Tuesday, July 7, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


In Meeting With Election Body, NLD Complains of Voter Verification ‘Obstruction’

Posted: 07 Jul 2015 08:28 AM PDT

National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi points to names on a voter list in her Kawhmu Township constituency on Saturday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi points to names on a voter list in her Kawhmu Township constituency on Saturday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — In a second meeting between the National League for Democracy and the Union Election Commission (UEC) this week, Burma's main opposition party complained of obstruction from some subcommissions as NLD cadres have sought to ensure an accurate roster of eligible voters ahead of a general election due in some four months' time.

Representatives from the NLD said UEC officials pledged to address the party's concerns on Monday at the UEC's headquarters in Naypyidaw, where the two sides met to discuss an ongoing effort to verify the personal data of more than 30 million eligible voters in Burma.

Tun Tun Hein, who heads up the NLD's voter list reviewing committee, told UEC officials that the party had encountered resistance to its voter list verification drive in townships from Naypyidaw and Mon State to the capital of Karen State, Hpa-an.

The obstruction included subcommission officials curtailing some voter verification campaigns and prohibiting the party's efforts to copy voter lists, as well as refusing to accept forms filed by voters to correct their personal data on the rosters.

Last week, two NLD leaders were accused of trespassing during their door-to-door voter education efforts in Naypyidaw.

"We have to communicate with the various commission levels during voter verification. We dealt with some obstruction and unpleasant responses from the subcommissions; we complained about those [incidents to the UEC]," Tun Tun Hein said.

"Some subcommissions don't want to distribute the [personal data correction] forms to us. But the voters have said they have no time to fill the forms out for corrections. So, if we can use the forms and help voters to fill them out during our door-to-door visits, it is faster," he said, adding that the commission had agreed with the NLD's position on the issue.

Tun Tun Hein said that in addition to presenting the commission with the difficulties faced during the party's voter awareness efforts, NLD representatives also urged the UEC to ensure a speedy conclusion to the voter verification process, and consider ways to make it more inclusive.

The NLD also asked the UEC to make its verification process less comprehensive, arguing that the current nine fields of personal data contained on the voter lists could be reduced to an essential four pieces of data without compromising the integrity of the verification process.

Win Myint, a member of the NLD's central committee, said that in some more remote constituencies, voters were facing difficulties because they lacked easy access to a photocopier to copy their household registration certificate, which must accompany any submission filed by voters seeking a correction to their personal data.

"They accept the photocopier problem and said they will reconsider" whether requiring the photocopy is necessary, Win Myint said.

The NLD leader said the UEC also sought to showcase its own determination to ensure accurate voter lists, citing its plan to consider issuing a one-off "voter card" identification document to those who don't have a national registration certificate but are otherwise citizens entitled to vote, and a decision taken last week to extend the preliminary voter list display period.

Tun Tun Hein, who is also a member of the opposition party's central committee, said that since the NLD's first meeting with the UEC on June 3, party members had seen an improved approach to voter verification from some but not all subcommissions.

"The commission told us to phone them immediately if we face obstacles and they will resolve that," he said.

As the country's landmark general election approaches, concern has mounted over the UEC's capacity to compile accurate eligible voter lists, with civil society groups and political parties raising the issue since a first batch of error-ridden voter lists was made public in March.

The NLD has been making door-to-door visits to a number of constituencies since mid-April to check people's names against the preliminary voter lists. The party has mobilized its members to help people file the forms required to amend inaccuracies as the extent of the problem has become apparent.

NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi joined the party's door-to-door campaign in Naypyidaw late last month and visited her Kawhmu Township constituency on Saturday to inject momentum into the voter verification drive.
Shwe Mann, Union Parliament speaker and chairman of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), also stopped by his constituency over the weekend to check voter lists posted in Naypyidaw's Zeyarthiri Township, according to a post to his Facebook page.

He said he would send a letter to UEC chairman Tin Aye notifying the election chief of his findings, which included accounts from several voters of inaccuracies on the rosters.

The post In Meeting With Election Body, NLD Complains of Voter Verification 'Obstruction' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Student Leader Arrested Following July 7 Commemoration

Posted: 07 Jul 2015 06:30 AM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

RANGOON — One of five student leaders charged with unlawful assembly for a protest in Rangoon last week was arrested on Tuesday after he attended a commemoration marking a military crackdown on students at Rangoon University more than five decades ago.

Zeya Lwin, president of the Confederation of University Student Unions (CUSU), was arrested following the July 7 event held at Rangoon University on Tuesday afternoon, according to Pho Tha, also known as Zaw Lin Htut, CUSU's information officer.

Swan Kaung, a CUSU member from Dagon University who was with Zeya Lwin at the time of his arrest, told The Irrawaddy that the latter was pulled from his car by police as the vehicle was stopped at traffic lights near the corner of Inya and Pyay roads.

"At the traffic light our car was sandwiched by two other cars. Plainclothes police grabbed hold of Zeya Lwin," Swan Kaung said, adding that he fled the car to escape arrest.

Zeya Lwin has been in hiding since an arrest warrant was issued regarding his involvement in a protest in downtown Rangoon on June 30 against the ongoing presence of unelected military representatives in the nation's parliament.

Last week, police arrested Paing Ye Thu, one of four other activists charged with unlawful assembly over the same case.

CUSU's Pho Tha told The Irrawaddy that three of the activists, including Paing Ye Thu and Zeya Lwin, are also facing charges under Article 505(b) of Burma's Penal Code for making statements likely to cause "fear or alarm to the public.

" "The third one, Nan Lin, is still at large," he said.

Zeya Lwin appeared at an event at Rangoon University on Tuesday held to mark 53 years since a violent military crackdown on the campus claimed dozens of students' lives. The students had been protesting military interference in the university's governing council.

The following day, on July 8, the army dynamited Rangoon University's historic Student Union building. It has never been rebuilt.

Nearly 60 students attended the peaceful event on Tuesday, marching from near Hledan junction to the former Student Union building site on the university campus to pay respect to their fallen comrades.

They laid roses nearby the site that were sprayed with black paint to convey their "sorrow."

In his speech at the event, Zeya Lwin said for him, July 7 was "the day when the military kicked the people's chests with their army boots."

"We will never forgive the army for what they did. So I have to repeat my demand: Leave from the Parliament," he said.

Although the event was blocked by university authorities and riot police, the students were able to negotiate with them and confirmed that the hour-long event was a commemoration, not a protest.

Min Thu Kyaw, one of the event organizers, struck a defiant note despite the arrest of his colleague.

"We are just doing what we believe. We all know we could be arrested but we can't stay silent. We have many things to do and there will be more arrests too," he told The Irrawaddy.

Additional reporting by Zin No No Zaw.

The post Student Leader Arrested Following July 7 Commemoration appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Bail Set at $10k for 11 Letpadan Activists

Posted: 07 Jul 2015 03:40 AM PDT

Scores of students are awaiting trial nearly four months after their arrest during a crackdown on student demonstrations, March 25, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Scores of students are awaiting trial nearly four months after their arrest during a crackdown on student demonstrations, March 25, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Bail has been granted to 11 activists detained after a brutal crackdown on student demonstrations earlier this year, family members said, while five other requests were denied by a court in central Burma.

A hearing on Tuesday culminated with the decision to release 10 students and one supporter of the protest movement on the condition that each detainee can provide proof of at least US$10,000 worth of assets held by no more than two guarantors, according to San Win, the father of detainee Ye Wint Aung.

The 11 prisoners will be released from Tharrawaddy Prison in Pegu Division on July 14, he said.

Five other requests for bail were denied on the grounds that the detainees lack sufficient documentation that they are students, though the group—four students and one supporter—will have the option of appeal at a township-level court if they can provide the necessary documents, San Win said.

More than 70 students and their supporters are now facing charges after police violently dispersed a protest camp outside a monastery in Letpadan, Pegu Division, on March 10. Some of the charges carry penalties of up to three years under articles 143, 145, 147, 332 and 505 (b) of Burma's Penal Code. The protests were held in opposition to a new National Education Law viewed as undemocratic.

The scores of detainees, if convicted, will be counted among a list of the nation's prisoners of conscience maintained by Burma's leading political imprisonment watchdog, the AAPP. The group has also raised alarm that health conditions are deteriorating in Tharrawaddy Prison, as several detainees injured at the time of their arrest have not received adequate medical attention.

Two such detainees, supporters Tin Win and Khin Hlaing, have suffered severe medical conditions requiring their temporary transfer to Rangoon General Hospital for emergency treatment. The former was among the five denied bail on Tuesday.

Tin Win, 44, is still hospitalized after receiving throat surgery last month. A police battering during the crackdown crushed his esophagus and caused damage to his nervous system, according to his brother, Nay Zaw Lin. After nearly a month in hospital, Tin Win still can't walk or eat without assistance.

