The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Displaced Civilians in Shan State Tell of Hardship, Loss
• The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Nov. 28, 2015)
• Lessons in Nationalism

Displaced Civilians in Shan State Tell of Hardship, Loss Posted: 27 Nov 2015 07:10 PM PST Click to view slideshow. KYETHI TOWNSHIP, Shan State — Nang Soi is one of several thousand civilians whose life has been uprooted by recent conflict between the Burma Army and Shan rebels in central Shan State. The 48-year-old woman, who is currently taking shelter in the Wan Hsaw camp for internally displaced persons (IDP) in Kyethi Township, broke down in tears when telling the story of her husband who was shot and killed by government troops earlier this month. Sai Zau, 52, was traveling back to his home in Mong Ark, Mong Hsu Township, where he intended to convince his son in law to join the rest of the family in the Wan Hsaw IDP camp. He never made it, according to Nang Soi. "He wore civilian clothes and walked back to the village. We heard he was shot," she said. "In our Shan culture, we make donations at the monastery when someone dies. But we can't do it for him yet as we are in the IDP camp. No one can even go back to collect his dead body. I don't know what to do next, I'm very sad." Nang Soi, a mother of six, received a further shock when two of her daughters failed to return after heading back to Mong Ark to cultivate paddy. She has since learned that they were forced to flee fighting that broke out near the rice field and took shelter in an IDP camp in Mong Nawng. Many IDPs are farmers who led peaceful lives before fighting broke out in the area in early October and they were forced to abandon their fields and livelihoods. According to locals and aid groups, between 6,000 to 10,000 civilians from Mong Hsu, Kyethi and Mong Nawng townships have been forced from their homes. "Our Shan people used to stay in big houses in nice places. This is our Shan style. But now we have to stay in refugee camps," said Sai Lon Pan, a 50-year-old man from Tar San Pu village in Kyethi Township who is staying in Hai Pa IDP camp, which hosts more than 1,000 IDPs, including ethnic Shan, Lisu and Palaung (Ta'ang). "We could not bring anything from our properties at home. The Burma Army is staying in our village. We don't know when we can go back there. We don't know what will happen next," he said. Most camps are in areas under the control of the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N) and are being managed by local Buddhist monks and Shan community leaders. The latter have voiced concern over how long IDPs can be provided for without aid from the government or other donors. A proposal seeking government assistance for displaced civilians in Shan State was put forward in Parliament on Monday. However, the proposition did not go to a vote, with deputy ministers from Defense and Home Affairs defending the government's existing humanitarian response. "For me, I feel this is an emergency issue," said Sai Thiha Kyaw, a Lower House lawmaker from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD). "We need to do it [provide aid] because IDPs do not have enough food. They only have some food from local donations." An ethnic Shan IDP from Nam Pa Mong village, who sold fast food in one of the Kyethi Township camps, stood outside her small shop to relate how Burma Army soldiers entered her village. "They pointed guns at villagers if they saw anyone trying to come back to the village. Only monks were able to visit our village for a while," the 45-year-old woman said. "We have our domestic animals at home. We even have our own food. We are worried they will kill our animals or eat our food." The Irrawaddy visited different camps in Kyethi and Mong Hsu townships and most IDPs appeared to be women and children. Local aid groups have supplied food, but sanitation seemed to be an issue and many lacked warm clothes to guard against the cold. A female nurse in Wan Hsaw IDP camp, which hosts about 1,200 IDPs, said there were 40 patients receiving daily treatment at the camp. "Many of them are children. Three children have diarrhea and came to the clinic today [Nov. 25]. We are worried there will be more problems like this for other children," she said. The post Displaced Civilians in Shan State Tell of Hardship, Loss appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Nov. 28, 2015) Posted: 27 Nov 2015 06:53 PM PST A worker waters jade stones at Burma's 2011 Mid-Year Emporium for jade, gems & pearls at an emporium hall in the capital Naypyidaw, Dec. 24, 2011. (Photo: Reuters) Extractive Industries Transparency Report Could Exclude Vital Sectors Burma is preparing to submit its first report to the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) before the end of this year, but a news report this week suggests that key data may be left out in spite of a push by civil society groups. The government is hoping Burma will be accepted as a full member of EITI, a global project that requires transparency on what revenues are collected from extractive sectors, including mining and oil and gas. A vital step in doing so will be a report, which must be submitted by