURNG-TON
In September 2012, SHRF met with some original local people from Murng Kyawt area in Huay Aw village tract in Murng-Ton township and inquired about the situation of their livelihood in the area which was under the influence of the UWSA ceasefire group.
According to them, since the new settlers came there have been a lot of problems concerning land grabbing and wresting. The UWSA and their civilian supporters have taken a lot of cultivated land areas from the original local people, often by forcing them to sell, using various cunning methods.
The situation has become worse in 2012 for the original local people in their particular area since the new settlers have managed to forcibly buy all the rice fields around the water source which all the rice fields in the area used for irrigation.
After that, they asked to buy the rice fields located downstream of the water source one after another. If the original owners refused to sell them, they simply diverted the water away from the fields in point, stating that the water was needed for irrigation somewhere else.
Without regular water for irrigation, except for some occasional rains, the original local farmers could not cultivate their lands properly in the long run and sooner or later have had to sell them to the new settlers. When alternative livelihoods could not be found in the area, these people have had to flee and become displaced persons.
Although there were good arable lands in the remote surrounding hills and valleys, original local people were prohibited from farming in those places by the UWSA, citing security reasons. But the new settlers were allowed free access to those places and their farms and gardens could be seen all over, they said.
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THREATS OF LAND CONFISCATION, ARREST AND RESTRICTIONS, IN MURNG-TONIn late 2012, there have been some incidents indicating that members of UWSA and their civilian relatives have still been willing to grab more and more land from the original local people in Murng Kyawt area in Murng-Ton township.
On 1 November 2012, the UWSA officer who was in charge of the administration of Murng Kyawt area issued an order to the ethnic Shan, or Tai, communities living in the area. The order said that if any Shan left their places and not returned over a month, their fields, farms and houses would be confiscated.
Because of the persecution by the newcomers, many original local Shan have been facing difficulties to earn enough to feed their families just by working in Murng Kyawt area, and have to go somewhere else to earn more money and bring or send it back to their families, mostly to Thailand.
Members of many families, sometimes even whole families, have had to leave their homes and lands, which they do not want to sell to the new settlers, and work at other places, including Thailand, usually for months before they could come back home.
The order of the UWSA has caused a lot of anxiety among the original local people, and even more so after an incident that took place at the end of 2012, in which a Shan man who had returned from working in Thailand was driven out of Murng Kyawt village during the night by the troops of UWSA.
On 23 December 2012, Zaai Aw (not his real name), who had gone to work in Thailand, leaving his wife and children at their home in Murng Kyawt, came back to visit and give some money to his family. Zaai Aw had to go and work in Thailand because he could not earn enough to feed his family although they had some land to farm.
However, Zaai Aw did not have a chance to be with his family very long because the troops of UWSA stationed at Murng Kyawt did not permit him to stay overnight at his house. Shortly after midnight, they came to his house and told him to leave the village immediately, threatening to arrest and put him in jail if he did not comply.
Zaai Aw had no choice but to leave right away as ordered, knowing how brutal this group could be if antagonized. This incident has made the original local Shan communities become more and more worried about their future.
Many people fear that UWSA and their civilian newcomers would do virtually anything in their capacity to persecute the local Shan communities until they eventually leave the area, so that they could take all the land and property left behind.
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WRESTING OF WATER FROM ORIGINAL LOCAL FARMERS, IN MURNG-TONIn September 2012, members of UWSA destroyed a traditional dam and an irrigation ditch used by local Shan farmers for generations in Murng Haang village tract in Murng-Ton township, and diverted all the water to their newly set up fields and farms at a different place.
There were Shan villagers’ rice fields in an area covering about 60 acres of land on the eastern bank of Nam Haang river, on which they built a traditional dam and diverted some water to irrigate their fields for generations, in Murng Haang village tract.
Some time ago, a new settlement was set up for a Wa village community by the UWSA on the western bank of, and some distance from, Nam Haang river. The Wa community had in time made some land in the area into their own fields and farms, and needed water to irrigate them.
On 1 September 2012, some UWSA troops came with a digging machine, probably an excavator, and destroyed the dam and the irrigation ditch used by the Shan local farmers east of Nam Haang river, and dug a new ditch to divert water to the new fields and farms west of the river.
Since the UWSA had diverted virtually all the water to their new fields and farms, there was hardly any water left for the rice fields on the eastern bank, and besides, the dam and the ditch had also been destroyed. Although the Shan farmers and their community leader in Murng Haang lodged a complaint about this with the Burmese military authorities in Murng-Ton, they said nothing to the perpetrators.
Although members of a Shan political party have helped to plead with the UWSA to spare some water, there was no effect on them, they simply did not care. This has caused many people, especially the Shan farmers, to worry about their future.
After the destruction of their dam and irrigation ditch, the rice crops of the Shan farmers, which were already aboutto produce rice ears, did not receive enough water apart from some occasional rains, and yielded very poorly for the last harvest near the end of the year. “We are very much worried for our future, but we don’t know what to do,” they said.
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LAND GRABBED AND RESOLD BY BUSINESSMAN UNDER “UWSA” PROTECTION, IN MURNG-TONIn October 2012, an ethnic Chinese businessman, working under the protection of UWSA, grabbed a long strip of land that included many villagers’ farms, divided it into small plots and advertised to sell them, in Murng-Ton township.
The said long strip of land was located along an old logging road, constructed many years ago by a Thai logging company, starting from Hawng Lin village in Phaai Khe village tract in Murng-Ton township down towards the Thai border, and was about 4-5 miles long.
Villagers of Hawng Lin and other villages in the area have already been using parts of the land in many places to cultivate sesame and other crops for many years when the said businessman came and measured it, split it into small plots, and advertised them for sale.
Villagers who were cultivating farms in the area were shocked to hear about it, but they could do nothing and had no one to complain to or ask for help. It was as if the farms and woodlands along the old logging road between Murng-Ton town and Me Ken village tract all belonged to him, the way he was splitting and selling them, they said.
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