In light of his worsening medical condition, Tin Win appealed directly to the district court for release on bail. Following the court's rejection, he now must resubmit his request to a lower court next week, his brother said.

The post Bail Set at $10k for 11 Letpadan Activists appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Election Body in Pegu Criticized for Taking USDP Money

Posted: 07 Jul 2015 03:22 AM PDT

A ward administrator's office in Tharrawaddy Township is seen shuttered during a period when voter lists are supposed to be made available to the public. (Photo: Htet Oo Kyaw / The Irrawaddy)

A ward administrator's office in Tharrawaddy Township is seen shuttered during a period when voter lists are supposed to be made available to the public. (Photo: Htet Oo Kyaw / The Irrawaddy)

THARRAWADDY, Pegu Division — The local election subcommission in Pegu Division's Tharrawaddy Township has sought and received funding from lawmakers of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), a donation that an opposition party member has criticized as potentially compromising the electoral body's impartiality.

Myint Lwin, chairman of the township election subcommission, told The Irrawaddy that he had decided to ask for funding from the USDP after determining that, at just 100,000 kyats (US$83), the Union Election Commission (UEC) allocation was not sufficient for electoral awareness activities including publically displaying eligible voter lists throughout the township.

"Village election subcommissions couldn't afford to buy boards to display the preliminary voter lists. We can't just hang [voter lists] on ropes in the rain. That's why we consulted with township development support committees and asked for donations," he said.

The election subcommission received 128 boards—two each for 64 village tracts—from the USDP, he said.

"There is no support from the government for township and village election subcommissions. Some [subcommission members] from rural areas have to cross rivers or creeks to attend [election-related] meetings, and the township election subcommission can't reimburse them. There are lots of difficulties because they have to pay for their own expenses," said Myint Lwin.

Win Zaw Tun, an information officer of the National League for Democracy (NLD) party's Tharrawaddy Township chapter, said the USDP's donation could be viewed as an attempt by the ruling party to curry favor with the local election body.

"The subcommission is supposed to be independent," he said. "It is already breaking the law, asking for donations from the ruling party. The government is obliged to grant sufficient electoral funding.

"The township election subcommission met political parties on June 18 and the commission chairman said the commission did not have money to buy boards to display the voter lists and asked for donations from the USDP and received 128 plywood boards. He said, even so, he still had to pay for tape [to affix voter lists to the boards] out of his own pocket."

The secretary of the USDP's Tharrawaddy District chapter, however, told The Irrawaddy that the money to purchase the boards came from four USDP lawmakers and did constitute a direct donation from the party to the local election subcommission.

The secretary, Kyaw Soe, declined to disclose the donation's sum total.

Hsan Thwin, chairman of the local National Unity Party (NUP) office in Tharrawaddy Township, disputed that assertion.

"At the meeting between the [election] subcommission and political parties, [Tharrawaddy] Township secretary U Kyaw Soe promised that his party would donate boards for the commission. In fact, [boards were] donated by the USDP. [The USDP is saying] lawmakers donated because they want to evade [accusations of electoral impropriety.]"

Charged with administering Burma's general election in a nonpartisan manner, the Union Election Commission (UEC) and its subcommissions at the state, district, township and ward/village tract levels are being closely watched in the lead-up to the vote due in early November.

The Brussels-based International Crisis Group said in an April report that a lack of experience and resources, in particular at a local level, could hinder efforts to ensure a credible poll.

"More broadly, the electorate's trust in government institutions is low, and the election commission is widely perceived as lacking impartiality and being politically close to the government and hence to the USDP—at the national level but even more so locally," the report said, while noting that "the commission appears determined to deliver the most credible elections that it can, and has been impressively transparent and consultative."

There are about 101,000 eligible voters in Tharrawaddy Township, according to the chairwoman of the local NLD chapter Mu Mu Khin, who told The Irrawaddy that the party estimated about 40 percent of eligible voters on the preliminary lists were incorrectly enumerated in some way.

Errors—as has reportedly been the case countrywide—include the exclusion of entire families in some constituencies, the inclusion of names of people not resident in the township or deceased, and incorrect birthday or national ID card data, the chairwoman said.

Mu Mu Khin added that the local NLD office has reported the widespread inaccuracies to the township election commission, but has not yet received a response. Myint Lwin said the claim that 40 percent of the listings contained errors was an overestimation.

Meanwhile, some locals say ward and village administrators' offices where voter lists are to be displayed have remained closed for entire days during a period when the rosters are supposed to be available for public scrutiny, while in some villages the lists are being posted at the homes of local administrators and not at the administrator's office as required.

"I went to the [ward] administrator's office to check the voter lists on two consecutive days and the office was closed. The voter list is supposed to be shown for the public. But instead, it is locked inside the office," said a resident of Tharrawaddy Township's West Thabyaygon Ward.

Tharrawaddy was one of more than 100 townships in Burma that were part of a fourth and final phase of preliminary voter list displays that began on June 22. Eligible voters were initially given two weeks to check the lists' accuracy, but the July 5 deadline was extended indefinitely amid widespread reports that the rosters were rife with errors.

Additional reporting by Andrew D. Kaspar.

The post Election Body in Pegu Criticized for Taking USDP Money appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

South Korean Violinist Wants Border Concert With North Korea

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 10:35 PM PDT

A barbed wire fence decorated with ribbons bearing messages wishing the unification of the two Koreas is pictured near the demilitarized zone that separates North and South Korea in Paju on Oct. 31, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

A barbed wire fence decorated with ribbons bearing messages wishing the unification of the two Koreas is pictured near the demilitarized zone that separates North and South Korea in Paju on Oct. 31, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

SEOUL, South Korea — Violinist Won Hyung Joon wants to bring North and South Korean musicians together next month to perform on each side of the world's most heavily armed border. Standing in the way is the rivals' long, frustrating inability to move past their painful shared history.

Won says North Korean diplomats in Berlin have tentatively signed off on a plan for a renowned German conductor to lead a 70-member South Korean orchestra through Beethoven's Ninth Symphony and the Korean folk tune "Arirang" while accompanied by a choir of 70 North Koreans just across the border on Aug. 15, the 70th anniversary of the 1945 liberation of a single Korea from Japan's 35-year colonial rule.

Wary South Korean officials, however, want a more formal endorsement from Pyongyang before they give their agreement to a concert at the border village of Panmunjom, where an armistice ended the three-year Korean War in 1953. Won and his German partners are pushing for that formal go-ahead from Pyongyang.

Dozens of Korean musicians joining their instruments and voices in harmony across the border, Won says, could dramatically illustrate the continuing tragedy of the Korean Peninsula, which, after liberation from Japan, was divided into a pro-US South and Soviet-backed North and remains in a technical state of war because a peace treaty formally ending the eventual Korean War has never been settled.

"We won't be able to talk to each other or hug each other. We'll just stand face to face and commune through music," Won said. "We want to do something meaningful at a meaningful place on a meaningful day."

First, though, he has to win support from two governments whose reluctance to cooperate, even on the most seemingly mild proposals, is often ingrained.

The countries, which enjoyed a period of rapprochement in the 2000s, bar their citizens from exchanging visits, phone calls, letters and email without government permission. Naval skirmishes occasionally happen. And Pyongyang, which faces global condemnation for its nuclear bomb program, has recently responded with fury to the opening of a UN office in Seoul meant to monitor what defectors, activists and many countries call an abysmal human rights record.

Won and some outside analysts believe the concert will likely happen. Pyongyang may see it as a way to improve ties with Seoul, which could then stimulate a flow of aid and investment that the impoverished country needs to help revive its decrepit economy. Better relations with Seoul could also help offset North Korea's fraying ties with China, its only major ally.

German maestro Christoph Poppen, who has agreed to do the conducting on Aug. 15, called music the only "language which you can understand all across barriers."

"It's simply much stronger than language, and it can overcome also emotional conflicts and problems," he said.

Still, Won, 39, knows that bitterness over the Koreas' tangled past can easily get in the way. In May, for instance, Pyongyang, on the eve of a planned trip by UN chief Ban Ki-moon to a jointly run factory park across the border in North Korea, canceled the invitation.

If the North-South concert on the border doesn't happen, Won plans to gather the South Korean musicians and play someplace else, possibly near a South Korean border checkpoint or a former frontline US army base.

Won, executive director of Seoul-based Lindenbaum Music, said the concert idea was inspired by the West-Eastern Divan Orchestra, a troupe of Israeli and Arab musicians founded in 1999 by Israeli conductor Daniel Barenboim and late Palestinian academic Edward Said as a gesture of peaceful coexistence in the Middle East.

Arts, sports and other non-political events have sometimes helped smooth relations between rival countries.