January 2, according to the local English-language newspaper Myanmar Business Today. The Myanmar Business Today report, which was reproduced on the official Myanmar EITI website, said that Burma's EITI implementation group had agreed to make sure the report is submitted before the end of December. UK-based auditor Moore Stephens is reportedly working on the report, and the Ministry of Energy, which oversees oil and gas exploration and extraction, has said it has submitted detailed data on revenues for the report. But comments from members of the implementation group to Myanmar Business Today suggest that the first report will not contain all the information that civil society has been hoping to see included. "We can't include hydropower plant projects and the timber industry in this report. We made this decision with the agreement of all members," group member Kyone Hlang Htawn told Myanmar Business Today. Another group member, Min Zarni Lin, was also cited saying that data on taxation in the minerals, jade and gem mining sectors would only be "partially reported due to lack of data." The inclusion of the comprehensive data on the jade trade in the EITI scheme has been highlighted as important by nongovernmental organizations, who say this highly lucrative industry is enriching a small elite and making peace more difficult to achieve in Kachin State, from where the vast majority of the world's jade is sourced. UK-based group Global Witness last month released a report estimating that the trade was worth some $31 billion in 2014 alone, and exposing the scale of the involvement of known drug traffickers, the Burmese military and senior government officials. Global Witness, which holds a seat on EITI's international board, said in the report that applying EITI transparency standards to the jade industry could help clean up the jade trade by allowing Burmese civil society groups to hold companies and officials to account. "Conversely, if the scheme's principles are not applied to the jade business as a matter of urgency, the opportunity would be lost and EITI's credibility in Myanmar severely damaged," the report said. New Government Will Face Gathering Economic 'Headwinds': Analysts Analysts at the UK-based Oxford Business Group have predicted that the new government set to be formed next year following elections on November 8 will face less favorable economic conditions than its predecessor. The National League for Democracy (NLD) has won a majority large enough to select the next president and form a government. In an update on the situation in Burma this week, Oxford Business Group said that the victory for Aung San Suu Kyi's party was expected to "bring renewed investor confidence," citing the favorable international response to the election result and the possibility of further sanctions relief. However, the analysts said, "While Myanmar remains a market of interest for many investors, the new government will likely be faced with weaker economic conditions than the last administration, largely as a result of the slowing of the Chinese economy." The slowdown of growth in the Chinese economy, which will see exports of commodities to Burma's neighbor drop, has already been cited by the International Monetary Fund as an impediment to growth, the update said. Additionally, it said, this year's widespread flooding will have an impact on the economy, and the new government must also tackle rising inflation, which could be as high as 13 percent this year. Thai Chamber of Commerce Wants More Government Help in Burma Thai companies are pressuring their government to hold more official visits and business delegations in Burma ahead of moves to increase regional economic integration, according to a report from the Bangkok Post. Leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations on Sunday officially established the Asean Economic Community in Kuala Lumpur, although steps to drop trade barriers and free up the movement of skilled labor are likely to take some time fully to kick in. But the Thailand-based English-language newspaper cited Pussadee Polsaram, director of the AEC Strategy Center at the University of the Thai Chamber of Commerce saying that Thai companies trying to enter the Burmese economy faced a lack of connections in the country. She called on the Thai government to do more to help Thai businesses trying to invest in Burma. "The Thai government should set up trips led by the prime minister or deputy prime minister to introduce Thai businesses to local businesses just like the Chinese and the Vietnamese governments have done," she was quoted saying. "The two countries could hold talks at an administrative level from time to time to foster cooperation," the report added. Niyom Wairatpanij, a vice-chairman of the Thai Chamber of Commerce, was also quoted saying that the Thai government should be more proactive in supporting Thai companies in Burma. "The government should ease trade and investment along the border by setting up more checkpoints, he said," the Bangkok Post reported. Kanbawza Links With US Firm for Satellite Broadband KBZ Gateway, part of the sprawling local conglomerate Kanbawza Group, has entered an agreement with Hughes