In 1989, for instance, Soviet exile and renowned cellist Mstislav Rostropovich played Bach suites below the crumbling Berlin Wall before making a return to Russia to perform with Washington's National Symphony Orchestra the next year.

A previous flurry of cultural and sports exchanges between the Koreas largely ended when conservatives took over from previous liberal governments in Seoul in 2008, though there have been sporadic exchanges between Pyongyang and the West. The New York Philharmonic held a concert in Pyongyang in 2008, while a North Korean and a French orchestra performed together in Paris in 2012 under the baton of noted South Korean-born conductor Chung Myung-Whun.

In 2011, Won partnered with then Philadelphia Orchestra chief conductor Charles Dutoit to push for a joint youth orchestra performance, also on Aug. 15, but in Pyongyang.

Dutoit visited North Korea, conducted the country's symphony orchestra and earned support from culture officials for the project. But the plan fell apart after Pyongyang wanted to reschedule the concert for October 2011 because of annual summertime military drills between Washington and Seoul that it sees as invasion rehearsals.

Won is working this time with Uwe Schmelter, a Korea expert and retired regional director of the Goethe-Institute in East Asia, who has persuaded the North Korean Embassy in Berlin to sign off on the concert. Now it is a matter of winning an endorsement from a higher-level organization in Pyongyang. Schmelter said last week he's acting as a mediator but declined to provide details about the delicate negotiations.

"With a project of this magnitude, there really is no easy or ideal time," said violinist David Kim, concertmaster at the Philadelphia Orchestra and a member of Won's team. "Relations between the two Koreas are always complicated and everyone knows that. But music itself is not complicated at all—it touches and softens people's hearts."

"In order to pull this off, there has to be a visionary, a dreamer … who believes in the cause with all their heart and is unwilling to accept no for an answer. That person is Won."

The post South Korean Violinist Wants Border Concert With North Korea appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sri Lanka Polls Timed Ahead of UN War Crimes Report to Foil Rajapaksa Comeback

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 10:24 PM PDT

Sri Lanka's former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, in white, inspects a parade during the War Victory parade, in Colombo on May 18, 2013.

Sri Lanka's former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, in white, inspects a parade during the War Victory parade, in Colombo on May 18, 2013.

COLOMBO, Sri Lanka — Sri Lanka's August elections have been timed to stop a comeback by war-time President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who remarkably may see his popularity rise in coming months if criticized for war crimes in a UN report, said government sources.

Rajapaksa's crushing of a 26-year Tamil Tiger insurgency in 2009 won him support among the country's Sinhalese majority and he still has a very strong following.

Thousands rallied to hear him announce his comeback campaign on a Buddhist holiday in his Hambantota district on July 1.

"He is popular and a strong campaigner among Sinhala masses with the war victory," said Kusal Perera, director of the Center for Social Democracy, a Colombo-based think tank.

A UN report on the last days of the war is due for release in September but an aide to President Maithripala Sirisena said diplomatic sources had warned it may be leaked in late August.

The possibility of an early release prompted Sirisena to call elections for Aug. 17 to give his ally Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe an edge and hopefully deny Rajapaksa any chance of a political resurgence, said sources close to Sirisena.

"Even if is not said openly, the UN report was considered when deciding the date," Champika Ranawaka, power and energy minister and one of Sirisena's close allies, told Reuters.

Foreign diplomatic sources said some Western countries also worried the UN report could help Rajapaksa and urged Sirisena not to delay elections.

Dissolving parliament for August elections has also saved Wickremesinghe from a scheduled no-confidence motion over alleged mismanagement of the economy.

The outcome of the elections will also determine whether Sri Lanka under Sirisena continues to repair relations with India, or opts for greater ties with China under Rajapaksa.

Rajapaksa built close ties with China, helping Beijing establish a strategic foothold in the Indian Ocean to the chagrin of traditional ally India.

China built ports, airports, highways, and power plants under Rajapaksa with more than US$5 billion in loans, and sent a submarine and warship to visit Colombo, irking India.

But Rajapaksa's decade-long rule was marred by allegations of corruption and rights violations. Rajapaksa, some former ministers and family members now face multiple investigations. They have denied any wrongdoing.

Sirisena has been trying to reverse some of the steps Rajapaksa took to consolidate power, by depoliticizing state institutions such as the police, judiciary and public services.

He has re-established ties with India, making India his first foreign visit, and questioned deals with China, including a $1.4 billion luxury property and port project.

"China has been trying to strengthen its relationship with the new government," a top government official told Reuters.

Dullas Alahapperuma, a minister under Rajapaksa, said if Rajapaksa forms the next government the former president would resume all projects stopped by Sirisena.

Sirisena is a former minister in Rajapaksa's administration who defected last year to become president, promising fresh elections in 2015.

But since taking office he has failed to pass electoral reforms due to opposition from his main ruling coalition partner, the United National Party, and members of his own Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), who remain loyal to Rajapaksa.

The rivalry between Sirisena and Rajapaksa at the upcoming elections may further splinter the SLFP, which has seen around 75 members join the opposition since January.

Sirisena has said he will not support Rajapaksa as the SLFP prime ministerial candidate, but he is under pressure due to Rajapaksa's popularity to allow him to contest the elections under an SLFP-led opposition coalition.

"People have the confidence that if Mahinda Rajapaksa comes to power, national security would be his top priority. … He is still the leader who won the war and brought the development to villages," said Sehan Semage, a young parliamentarian.

SLFP divisions may splinter the vote and result in a hung parliament and further instability, say political analysts.

Last week, Rajapaksa expected some 80 SLFP legislators to show up in support when he announced plans for his comeback, according to senior party leader Alahapperuma.

Only about 30 showed up.

The post Sri Lanka Polls Timed Ahead of UN War Crimes Report to Foil Rajapaksa Comeback appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Oil Palm Plantations Destroying SE Asia’s Peatlands: Researchers

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 10:03 PM PDT

A villager walks near palm oil seedlings belonging to the PT Kallista Allam palm oil plantation at Kuala Tripa district in Nagan Raya, Indonesia's Aceh province December 20, 2011. (Photo: Reuters)

A villager walks near palm oil seedlings belonging to the PT Kallista Allam palm oil plantation at Kuala Tripa district in Nagan Raya, Indonesia’s Aceh province December 20, 2011. (Photo: Reuters)

BARCELONA — Drainage of peatlands to cultivate oil palm in Malaysia's Rajang Delta is causing land subsidence that will bring large-scale floods in coming decades, making the land unusable, a problem also expected to affect Indonesia, researchers warned.

Substantial areas of the river delta in Sarawak, eastern Malaysia, are already experiencing drainage problems, according to a study commissioned by Wetlands International, a Netherlands-based conservation group.

It predicted that 42 percent of the 850,000 hectares of coastal peatland would experience flooding in 25 years, rising to around 82 percent in 100 years.

The cause is massive conversion of peat swamp forests to agriculture, mainly oil palm plantations, with only 16 percent of Sarawak's natural peat forests remaining, said the study by research institute Deltares.

Wetlands International urged governments and businesses to stop the conversion of peat forests to agricultural or other use immediately, and promote peatland conservation and restoration.

"Current trends whereby vast areas of peatlands are opened up for drainage-based activities will render these areas unproductive and useless, and this will adversely impact communities, industries and biodiversity that rely on such areas for their very survival and existence," Lee Shin Shin, a technical officer with Wetlands International in Malaysia, said in a statement.

A growing number of multinational companies involved in the production, trade and use of palm oil—a cheap, edible oil—have promised not to develop oil palm plantations on peatlands, but the impact of those fledgling commitments remains unclear.

Peat soils are made up of 10 percent accumulated organic material (carbon) and 90 percent water. When water is drained from the soil, the carbon in it is turned into carbon dioxide and the climate-changing gas is emitted into the atmosphere.

The carbon loss reduces the peat volume and causes the soil to subside until it reaches sea or river levels, leading to flooding, Wetlands International said.

Nyoman Suryadiputra, director of the group's Indonesia office, said the study results were relevant to Indonesia, which is experiencing the same patterns of peat swamp forest loss for oil palm and Acacia planting for pulp wood plantations.

"Thousands of square kilometers in Sumatra and Kalimantan may become flooded in the same way as the Rajang Delta, affecting millions of people who depend on these areas for their livelihoods," he said.

Wetlands International said measures used in developed countries to cope with soil subsidence, such as building dikes, were too costly and impractical for the two Southeast Asian nations, with their rural economies covering thousands of kilometers of coastline and rivers, and intense tropical rainfall.

But there are many crops that can be cultivated on peatlands without drainage, including more than 200 commercial local peat forest tree species such as Tengkawang, which yields an edible oil, and latex-producing Jelutung, Wetlands International said.

These could provide alternative, sustainable livelihood opportunities for local communities, but varieties would need to be improved and tested before they could be used on industrial plantations, it added.

The post Oil Palm Plantations Destroying SE Asia's Peatlands: Researchers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


President orders MIC to stop developments near Shwedagon Pagoda

Posted: 07 Jul 2015 11:51 AM PDT

President U Thein Sein has instructed the Myanmar Investment Commission to stop controversial property projects near Shwedagon Pagoda, multiple sources have confirmed to The Myanmar Times, as activists announced plans to intensify their opposition to the developments.

Kayin rebels demand jobs to end fresh clashes

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 08:44 PM PDT

Officials from the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army are set to meet state government representatives in the Kayin State capital Hpa-an today to negotiate an end to recent skirmishes along the Asian Highway.

NLD meets election commission over voter list errors

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 08:36 PM PDT

In a sign of increasing unease among the political parties concerning the integrity of provisional electoral rolls, National League for Democracy representatives met yesterday with officials of the Union Election Commission (UEC) to raise a number of concerns.

Police free eight more Rakhine suspects

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 08:28 PM PDT

Another eight Rakhine people who were detained for alleged links to the Arakan Army were released from Kyauktaw township's police station on July 2.

New press council to be formed ahead of election

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 08:27 PM PDT

Myanmar's interim press council may soon be able to drop the provisional epithet and evolve into a permanent organisation, a member of a newly created election commission said yesterday.

In looking to the past, the Red Shan find a new voice

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 08:18 PM PDT

By forming a new party to represent the Red Shan, U Saw Win Tun is following in the footsteps of his father, a political activist who was found guilty of treason in 1972 for proposing a Red Shan state across northern Myanmar.

Kayin party plots regional domination

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 08:17 PM PDT

An ethnic Kayin party has set its sights on winning control of Kayin State at November's elections.

Vehicle bill submitted to parliament

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 08:15 PM PDT

The Ministry of Railway Transportation yesterday submitted a long-awaited Motor Vehicle Law to parliament, promising that it will ensure drivers are qualified before taking to the roads.

Mandalay households to get 30-year land leases

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 08:14 PM PDT

Nearly 3000 households in Mandalay will be issued 30-year land lease grants in an effort to clear up their ownership status, local authorities say.

Experts stress need for public transport

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 08:12 PM PDT

French public transport experts predict that the population of Mandalay will double within the next 10 years – and that a public transport system is required to serve them.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Elderly Woman Killed After Stepping on Landmine in Hsenwi Township

Posted: 07 Jul 2015 06:55 AM PDT

A 70-year-old woman died while collecting firewood near a Burma Army compound in northern Shan State.

HSENWI TOWNSHIP—A 70-year-old woman died after stepping on a landmine near a Burmese military compound in northern Shan State'sHsenwiTownship last Saturday.



The victim, Nai Bu, was collecting firewood near the compound of Burma Army Light Infantry Battalion No. 567, about 30 miles southeast of the town of Hsenwi, when she stepped on a mine at about 8 a.m. on July 4.

"I heard Nai Bu's screams when the mine exploded," said Sai Aung, a resident of MongPonHuay village, where the victim also came from. "But I couldn't immediately go and help her because I need permission from the authorities in order to enter that area."

"She was seriously wounded and both of her legs were destroyed," he added. Nai Bu was immediately taken to the Hsenwi hospital but she died en route.

According to Sai Lao, a youth activist in Hsenwi Township, local villagers frequently search the forest near the army base for foodsources to supplement their diets. But because of this incident, he explained that the villagers are now "living in fear" of stepping on landmines still concealed in the area.

"They [the Burma Army]didn't inform the villagers about where the landmines are," said Sai Lao. "They shouldn't plant the landmines near the community, but if they did, they should have told the villagers."

Local sources confirmed that Nai Bu has one son who is now working in Thailand, but he has not been able to be contacted about the incident.

Burma Army Shoots Civilians in Shan State’s Namtu Township

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 11:56 AM PDT

Witnesses report that two local farmers were shot from behind while returning home from work.

NAMTU TOWNSHIP—Soldiers from the Burma Army Battalion 77 shot two civilians in a village in Shan State's Namtu Township on the evening of July 4, local witnesses reported.



One of the victims was Sai Maung, 40, of the nearby village of Pang Long, who suffered a serious injury to his hip after being shot by soldiers active in the area. At the time of publication, information was not available about the identity or condition of the second victim.

According to a Pang Long resident who wished to remain anonymous, the attack occurred while Sai Maung and his friend were returning home from their fields, where they work in subsistence agriculture.

"Sai Maung and his friend were singing so they didn't hear when the Burma soldiers ordered them to stop," said Sai Aik Na, another Pang Long resident who witnessed the incident. "The Burma soldiers then shot them from behind."
Sai Maung was taken to a Hsipaw hospital later that night.

Pang Long village is located in a contested area controlled by the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA), but which has also witnessed increased an increased presence of Burma Army troops and outposts in recent years.

Monday, July 6, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Saw Mra Razar Lin: A Woman Warrior-Turned-Peacemaker

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 12:34 PM PDT

Saw Mra Razar Lin, a member of the Arakan Liberation Party. (Photo: Nang Seng Nom / The Irrawaddy)

Saw Mra Razar Lin, a member of the Arakan Liberation Party. (Photo: Nang Seng Nom / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Once the sole female peace negotiator between the Burmese government and ethnic armed groups, Saw Mra Razar Lin has worked shoulder-to-shoulder with powerful men for decades.

Before she joined peace discussions as a representative of the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), Saw Mra Razar Lin was also a soldier. At 55, she is still lively and strong, carrying with her the experience of being a rebel, an exile, a mother.

A few decades ago, Saw Mra Razar Lin was a schoolteacher in western Burma's Arakan State, and few people knew who she was. That changed after the 1988 popular uprising in Burma, when pro-democratic activity swept across the nation, infecting her with a passion for politics.

Like many other activists at that time, she soon went underground. Saw Mra Razar Lin left her Kyaukphyu home and headed for the border with Bangladesh, where she joined up with Arakan's underground revolutionary element.

"When the pro-democracy uprising happened in 1988, I rallied people in Sittwe [the Arakan State capital] and preached about democracy. After that I rose to prominence," she recalled during a recent interview with The Irrawaddy.

"I decided to work together with the Arakan revolutionaries whose views I shared."

At first she became a part of the National United Front of Arakan, a revolutionary group that shortly thereafter disbanded due to difficulties in the region's rough and mountainous terrain. With too little food and not enough guns, Saw Mra Razar Lin decided to leave the group and head for Thailand, where she could help them acquire more firearms.

Life as a woman soldier was difficult, she said. At almost all times, she was the only woman around. This made her time extremely hard to bear when she was ill, because no one was around to care for her. At one point she came down with a terrible case of malaria, and simply suffered through the sickness on her own strength.

Saw Mra Razar Lin said she spent a full two years with her brothers-in-arms without seeing a single fellow female.

"I wouldn't dream of going through it again, life was very hard," she said of her time underground and in the jungles. Unable to even call her family, who still lived in Burma, she remembered the days as incredibly lonely and harsh. As Saw Mra Razar Lin said, "there was no phone and no food in the revolution."

While Saw Mra Razar Lin may have had enough of the soldiering life, she held onto the principles of the Arakan rebellion. In 2012, she realized she could play a different kind of role in Burma's civil war: that of a peacemaker.

As a representative of the ALP at the negotiating table with President Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government, Saw Mra Razar Lin became the first woman to enter into peace negotiations. She was later joined by Naw Zipporah Sein, vice-chairperson of the Karen National Union. The two of them are among only a handful of women who have been involved in the talks, despite the tremendous toll that conflict has taken on the lives of Burma's ethnic women.

Women ought to be more involved in resolving conflict, she argued, because, "women suffer from fighting." Saw Mra Razar Lin explained that in many of Burma's conflicts, while the men go the frontlines, women are left behind to deal with starvation, displacement and, in many cases, sexual abuse. If for no other reason, she said, women should be more integral to peacemaking solely because "most women want to stop the wars."

After living the life an exile for more than two decades, mostly in Bangladesh, Saw Mra Razar Lin was invited to return to Burma in late 2012. She made her comeback decorated with international awards for her activism and dedication to bringing about democracy in Burma. When the ethnic negotiating bloc, the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) was formed in Kachin State the following year, she was appointed as one of the chief Arakanese representatives.

"It's important that a large number of women take part in the peace talks," she told The Irrawaddy, remarking that while many women have tried to get involved in the process, they are often prevented from participating because they lack combat or political experience. Burdened by household roles and maternal responsibilities, women in Burma find it difficult to match the education and experience of their male peers, she explained.