Network Systems to use the Maryland-based company's technology for a new satellite Internet network in Burma. A statement from Hughes this week said that a network was under construction to offer broadband Internet directly to offices and homes in Burma, and to the country's mobile providers. Hughes' "Jupiter" system will be employed for the network, it said. "The Hughes JUPITER System features a flexible and robust gateway architecture with lights-out operation, enhanced IPoS air interface for bandwidth efficiency, and high-throughput terminals, enabling operators to achieve the highest possible capacity and efficiency for any satellite broadband implementation," the statement said. "This is an alliance of two companies to help bridge the digital divide in our country," the statement quoted Stephane Lamoureux, CEO of KBZ Gateway, as saying. "It is not just about launching a new service. It is about driving growth and success of Myanmar's telecommunication industry by providing high-speed, shared hub services to customers across the country. The JUPITER System gives us a powerful solution today and a seamless growth path to next-generation, high-throughput satellite services as they become available in Myanmar." Malaysia's OCK Group Signs Agreement With Telenor Malaysian telecommunications firm OCK Group has entered into a memorandum of understanding with Telenor Myanmar, and is reportedly set to build more than 900 new mobile phone towers for the Norwegian firm. OCK Group announced on Thursday that, along with local partner King Royal Technologies, it had entered an agreement with Telenor "to build and lease tower infrastructure to Telenor." "All parties aimed to conclude the agreement in the next few weeks," the statement to the Malaysian stock exchange said. The business section of Malaysian newspaper The Star reported Friday that OCK Group was "in the final stages of getting a contract from Telenor's Burma unit to build and lease more than 900 towers in the country. "Sources told StarBiz that the contract would last for 12 years and all the towers under this phase were expected to be completed next year." The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Nov. 28, 2015) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Lessons in Nationalism Posted: 27 Nov 2015 06:45 PM PST "The Female Voice of Myanmar: Khin Myo Chit to Aung San Suu Kyi," by Nilanjana Sengupta. I was fortunate to be a part of the first Irrawaddy Literary Festival—the first of its kind Burma has known in perhaps half a century. It was organized at the Inya Lake Hotel, Rangoon in February 2013. Winter and early spring are the traditional seasons for literary talks, or sarpayhawpyawbwe in Burmese. This particular morning was cool, the air having lost its chilling bite and indolent, white cotton-ball clouds were reflected in the blue waters of Inya Lake. Aung San Suu Kyi arrived amid unprompted and seemingly unending applause—she was the festival patron and was to participate in two of the panels. During the course of discussion she confessed to her lack of admiration for the character of Ulysses and in the same breath declared Victor Hugo's Jean Valjean to be an all-time favorite.  This was greeted with surprise and the possible reason for her rejection of the cultural icon of individual self-assertion over a petty French convict, jailed for his 40 sous theft, whose climactic act of heroism consisted of carrying his former enemy through miles of Parisian sewers, was debated at length.  I too wondered, late into the night, the thought going round in slow, concentric circles in my mind even as I kept a wary watch for the gecko I had spotted crawling the walls of my lonely hotel room. I will think of it tomorrow, I finally decided. Why does everything in Burma have to be so complicated? That tomorrow came after many days and months, even as I read Suu Kyi's writing—her speeches, her columns, essays, letters, heard the numerous speeches delivered with the same unwavering confidence at numerous forums. And by the time my translators were beating a hasty retreat when they saw me approach and my husband was willingly choosing a rerun of I Love Lucy over me, I saw the first rays of dawn's light! Both Ulysses and Les Miserables (from which Jean Valjean gleaned fame) are tied together by the same theme—the relationship of the central protagonist with the community that surrounds him, a community that by turn sustains him and confines him and which, not surprisingly, in both classics is largely unfavorable, at best unfamiliar and pejorative. To understand Aung San Suu Kyi's thoughts on this bond that binds a man with his community or to expand that thought a bit further, a man with his nation, we would have to rewind back a few years to a time when she wrote her first essays on Burmese nationalism. Both Literature and Nationalism in Burma and Intellectual Life in Burma and India under Colonialism were written in the 1980s while she retained an outsider's view of the country and nurtured dreams of becoming an author and academic. I would think in both essays Suu Kyi's aim remains the same: Beneath the discussion of past history and contemporary literature there is an urgent desire to find