That inequality ripples through every tier of power in Burma, she said, lamenting the country's lack of female leadership—not just in the peace talks, but in local and national politics. Part of the problem, she said, was that omen in Burma lack political knowledge and experience, which can only be improved by women who take initiative and push themselves through the ranks against all obstacles.

As for her herself, Saw Mra Razar Lin—a wife and mother of five with a home in Bangladesh—she admitted that she pays more attention to politics that to traditional "family duties." Every woman faces unique obstacles, she said, and will ultimately have to make her own decisions about what they want and how to achieve it.

"Life is tough for everyone," she said. "It is important that women do not feel downhearted."

The post Saw Mra Razar Lin: A Woman Warrior-Turned-Peacemaker appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Irrawaddy Division Coal Power Plant Grounded on Local Pushback

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 08:45 AM PDT

 A view of Goyangyi beach in Irrawaddy Division's Ngapudaw Township, where a coal-fired power plant is planned. (Photo: Salai Thant Zin / The Irrawaddy)

A view of Goyangyi beach in Irrawaddy Division's Ngapudaw Township, where a coal-fired power plant is planned. (Photo: Salai Thant Zin / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The fate of a planned coal-fired power plant in Irrawaddy Division's Ngapudaw Township remains unclear amid local opposition, with representatives from two companies jointly involved in laying its groundwork offering differing accounts of the project's status.

Local newspaper 7 Days reported on Monday that the proposed 300-megawatt power plant in Nga Yoke Kaung sub-township had been "stopped," citing Irrawaddy Division's Electricity and Industry Minister Saw Mya Thein, who told the Burmese-language daily that a halt to the project was due to local opposition.

Japan's Mitsubishi Corporation has partnered with local conglomerate A1 Group of Companies to undertake preliminary field research at the site of the planned power plant.

"The companies have been doing surveys. Because [people] are rejecting this, they have stopped," Saw Mya Thein was quoted as saying. "The companies also don't want to continue. The chief minister has also asked them to stop."

Yukihiro Iwasaki, deputy general manager of Mitsubishi Corporation in Burma, confirmed that feasibility studies including soil tests and other survey work had been suspended owing to resistance from local residents.

"We just stopped all surveys," he told The Irrawaddy, adding that the company is working with Burma's Ministry of Electrical Power and Irrawaddy Division Chief Minister Thein Aung to assuage the concerns of local communities. Iwasaki said the proposed plant would be equipped with "clean coal" technology designed to limit carbon emissions and negative environmental impacts.

But Yan Win, chairman of the A1 Group of Companies, offered a different explanation for the suspension of survey work in Ngapudaw Township, saying Burma's monsoon season was the cause.
"No, we will not stop. We will continue," he said, adding that surveying would resume once the seasonal rains abated.

A total of $1 billion is needed to finance the project, with about 70 percent of the investment expected to come in the form of loans from the World Bank and Asian Development Bank, according to Yan Win.

Mitsubishi in April invited a delegation from Burma including local residents of Ngapudaw Township and policymakers to tour two coal power plants in Japan to learn about the East Asian economic power's successful use of clean coal technology to curb carbon emissions. Yan Win said a report of that visit has been submitted to Burma's Ministry of Electrical Power and A1 is engaged in ongoing efforts to educate locals about the project in Nga Yoke Kaung.

Efforts to reassure local residents have not prevented a vocal opposition to the project from emerging, however.

Five locals from the village of Nant Thar Pu signed a letter objecting to soil sample drilling on their lands and indicating that they likewise could not accept the proposed power plant. About 200 locals from Nant Thar Pu village in February physically prevented A1 employees from completing a land survey in the area.

In May, the Beautiful Beach Development Network (BBDN) submitted a petition signed by 8,684 Nga Yoke Kaung residents to President Thein Sein, demanding that plans for the coal-fired power plant be scrapped.

Naing Linn Htut, an Irrawaddy Division resident with the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability (MATA), said local communities remained suspicious of the companies' claim to have suspended the plan pending further consultation with affected residents.

Toe Toe Naing, from Kanchay village in the Nat Hmaw village tract, said area residents would prefer to receive some form of official indication that the planned power plant was shelved permanently.

"We are half happy [about the suspension] but dare not be entirely happy. … We'd be happier if the project was completely stopped due to rejection by more people," she said.

Nga Yoke Kaung is currently off Burma's national grid but Toe Toe Naing said the government has announced that some electricity would soon be provided from the grid.

Irrawaddy Division's Electricity and Industry Minister Saw Mya Thein told The Irrawaddy that talks among stakeholders would ultimately determine the coal power project's fate.

"The project will go ahead if the company, government and locals agree. There are locals who support and oppose. So, negotiation is ongoing. We cannot say whether the project will go ahead or not at this time."

Opposition to the power plant in Ngapudaw Township has been mirrored in other parts of Burma, including in Mon and Arakan states. According to the Dawei Development Association, more than a dozen coal-fired power plants are currently planned nationwide, and if completed would join three existing coal-fired plants in generating power for chronically undersupplied Burma.

The 7 Days report on the latest setback for coal power proponents came the same day Burma's state media appeared intent on promoting the industry, with state-run dailies running front page stories of a visit by Thein Sein to Japan's Hekinan coal-fired power plant, the country's largest.

The president was schooled on the "environmental friendly technology for producing electricity from coal," according to The Global New Light of Myanmar.

The post Irrawaddy Division Coal Power Plant Grounded on Local Pushback appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Monks Vow to March Against Rangoon Projects After Govt Breaks Promise

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 06:48 AM PDT

The Society to Protect the Shwedagon petitions to stop the developments near the Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

The Society to Protect the Shwedagon petitions to stop the developments near the Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A Buddhist organization opposing five developments near the Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon have vowed to resume their campaign after the government failed to meet their demand of an official hiatus.

Monday's announcement by the Society to Protect the Shwedagon, a movement borne of a nationalist Buddhist group known as the Ma Ba Tha, threatened to "ex-communicate" the government if it did not put a stop to projects near the sacred site.

The Ma Ba Tha, an acronym for the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, launched a public campaign against the projects—a group of projects including the controversial Dagon City—in early June, claiming that major developments could cause structural damage to the pagoda.

Led in part by well-known monk U Pamoukka, the Society to Protect the Shwedagon was established to carry out signature campaigns, raise awareness and organize public demonstrations in defense of the monument.

Last month, the group met with Rangoon regional Commander Maj-Gen Tun Tun Naung and Rangoon Border Affairs Minister Col. Tin Win, during which the officials committed to halting the contentious developments and issuing an official statement to that effect within 15 days. The Society in turn agreed to cease holding public events related to the issue.

U Pamaukka said at a public address on Monday that the deadline had passed over the weekend, and that the government's explanation for reneging on its promise was viewed buy the group as unsatisfactory.

The monk said he was informed by Ragoon's Religious Affairs Officer Sein Maw that a letter officiating the projects' postponement was delayed by President Thein Sein's visit to Japan.

When reached by The Irrawaddy on Monday, Sein Maw confirmed relaying the message to U Pamoukka but wished to offer no other comment on the issue.

"We trusted and respected what they said, given their positions and power," U Pamoukka told an audience of about 100 supporters. "Now they lie… the government has made a bad impression on the people by what they did. They should not make promises so easily [if they cannot keep them]."

Monday's meeting concluded with a resolution to resume a nationwide petition against the developments, starting on Tuesday, and to reconvene on July 19 to coordinate nationwide demonstrations should the petition fail to produce timely results.

"We want to see all the fences, workers and machinery from the Dagon City project leave at that time, otherwise we will protest," said Aung Myaing, a leading member of the society, at Monday's address.

U Pamoukka said the group has considered several potential methods of recourse if the government does not uphold its promise to halt the project.

"We could mobilize public campaigns, or we could file a lawsuit against the army. If they fail to meet our request, we monks could ex-communicate the government," he said.

The post Monks Vow to March Against Rangoon Projects After Govt Breaks Promise appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Clashes Continue at DKBA Asia Highway Toll Booth

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 05:56 AM PDT

DKBA soldiers on guard as their leaders attend an ethnic armed group summit in Law Khee Lar, Karen State, in June, 2015. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy)

DKBA soldiers on guard as their leaders attend an ethnic armed group summit in Law Khee Lar, Karen State, in June, 2015. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Clashes continued in southeastern Burma on Monday between government troops and ethnic Karen rebels in the lead-up to a major conference between the area's non-state actors and government representatives.

Fighting broke out in Karen State's Kawkareik Township, near the border with Thailand, late last week as government troops entered the territory administered by the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), a splinter group of the state's dominant Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA).

DKBA Captain Saw Three Htoo told The Irrawaddy on Monday that clashes have occurred in four locations near the Asia Highway, linking Burma with northern Thailand at Myawaddy.