answers, to probe the rationale behind Burmese society as it has evolved and understand individual responses which have given Burmese nationalism its particular flavor. In doing so she takes a closer look at selected pieces of Burmese literature, pieces which have come to be a part of the nation's literary canon, that pantheon of valorized and legitimized texts which every educated individual is expected to be conversant with. And what does she discover? In U Latt's much loved novels, she finds a strong nostalgia for Burmese monarchy, in Thakin Kodaw Hmaing, despite the poet's strong emotional bond with the youth, a disconnect with the modern political ideology embraced by his young thakin followers and in the historical writings of Pagan U Tin or Hmawbi Hsaya Thein a blind need to revitalize racial pride rather than any "scientific spirit of enquiry". She even intrepidly criticized the widely read radical journalist Thein Pe Myint for the "heavy handed" political messages with which he layers his literary writing. Arguably in both essays, even as she looks through the lens of popular literature, Suu Kyi finds a society where nationalism is interpreted as an unquestioning loyalty to a set of pre-conceived values, where patriotism is not only all-pervasive but a compulsion as well, where the lack of nationalist feelings is treated with little tolerance. Individual thought or endeavor, a natural corollary to liberalism, takes second place. And consequently she holds up in positive light the more inclusive nationalism of Tagore and the gentle and moderate Nikhilesh of Tagore's Ghare Baire (Home and the World). But what is perhaps more relevant to the Burmese context, in both essays she writes of the avant-garde khit-san writers, Theippan Maung Wa, Zaw Gyi and Min Thu Wun, with some fondness. She writes of the renaissance spirit they brought to Burmese literature, admires their gentle humor, their classical flourish, and applauds them because, "Their nationalist spirit was expressed in terms of their efforts to inject new vigor into Burmese language and literature by adapting them to the modern situation rather than overtly political writings." For me, Aung San Suu Kyi's future political credo and the nationalism she preaches now is founded on this single comment: the importance of the individual response. She speaks of individual response when she narrates anecdotes from her father's life, in her references to Gandhi or to U Vinaya and U Pandita, the revered Buddhist saya-daws, or in her frequent citing of Buddhist Jataka stories while she addresses the Burmese masses. Thus, to illustrate her point, in 2013 in a weekly column that she writes for the D-hlaing Journal she refers to the story of Zaneka in the context of her father. Zaneka, a former existence of the Buddha who embodied the viriya parami—or the quality of energy, diligence and sustained effort—as a young prince sailed the high seas in search of his royal kingdom. When he was in mid-ocean a violent storm arose, but even as the ship sank and the surging ocean turned crimson with the blood of his shipmates devoured by sea monsters, Zaneka climbed to the highest mast and with a tremendous spring overleapt the circle of monsters and resolutely swam across to the distant shore.  Thus, while others were overwhelmed by the urgency of the moment, Zaneka swam across with resolve and mindfulness, fuelled by both physical and mental energy. And when he appeared before his new subjects, he was as perfectly balanced in his viriya as a perfectly tuned lute which needs to be played with energy which is neither deficient nor in excess. Similar is her re-reading of the old Buddhist tale of Padasari—a woman driven to near-insanity with the loss of her children and family until she found sanctuary in the Buddha. It is a story which has found multiple literary references and yet while others see it as a story of finding spiritual gratification at the feet of the Buddha, Suu Kyi sees in the old tale only the supreme joy of victory—the victory of an individual over self and personal destiny. Thus while the characters remain the same, the emphasis shifts from the Buddha to the individual and the sanctity of her journey. It is this individual who lies at the center of Suu Kyi's philosophy, an individual who eventually determines the kind of community he builds around him. And it is this individual who helps her in her reinterpretation of Buddhism or of the political credo which is the blessing and bane of our times—democracy. Rather than a top-down, authoritative, state-driven set of directives which these concepts often devolve into, she presents them as non-coercive philosophies driven by and meant for the sustenance and growth of the individual. But then where does this leave the community and the nation? Isn't that where we had started our journey? Even while I tried to capture the readers' attention with geckos and drifting clouds? Well to explain that we will need to remember her emphasis on reflective viriya, an individual who is equally driven by physical endeavor and intellectual prudence, and add to that yet another of her favorites, active myitta, or loving kindness, and then blend them together to arrive