Representatives of both sides of the conflict were set to meet on Tuesday in the state capital, Hpa-an, to bring about a swift resolution to intermittent clashes that have caused panic among locals and stagnation of trade in the remote area.

Karen State Chief Minister Zaw Min had originally scheduled the conference between the government, the Karen National Union (KNU) and two other rebel armies, including the DKBA. The summit is intended to address the imposition of tolls along the highway, a major trade and commuter corridor.

Rebel soldiers said on Monday that despite the agreement to meet, DKBA troops came under fire by the Burma Army at around 11 am near Klo Htoo Wah gate, claiming government forces used 105 and 120 mm artillery shells to attack their positions.

Similar clashes broke out on Saturday, injuring two civilians, according to DKBA Deputy Chief of Staff Saw Moe Shaw, who said fire was exchanged after government troops entered Kawkareik without prior notice and demanded that the DKBA remove a security and toll station.

The post Clashes Continue at DKBA Asia Highway Toll Booth appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Case of Missing Ta’ang Party Leaders in Shan State Still Unresolved

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 05:45 AM PDT

 

Representatives of the Ta'ang National Party during the opening of a branch office in Mongkaung Township, Shan State. (Photo: Ta'ang National Party / Facebook)

Representatives of the Ta'ang National Party during the opening of a branch office in Mongkaung Township, Shan State. (Photo: Ta'ang National Party / Facebook)

RANGOON — More than two weeks since the president and secretary of a local branch of the Ta'ang National Party in Shan State's Mongkaung Township were first reported missing, party officials have suggested they know where the men are being held amid ongoing denials from an ethnic armed group accused of involvement.

The Ta'ang National Party's local branch office president Mai Aung Khan and secretary Mai Kyam Sar went missing on June 20, with party officials and Mongkaung locals accusing the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) of abducting the two men.

A senior member of the Ta'ang National Party's Mongkaung branch, who wished to remain anonymous, told The Irrawaddy on June 22 that the RCSS was suspected because the party had received threatening letters from the Shan armed group.

One such letter was reportedly received the day before the party opened its branch office in Mongkaung on June 4.

The party's joint secretary Mai Win Htoo told The Irrawaddy on Sunday there was no ill-feeling between the armed group and local party leaders, but suggested the alleged abduction was tied to the upcoming national election, slated for November.

"We know our men are still alive and where they are, but we don't want to give any information to the media because our people are in a dangerous situation," he said.

President of the Ta'ang National Party, Mai Ohn Khine, said the party had tried to reach out to RCSS representatives without success.

"I can't imagine why they arrested our people. I don't know what to do now," Mai Ohn Khine said.

When contacted by The Irrawaddy on Monday, RCSS spokesperson Col. Sai La maintained the armed group had no information on the alleged abductees.

He said the RCSS had acted on the Ta'ang National Party's original request to investigate the matter, but the party had not been in contact again. Col. Sai La said it was difficult to confirm whether any RCSS members were involved.

The name of a battalion commander provided by the Ta'ang party did not match anyone serving in the Mongkaung area, according to the spokesperson.

"If such events occurred in our territory, we would resolve the matter peacefully. Negotiation is the best solution; there's no other way to solve the problem and we are ready to discuss," he said.

The Ta'ang National Party contested Burma's 2010 general election, wining one seat in the Upper and Lower houses of parliament respectively, as well as four seats in the Shan State legislature. The party is preparing to compete in the upcoming national election but has not specified whether it would contest in Mongkaung Township.

Additional reporting by Nyein Nyein.

The post Case of Missing Ta'ang Party Leaders in Shan State Still Unresolved appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Politics: ‘There Will Be Ups and Downs, Like Waves’

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 02:05 AM PDT

On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, English Editor Kyaw Zwa Moe talks politics with Zin Mar Aung and Cheery Zahau. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, English Editor Kyaw Zwa Moe talks politics with Zin Mar Aung and Cheery Zahau. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, English Editor Kyaw Zwa Moe talks politics with Zin Mar Aung and Cheery Zahau.

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to our weekly Irrawaddy Dateline Program. Last week, there was a debate on charter amendment in the Union Parliament, but the Parliament voted against amendment of fundamental provisions. In light of this charter crisis, we'll discuss whether the future of our country's politics is hopeless or if there are signs of encouragement. Ma Zin Mar Aung, a director at Yangon School of Political Science, and Ma Cherry Zahau, one of the secretaries of the Chin Progressive Party, will join me for this discussion. I am Irrawaddy English Editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

Efforts were made to amend important provisions such as 59 (f) and 436 of the Constitution. The majority of the people want to amend it, but the efforts failed as it was rejected by military representatives and other lawmakers. Does this look like a negative trend for the country's politics? Is it disappointing? Or do you see any means to resolve it, Ma Zin Mar Aung?

Zin Mar Aung: We expected that result. We had hoped there would be changes because there was dialogue. But then again, we expected that we would see this result if it was decided in the Parliament without the dialogue. But if we take a look at the results, more than 60 percent of lawmakers voted for amending the Constitution while opposition lawmakers constitute only five percent of the Parliament. If decisions were to be made by a majority of votes, the proposal [to amend the charter] would not have failed. The proposal failed only because of the constitution [which requires more than 75 percent of votes to make certain changes]. It was not an unexpected result and the situation therefore is not necessarily hopeless. In my view, the situation remains unchanged.

KZM: Ma Cheery Zahau, our country has been facing a constitutional crisis because the charter was drafted against democratic norms. How important is it that the Constitution be changed now, or can it be changed sometime later in the future? Which would be better?

Cheery Zahau: The Burma Army already holds 25 percent of seats in the Parliament. If people were able to freely elect the remaining 75 percent of lawmakers, and if the military cooperated with elected lawmakers in the interest of the country and the people, we could say there was hope. It is important that many lawmakers who represent people enter not only the Union Parliament but also the regional and divisional legislature. The military has already sent out a signal to the people, the entire country and the international community that it has held its place [in Parliament], and it does not want its place to be touched. We would not touch them. But the other 75 percent should be elected freely to Parliaments at both state and region levels, as well as the Union level. The military should also cooperate with them. If the military did so, our [democratic] transition would gradually move forward after the 2015 election.

KZM: The Constitution serves to entrench the military, military representatives and several successive governments doesn't it? The military would not accept it if concentrated efforts were made to suddenly change the Constitution. It would take counter-actions. But if opposition and ethnic parties won more seats in the Parliament in the 2015 election, would there be any potential for constitutional change between 2016 and 2020?

ZMA: In my view, politics is about power and in this regard, the military utilizes its strength to carry out its functions. Opposition only accounts for five percent of the Parliament. We can count on the people's strength outside [the Parliament], but in legalized, institutionalized administration or legislation [there is no opposition]. In fact, regarding the administration, the military has taken up all the positions. Township administrative officials are appointed by the Home Affairs Ministry. The Home Affairs Ministry is under the military and the army chief. Taking a look at the legislative branch, as Ma Cheery said, there are only 75 percent of lawmakers who could represent the people. We are not playing the whole field, but just three quarters of it. This is the only room we have for direct election of those who can really represent the interests and voices of the people. If people could grasp this chance and elect those who could represent their aspirations and interests, they would have bigger bargaining power in politics after 2015. If the elected lawmakers who represented people were really strong, they would be able to mobilize the military more. I also hope that [the military] will recognize and listen to the strength of the opposition and voices of the people.

KZM: I said the Constitution entrenches them. Looking at our neighbor, Thailand, its military frequently seizes power. There are frequent steps forward and then back again. I think Myanmar people will not want to see such a situation, nor does the military. So, how long will we need to maintain the status quo for the military, Ma Cheery Zahau? I mean how long should we not touch the 25 percent of its seats in the Parliament? The next five years, 10 or 15?

CZ: If I were a military guy—the military already holds the power, the two most powerful positions in its hands—25 percent of seats in the Parliament and all the positions in the administration held by the Home Affairs Ministry through the army chief—I would let the other positions to be taken by people's representatives. Even then, there would be no loss to for military. If the military had a finger in every pie, it would never win the trust and reliance of the people. In fact, it never got over the past 60 years. Only five years ago, people dared to speak of the military, to look at the military. In the past, the military was an institution that people dared not talk about. If it continues to hold power, we are likely to see a crisis because of it. So I would suggest that the military transfer 75 percent of parliamentary seats and many other things, such as the judicial branch, to the people.