at the concept of inter-dependent co-arising as preached by Engaged Buddhists. Now before you sigh in exasperation and reach for the delete button, let me quickly explain that. Inter-dependent co-arising is a concept wherein no individual or society is deemed free of the shared matrix of values and systems to which it belongs. In other words, no individual can be absolved of his social role in the kammic web of which he is a part. According to Suu Kyi for an individual to be able to assume the role designated for him in the social web, or nation, there is need to personally adopt the twin themes of 'active myitta' and 'reflective viriya', qualities which will nurture an empathy for a wide sweep of cultures and interests, as well as a will to bring in judicious change as displayed by the khit-san poets of yore. As Suu Kyi explains more prosaically, "It's no use standing there wringing your hands and saying, 'My goodness, my goodness, this is terrible.' You must try to do what you can. I believe in action." But again, the action she speaks of is not only the physical act of doing a good deed or a mindless act of patriotism (or non-patriotism, for that matter) under popular pressure. It is equally a non-passive non-acceptance of convention. Zaneka displayed this by climbing the high mast of the ship, the khit-san writers by reinventing poetic lyricism. So to go back to our initial question: why Jean Valjean and not Ulysses? Isn't Ulysses, an old man who has seen many wars and yet when confronted by a "still hearth" dauntlessly resolves to seek a new path, the very epitome of viriya? No, in Suu Kyi's logic, because his disdain for his aged wife and weariness in governing a "savage race" belies a selfish urge for self-actualization at the cost of country and people. It is the impractical rebellion of an old man against a bourgeoisie conformity. In contrast, Jean Valjean's journey is one of the spirit. After his long and hard life at the galleys, as he re-enters society, he expresses little urge to escape or rebel. Instead, he learns of the redemptive powers of love and remains willing to seek out what is good. Unlike in Ulysses, there is no negating of his social role or the kammic web here. I wish I could end the essay here, leaving a rosy picture of a community of perfect individuals ready to drive change in a pliable society. One is tempted to do so particularly with the NLD sweeping the polls in the recent election and everyone speaking of a nation poised for change. But unfortunately it is hard to ignore the voices of skeptics to whom Suu Kyi's beliefs might appear quixotic. Frankly, the thought has crossed my mind too, more frequently than I care to admit. So perhaps at this point we could stop to examine some of the policies which she has outlined over the past years—policies on education and the ailing economy which, if implemented, could make her theories into practical realities. The higher education policy for example, conceived by the National Network for Education Reform (NNER). Suu Kyi and members of the NLD played an active role in developing the policy, which has as its fulcrum decentralization and an enquiry-based development of cognitive skills. Or the NLD's experimental foray into micro-credit schemes which could counter the abysmally low outreach of the banking sector and allow individuals easy access to formal financial services. Or her change of stance in 2012 toward Total SA and Chevron, partners in the Yadana Gas Project, keeping in mind their investments in capacity building and skill transfer projects. In each case the focus is on a decentralized, bottom-up skill building as steps toward individual empowerment. If there is a proverbial fly in the ointment, it is in Suu Kyi's consistent interpretation of the Burmese national identity in terms of a restricted Burman-Buddhist identity. If she refers to Zaneka and Padasari, she forgets they are pertinent only to Burmese-Buddhist values. If she criticizes Kodaw Hmaing and Pe Myint, she forgets they are relevant only to the Burmese literary canon. If she refers to the Thirty Comrades, founded by her father, she forgets it was the nucleus of the Burmese army still perceived as an agency of persecution by minority ethnic groups. There remains a need to acknowledge the centrality of the minority question and minority voices. Aung San Suu Kyi had started in the 1980s by speaking of a compulsive nationalism enshrouding Burma. Today, as the nation stands at a vital crossroad, perhaps there is need to tread with caution: her own apparently empowering philosophy should not become a straitjacket for some, her party magazine should not become the propaganda machine of an empty democracy, and her postulations on her father should not devolve into a manipulation of collective memory. Parts of this essay were taken from the author's book, The Female Voice of Myanmar: Khin Myo Chit to Aung San Suu Kyi (Cambridge University Press, 2015, ISBN: 9781107117860). The post Lessons in Nationalism appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Former USDP Gen-Sec Denies Involvement in Jade Trade
• Locals Urge Japan to Rule Out Burma Coal Plant Funding
• Clashes Cease in Wan Hai, but for How Long?