KZM: The major duty of the 25 percent of military representatives sitting in Parliament is to protect the Constitution. It is their key duty. Ma Zin Mar Aung, the majority of people did not accept the 2008 constitution because it is not in line with democratic norms. An election was held in 2010 and there were mountains of voting irregularities. Many boycotted it. And the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) therefore won in a landslide. In 2011, President U Thein Sein's quasi-government came into power. It was followed by a by-election in 2012. The political trend has changed. The government invited Burmese expats to come back and many returned to the country. But there are still constraints. How long will this trend go on, whether the Constitution is changed or not?

ZMA: The military holds the decision-making power with regard to constitutional changes. On the other hand, there is still the issue of national reconciliation. So we have to wait and see how the military wants to build national reconciliation. [Political trends] will depend on the way the military handles national reconciliation. The goal of national reconciliation has been set, but if roads leading toward that goal are twisted, it will become a problem. It depends on how magnanimous the military is. I hope the military has political farsightedness. I don't mean the military should be generous. Our interests are bonded. If [the military] would take the view that the interests of the opposition are the dignity and interests of the military as well as the interests of ethnic minorities and that we are in the same boat, then we will be able to see more relaxations and more of the right people in the right places, I hope. But it will take time and it will depend largely on the 2015 election.

KZM: Ma Cheery, you are considering contesting the 2015 election. Let's take a look down the line, about 5 or 10 years after the 2015 election. How do you envisage Myanmar doing over the next decade?

CZ: The country will be kept busy until 2020 because there are still many problems, such as farmland disputes and the peace process. In a democratization process, there are lots of undesirable laws which prohibit the democratic rights of individuals. On the economic front, commodity prices are rising again. There are many problems that need to be resolved for the livelihoods of the people. So 2015 to 2020 will be a very busy period. We need to work collaboratively. The military has ruled for sixty years, but it did not solve the country's problems. I want the military to have a cooperative attitude, to solve the problems of the people. If the military can put the people's interests before its institutional interests in bargaining, drafting laws and designing policies, there will be progress in 2020 and the path beyond will be fairly smooth.

KZM: So, you are optimistic about the next 10 years?

CZ: Much remains to be done.

KZM: Ma Zin Mar Aung, a yes-or-no question for you. Do you think the political trend of Myanmar will improve in the next ten years?

ZMA: This is a difficult question for me, because the politics are not black and white at present.

KZM: Well, take a look into the past 20, 30 years, and the past five years as well as the next 10 years. Will the trend be upward or downward?

ZMA: I think there will be ups and downs, like waves. We need to take unseen factors into consideration. We did not discuss many other factors throughout our discussion. There may be other factors. It will depend on how we can handle those. If the military becomes willing to talk, I'm sure the opposition is always ready to talk. Then, we will be able to work together better and that would be positive, we hope.

KZM: Ma Zin Mar Aung, Ma Cheery Zahau, thank you very much.

The post Dateline Politics: 'There Will Be Ups and Downs, Like Waves' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt, Ethnic Reps Hopeful after Peace Talks in Chiang Mai

Posted: 06 Jul 2015 12:31 AM PDT

Government peace negotiators (from left) Aung Min, Khin Ye and Hla Maung Shwe of the Myanmar Peace Center during talks held in Chiang Mai on July 3-4, 2015. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy)

Government peace negotiators (from left) Aung Min, Khin Ye and Hla Maung Shwe of the Myanmar Peace Center during talks held in Chiang Mai on July 3-4, 2015. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Burma's chief peace negotiator Aung Min said the door to inking a nationwide peace accord remained open after a two-day informal meeting between government representatives and a new negotiating bloc representing ethnic armed groups concluded on Saturday.

The scene was set for a potentially prickly dialogue when Aung Min told reporters on Friday that the government did not want any changes to the draft nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), but that the 12 amendments proposed by ethnic representatives could be added to the text's appendix.

However, the mood appeared more upbeat following the two-day talks—the first between government representatives and the ethnic's new Special Delegation team, formed at a summit in Karen State's Law Khee Lar last month.

"Today's discussion was a success," Aung Min said in a brief comment to reporters. "We have opened a door to the next step in signing the NCA."

He said further discussions would be held between both sides in Rangoon sometime in the third week of July, including on ethnic groups' proposed amendments to the draft text.

The ethnic delegation also remained optimistic despite the initial reluctance of government interlocutors to accept the new negotiating team.

Aung Min referred to the new delegation as old colleagues, albeit in a new configuration, as he had worked with each of the leaders during previous bilateral ceasefire negotiations.

Zipporah Sein, the head of the Special Delegation and the vice chair of the Karen National Union, told The Irrawaddy the talks were a "positive development" and would continue.

She said both sides would continue to discuss the issue of three ethnic armed groups, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, the Arakan Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, that are locked in ongoing conflict with the Burma Army in northern Shan State.

"[Establishing] all-inclusiveness is as important as the nationwide ceasefire. We are trying to achieve it and the government should also try. The government side is also now working on it and that's a good sign," Zipporah Sein said.

Pu Zing Cung, the deputy leader of the ethnic bloc, said sights were set on achieving nationwide peace under the incumbent government of President Thein Sein.

"There are only a couple of amendments to actually make to the NCA draft text, which we have discussed, and [these] could be done following further meetings," he said.

"Both sides pledged to move the peace process forward and to try to sign the NCA under this administration and finalize the framework for political dialogue."

Aung Min also met separately with members of the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South in Chiang Mai on Saturday. The Shan armed group is not a member of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, now replaced by the Special Delegation, that has led ceasefire negotiations on behalf of ethnic armed groups.

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China Lobbies Hard Ahead of Manila’s South China Sea Arbitration Case

Posted: 05 Jul 2015 10:55 PM PDT

A Chinese Coast Guard vessel maneuvers to block a Philippine government supply ship with members of the media aboard at part of the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea on March 29, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

A Chinese Coast Guard vessel maneuvers to block a Philippine government supply ship with members of the media aboard at part of the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea on March 29, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

HONG KONG / MANILA — China's claims to the disputed South China Sea will come under international legal scrutiny for the first time this week, but while Beijing has officially refused to take part in the case filed by the Philippines at a UN tribunal, it has made its presence felt.

Indeed, Manila's international legal team was heading to the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague to initially argue that the five-judge panel has jurisdiction to hear the case, Philippine Foreign Ministry officials told Reuters.

That is because of concerns China raised in a public position paper in December about the tribunal's jurisdiction over the matter, according to court statements.

A little-noticed decision by the tribunal's panel in April acknowledged China's objections and announced that a hearing on jurisdiction from July 7-13 would be held first.

Manila filed the case in 2013 to seek a ruling on its right to exploit the South China Sea waters in its 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ) as allowed under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

While legally binding, any decision that favors the Philippines would be unenforceable because there is no UN body to police such rulings, legal experts said.

Nevertheless, such a ruling would be a diplomatic blow to Beijing and might prompt other claimants to the South China Sea to take similar action, legal experts and diplomats said.

The case is being closely watched by Asian governments and Washington given rising tensions in the South China Sea, especially in the Spratly archipelago, where China is creating seven artificial islands that will allow its navy to project power deep into the maritime heart of Southeast Asia.

China claims most of the waterway, including many reefs and shoals that Manila considers are within its EEZ. Parts of the EEZ contain rich fishing grounds and energy deposits.

Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan also have claims to the South China Sea, through which US$5 trillion in ship-borne trade passes every year.

Some international legal scholars and South China Sea experts said China was effectively taking part in the case even though it had officially refused to do so.

"It appears the tribunal panel is bending over backwards to accommodate China's interests and appear even-handed to both the Philippines and China," said Ian Storey, a South China Sea expert at Singapore's Institute of South East Asian Studies.

Experts said that did not mean the judges would find in Beijing's favor.

"They are being as fair as they can … they seem to sense China will scrutinize every word in any final ruling," said one legal scholar following the case.

When asked to comment, tribunal officials referred Reuters to statements on its website.

Without China's permission, Manila cannot seek a ruling at the International Court of Justice in The Hague on the sovereignty of the disputed territory, legal scholars said.

Instead, Manila has invoked dispute settlement procedures under UNCLOS, a system that allows for arbitration even when one side objects and refuses to participate.

The Law of the Sea does not rule on sovereignty but it does outline a system of territory and economic zones that can be claimed from features such as islands, rocks and reefs.

The Chinese position paper last December said the "essence" of the Philippine case was sovereignty, and therefore beyond the scope of the tribunal.

Storey said the hearing on jurisdiction could delay any final ruling by six to 12 months, meaning the case could linger beyond the single term of Philippine President Benigno Aquino, which ends next June.

Aquino has been a key figure behind the legal challenge, at times drawing China's ire by comparing its South China Sea claims to Nazi Germany's expansionism before World War II.

Chinese diplomats and legal experts have been following developments closely and taking outside opinions, according to sources with knowledge of Beijing's approach to the case.

Some of that work has been handled by the Chinese Embassy at The Hague, which has established a formal line of communication with the tribunal, they said.