• USDP Official Who Posted Fake Suu Kyi Image Rearrested
• China Releases Journalist after Guilty Plea
• North, South Korea Plan Further Talks after Standoff
• Gunmen Attack During Prayers at Bangladeshi Mosque
• Ceasefire Dialogue off to Rocky Start as Parties Complain of Exclusion

Former USDP Gen-Sec Denies Involvement in Jade Trade Posted: 27 Nov 2015 04:39 AM PST Dump trucks load with soil at a jade mine in Hpakant on Thursday. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — Outgoing lawmaker and Shwe Mann ally Maung Maung Thein has hit back at a bombshell expose of Burma's jade industry, denying that he and his family were involved in the lucrative trade. October's Global Witness report alleged the former general and junta-era minister had a controlling interest in two jade mining companies operating in the jade-rich Kachin State township of Hpakant, with both companies netting a combined US$142 million at Burma's 2013-14 jade emporiums. Explaining that "silence is a sort of admission", Maung Maung Thein called a press conference on Friday to deny any involvement in the companies, saying that Global Witness had misrepresented his son Nay Aung's involvement in the Myo Nwe jade mining company. ''Their accusations are groundless and one sided," he said. "My son Nay Aung is working as a staff member." In its report, Global Witness cited information from Maung Maung Thein's profile on the Union Parliament website, which listed Nay Aung as a director of Myo Nwe. Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Friday evening, Nay Aung said his company was working in a joint venture with the Burmese government and denied allegations he had hired police and military personnel to police the mine's operations. "I am working as a geologist and I don't know the profits of the company," he said. Nay Aung had declined to comment when asked by Global Witness, prior to the report's publication, whether his father was the owner of the Myo Nwe and Myat Yamon companies. Maung Maung Thein was formerly the general secretary of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) until his ouster in mid-August, as a faction of the party loyal to President Thein Sein moved to oust party chairman Shwe Mann and his allies from USDP leadership positions. According to an estimation of official sales by Global Witness, Maung Maung Thein and his family have profited exorbitantly from the jade trade, behind only former dictator Than Shwe, the military-owned Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited and the Ever Winner Group of Companies. Maung Maung Thein is the first person named in the report to issue a public response. When asked by The Irrawaddy on Friday if he had any involvement with other companies, military interests and junta-era luminaries involved in the jade trade, he emphatically replied that he was "not related with these groups". "I can't answer that question, don't make a dilemma for me please," he said. Based on 12 months of research, the Global Witness report estimates that Burma's jade production was valued as high as US$31 billion in 2014, a figure that vastly overshadows the country's other major resource earners, including natural gas exports. The post Former USDP Gen-Sec Denies Involvement in Jade Trade appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Locals Urge Japan to Rule Out Burma Coal Plant Funding Posted: 27 Nov 2015 03:57 AM PST Part of a Burmese delegation in Tokyo on Friday, protesting against Japanese financing of a number of coal-fired power projects in southern Burma. (Photo: Mekong Watch) RANGOON — Villagers have urged overseas development agencies and corporate investors in Japan not to underwrite three contentious coal power projects in southern Burma, each of which has been subject to sustained local opposition. A delegation of locals from Irrawaddy Division, Mon State and Tenasserim Division are now in Tokyo in an attempt to meet with the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC), along with companies that have already committed to investing in the projects. They are seeking guarantees that prospective Japanese investors will rule out funding any future coal project, in addition to the three already tied to Japanese financing and investment. "International and national financial institutions, such as the World Bank, are moving away from financing coal," said Thant Zin, coordinator of the Dawei Development Association (DDA), in a Friday statement from Tokyo. "In this day and age, when there are clean and renewable energy options available, it is unacceptable that Japanese actors are promoting such polluting energy projects in other countries." In one project, centered on Nga Yoke Kaung village in Irrawaddy's Ngapudaw Township, the Japanese firms Mitsubishi and J-Power are planning to build a 600 megawatt facility and adjoining deep sea port in partnership with the A1 Group of Companies, a local construction conglomerate. Both Mitsubishi and J-Power have claimed that JBIC will partially finance the scheme. Villagers have opposed the project, despite Mitsubishi chaperoning a delegation of