Tribunal statements and the rules of the case reviewed by Reuters confirm that China can communicate with the tribunal via its ambassador to The Hague, while the court also updates China on procedural moves and opportunities for submissions.

Despite the exchanges, China still planned to reject any decision that favored Manila, the sources said.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying told a regular briefing on Thursday that the "unilateral" arbitration was "a political provocation in the guise of law that seeks to deny China's national sovereignty in the South China Sea."

Charles Jose, the Philippine Foreign Ministry spokesman, disagreed: "The court is a fundamental first step toward a peaceful and rules-based resolution of the issue," he said.

Zha Daojiong, a political scientist at Peking University, said he believed Beijing's strategy of not taking part and then refusing to accept any judgement was set.

"Without China's participation, any ruling can only be an opinion," he added.

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Cambodia Faces Uphill Struggle to Reform its Orphanages

Posted: 05 Jul 2015 10:34 PM PDT

An orphan at Wat Norea orphanage learns to mix cement in Battambang, Cambodia, on September 20, 2003. (Photo: Reuters)

An orphan at Wat Norea orphanage learns to mix cement in Battambang, Cambodia, on September 20, 2003. (Photo: Reuters)

PHNOM PENH — A visit to the temples of Angkor Wat, followed by a stop at an orphanage, are part of the travel experience for many of the more than four million tourists who come to Cambodia every year.

What they often do not realize is that the impoverished Southeast Asian country is in the grip of a boom in orphanages, many of them unlicensed, with no safety checks, few real orphans, and subject to growing concern about neglect and abuse.

Most of Cambodia's orphanages are financed by private donations from abroad, but no one knows exactly how much money flows into the country or how many centers there are.

"It's hard to gauge because many orphanages are not transparent about their accounts, but it's a pretty safe guess that it's a multimillion dollar business," said James Sutherland, communications coordinator at Friends International, a social enterprise that works with disadvantaged children.

Orphanages are expanding because Cambodia lacks a social welfare network to support poor families, its institutions still struggling to recover from the devastation caused by dictator Pol Pot's genocidal regime in the late 1970s.

Between 2005 and 2010, the number of registered orphanages rose 75 percent to 269, housing almost 12,000 children, according to the United Nations children's agency Unicef.

Since then, hundreds more have sprung up, usually run by private individuals or faith-based organizations, many of them from the United States or South Korea.

One of the largest is Foursquare Children of Promise (FCOP), a US-based group dedicated to "building the kingdom of God," which runs more than 100 residential care facilities in Cambodia.

FCOP was unavailable for comment.

A Unicef report found that in many orphanages the standard of care is extremely poor, although Cambodia introduced minimum standards in 2006.

Unicef's Cambodia country representative, Rana Flowers, said a lack of registration and of enforcement of minimum standards put children at risk of neglect and abuse.

"I consider this to be a humanitarian emergency," Flowers told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

"This is a growing industry with little regulation, so anyone can open an orphanage to the detriment of thousands of children."

The chances that a well-meaning tourist's cash will help a real orphan are slim as around 77 percent of children in orphanages have at least one living parent, according to Unicef.

Many parents in poor rural areas see little choice but to place their children in orphanages because they cannot afford to send them to school.

Mushrooming Industry

The true scale of the orphanage problem should become clearer when a survey carried out by the Ministry of Social Affairs and aid groups is published later this year.

"The number is likely to be closer to 600, which shows that this problem is out of control," an aid source, who requested anonymity, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

While the data is not directly comparable because the survey will include un-registered orphanages, it shows the government is struggling to contain the boom, despite its stated policy that residential care should only be a last resort for children.

The government wants to stop more orphanages from opening and has promised yearly inspections, but it has only 30 inspectors, making it hard to monitor the industry.

"We don't encourage more units to open," Oum Sophanara, director of the government's child welfare department, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

The government inspected 228 residential care units last year housing a total of 11,014 children. Only 22 of those are run by the government.

"There are many more units that we have not been able to find," Oum said.

Since 2011, the government has shut down 11 orphanages that failed to meet its minimum care standards.

Orphanage Tourism

The growth in orphanages matches an explosion of tourism in Cambodia, where the number of foreign tourists has shot up to 4.5 million last year from less than 200,000 in 1994.

Most of them go to Siem Reap, a town close to Angkor Wat in one of the country's poorest provinces, and the center of "orphanage tourism" in Cambodia.

Orphanage tourism is prevalent in other parts of Southeast Asia too, such as northern Thailand where some centers charge volunteers up to $400 a week to spend time there.

It is also increasing in Burma as tourist numbers rise, prompting the government to commit itself last year to a moratorium on opening new orphanages.

Friends International is working with other charities to raise awareness through the "Don't Create More Orphans" campaign, launched in February.

"It is getting a lot of traction but many tourists are still unaware how damaging orphanages are," said Sutherland.

There is a growing view in Cambodia that growing up in a residential care center is damaging for a child's development and that children need to be loved and cared for by one or two familiar adults, rather than strangers.

M'Lop Tapang is one of a growing number of community-based organizations that provide shelters, education and vocational training with the aim of bringing children back to their families.

"Every child needs to have a family to belong to," M'Lop Tapang director Eve Sao Sarin told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. "When a child lives at home, they're in a community and have a much better chance to learn essential life skills."

M'Lop Tapang does not let tourists or volunteers come to its facilities in the seaside town of Sihanoukville, except for its Sandan restaurant where it trains street children to become chefs and waiters.

"We don't think it's a good way to fund-raise or promote our work," Sarin said.

The post Cambodia Faces Uphill Struggle to Reform its Orphanages appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Malaysian Leader Faces Risk of Criminal Charges Over Fund

Posted: 05 Jul 2015 10:22 PM PDT

Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Razak speaks to the media at a mosque outside Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on July 5, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Razak speaks to the media at a mosque outside Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on July 5, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

KUALA LUMPUR — Malaysia's prime minister is facing the risk of criminal charges over allegations that hundreds of millions of dollars were funneled from an indebted state fund to his personal bank accounts, the first time a Malaysian leader has faced criminal allegations.

The country's attorney general confirmed late Saturday that he had received documents from an official investigation that made the link between Prime Minister Najib Razak and the investment fund 1MDB. The existence of the documents was first reported by The Wall Street Journal's Asia edition on Friday, showing some US$700 million were wired from entities linked to the fund into Najib's accounts.

The documents sent to the attorney general pave the way for possible criminal charges.

It is one of the worst political crises for Najib, who has come under increasing criticism over his leadership.

Najib, who has denied taking any money for personal gain, said Sunday that he would consult with his lawyers to decide his next course of action on the "malicious accusations" against him.

"It's damning and disastrous for Najib," said Wan Saiful Wan Jan, who heads the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs think-tank.

"This is really uncharted territory in Malaysian politics. For the first time ever, we are seeing a prime minister facing the possibility of a criminal charge," he said.

1MDB, set up by Najib in 2009 to develop new industries, has accumulated 42 billion ringgit ($11.1 billion) in debt after its energy ventures abroad faltered. Critics, led by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, have voiced concerns about 1MDB's massive debt and alleged lack of transparency.

The Wall Street Journal report said five deposits were made into Najib's accounts and that the two largest transactions, worth $620 million and $61 million, were done in March 2013 ahead of general elections.

Najib slammed the report as part of a "political sabotage" by Mahathir to remove him. Mahathir, who stepped down in 2003 after 22 years in power but has remained an influential political figure, has been leading calls for Najib to step down.

1MDB said it had never provided any funds to Najib.

Attorney General Abdul Gani Patail, however, said a task force investigating 1MDB for alleged impropriety had given him papers "including documents related to allegations of fund transfer into the account of the prime minister."

Abdul Gani said the task force raided offices of three companies linked to 1MDB that were allegedly involved in the fund transfer. He didn't give further details on the documents or say what actions would be taken.

Najib's deputy, Muhyiddin Yassin, said the allegations must be investigated because they tarnish Najib's credibility and integrity. Opposition lawmakers have said Najib should go on leave and also declare his assets.

Home Minister Zahid Hamidi said the allegations against Najib were "reckless" and "bordering on criminal offenses" because they were based on unverified documents. He warned that police would "not hesitate to use the full force of the law against those who attempt to harm Malaysia's economy and our democratic process."

"Even if nothing comes up from the investigation, the damage to Najib's reputation has been done. The pressure for him to step down will increase," said Wan Saiful, the head of the think-tank.

Najib, the son of a former prime minister, took over the premiership in 2009. He has fought criticism over his management of the economy, and being implicated in the murder of a Mongolian model nine years ago. Najib has said he had nothing to do with the model, and two security officers linked to Najib at the time were found guilty of her murder.

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