Ngapudaw villagers in April to showcase two coal power plants it operates in Japan. Over 8,000 signatures have been collected for a petition urging President Thein Sein to veto the Nga Yoke Kaung development. Japan's Marubeni Corporation is working with one local and three Thai partners to build an 1,800 megawatt coal-fired plant in the Tenasserim village tract of Thar Ra Bwin, near the famed Myeik archipelago. The consortium signed a memorandum of understanding with the Ministry of Electric Power in October 2014, but local resident Saw Naing Than said that many villagers had only heard about the project recently. "We have not seen any construction carried out yet, but locals reject this project," he said in Rangoon on Friday. "Today, we are coming to refute the Japanese company who will invest in this project." Saw Naing Than was one of a number of villagers from across southern Burma who traveled to the Japanese Embassy on Friday, in order to file petitions against a number of coal plant projects to coincide with the overseas delegation. In Mon State's Inn Din village, the Toyo-Thai company is seeking loans from JBIC and the Sumitomo-Mitsui Bank (SMBC) bank for a 1280 MW coal plant, expected to cost upwards of US$2.8 billion. A 30-year construction and operating agreement was signed between Toyo-Thai and the Ministry of Electric Power in April. "All villagers from Inn Din have rejected this transparency-lacking project and have no trust in it," said Ye Township local Thiri Oo. "We don't want these already developed places to be destroyed." The Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability (MATA), a consortium of more than 400 local civil society organizations, also released a statement on Thursday calling on the government to review its existing policies on coal power, stating that the current projects posed "grave threats to the public health and are severely damaging the natural environment." "We note that the policy action plan to extract five million tons of natural coal by 2030, as outlined in the National Energy Policy, will definitely lead to the increased unjust exploitation of natural resources in civil war-affected ethnic areas," the group added. In an open letter addressed to JBIC chief executive Hiroshi Watanabe and JICA president Shinichi Kitaoka, 72 local civil society groups called on both agencies to take into account the views of locals before any funding is allocated to coal projects. It added that JBIC's funding of coal projects could be deemed a breach of that agency's guidelines, which require "social acceptability" for foreign economic development grants. Analysts and lawmakers expect that the Union Parliament will pass an update to Burma's Foreign Investment Law before the end of January. If enacted in its current state, the law will mandate stronger social and human rights protections for potential investors. The post Locals Urge Japan to Rule Out Burma Coal Plant Funding appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Clashes Cease in Wan Hai, but for How Long? Posted: 27 Nov 2015 01:13 AM PST Shan State Army-North soldiers at the hilltop outpost of Loi Sang on Thursday. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) WAN HAI, Kyethi Township, Shan State — For the second month running, most of the few villagers left in Wan Hai did not make their customary visit to the local monastery in order to mark the full moon. At the end of October, celebrations of the Thadingyut holiday to mark the conclusion of Buddhist Lent were cut short when the village was hit by mortar fire shortly after midnight. Many locals had already fled at the urging of the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N), who believed the Burma Army was preparing to attack the town. This time around, a few elderly villagers who had stayed behind went to pay their respects at the monastery, which had nearly been hit by a mortar round during last month's assault. But the others went to their crops. It was the first time they had been able to tend to their paddy fields in more than a month. The end of the harvest season is in two weeks. If they weren't able to return now, they would risk starving later. From the time since the military offensive began on Oct. 6, when the SSA-N refused a deadline to vacate its longstanding port base at Tar San Pu village, somewhere between 6,000 and 10,000 locals have been displaced. Clashes ceased three days ago in Kyethi, Mong Hsu and Mongkaing townships, the epicenter of SSA-N territory, in the mountainous ranges south of Hsipaw. Locals say that peace talks are underway between the Burmese government and the Shan State Progressive Party, the SSA-N's political wing. The Irrawaddy was given a tour of the ethnic armed group's frontline posts in Mong Hsu, to the east of the SSA-N's Wan Hai headquarters. Encountering a number of officers along the way, many spoke of the pitched battles waged against the military since the conflict began. Few believe the temporary lull in fighting will last. Close Quarters At the base of Mount Ju Mauk Kuang is one SSA-N post, with the Burma Army's base at the mountain's summit just barely visible from the perimeter. The base commander, a cheerful man sporting a giant tiger tattoo on his bare torso, eagerly showed off the post's 60mm mortar while describing the area's most recent clash. "They fired their artillery down on our base, so we shot them back," he said, pointing out bits of shrapnel embedded in the fortifications, adding that no-one on their side was hurt in the exchange. He later brandished a small tablet computer, which he said had taken from a Burma Army major killed in a recent battle. He scrolled through the self-portraits of the deceased, a young man of no more than 35. Officers say the Burma Army has made a concerted effort to take the SSA-N's hilltop posts in Mong Hsu, an objective it has largely failed at despite nearly two months of fighting. Were the military able to take these hill posts, they would be able to block the road between Mong Hsu and the Wan Hai headquarters, severely restricting the movement of SSA-N troops and cutting the armed group's territory in half. Maj. Sai Phone Han of the SSA-N said that the government is demanding a withdrawal from these bases in current ceasefire talks, which the rebel group is unwilling to countenance. The SSA-N's withdrawal from Tar San Pu in October did not halt the military's offensives for long. "We have bad conditions from these peace talks," the major said. "The government still want us to withdraw our troops currently based on the east side (of our territory). We cannot agree to this." In the meantime, the Burma Army has wanted the group to withdraw from their Mong Hsu positions in three days. If they don't, the clashes will resume. The military has already shelled and strafed villages in the township with the support of helicopter gunships and fighter planes. As in Wan Hai, many civilians have already fled. Mong Hsu town itself looks devoid of life, with many houses boarded up and schools closed. At a frontline post in Wan Loi village, SSA-N battalion commander Sai Seng Hein told The Irrawaddy that there had been a number of casualties on the Burma Army side, playing video footage he took of a recent clash on a small camera. "It was not an easy job to defend our post," he said. "[Their soldiers] know they will get shot, but they keep coming. When they get wounded, they move back—then as soon as they recover, they come to attack again. We fought each other at very close quarters." "The biggest offensive was at Mount Pu Lone. They attacked us for three days and used 6 air force planes at the end," he added. "Shells hit the ground and the earth shook very strongly. But they could not get our post." It may be only a matter of days before they try again. The post Clashes Cease in Wan Hai, but for How Long? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

USDP Official Who Posted Fake Suu Kyi Image Rearrested Posted: 27 Nov 2015 12:43 AM PST Than Tun, the joint secretary of the Kangyidaunt Township USDP office in Irrawaddy Division, who has been charged for allegedly sharing a digitally altered image of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Facebook. RANGOON — Than Tun, an official of Burma's ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), was rearrested on Wednesday after he had previously been charged and released on bail last month for sharing a fake, digitally altered image of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Facebook. "We've rearrested U Than Tun and have sent him to Pathein Jail. We have also submitted his case to court," Ye Lwin, a police officer, told The Irrawaddy. Than Tun, the joint secretary of the Kangyidaunt Township USDP office in Irrawaddy Division, was arrested on Oct. 20 for allegedly sharing an image of National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi's face transposed onto the body of a naked woman. After complaining of illness, he spent two days in Kangyidaunt Hospital and another four days in Pathein Hospital before he was returned to police custody for an additional week. He was released on bail earlier this month. Than Tun was reportedly rearrested after communications minister Myat Hein determined that his case should receive legal action. He will face trial at a local court in Kangyidaunt Township, with a hearing set for Dec. 2. "The Ministry of Communications made a [swift] decision to charge Patrick Khum Jaa Lee but took so long to make a decision about USDP leader U Than Tun," said Sithu Aung, a volunteer with the Hand to Hand Free Education Network who filed the original lawsuit against Than Tun under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law. The case is one of several currently before the courts related to materials shared on social media. Aid worker Patrick Khum Jaa Lee has been jailed since October and refused bail on several occasions over a Facebook post he disputes sharing. Chaw Sandi Tun, a 25-year-old woman, is facing trial in Maubin Township, Irrawaddy Division, after allegedly sharing a satirical Facebook post deemed insulting to the military. She is facing twin charges, under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law which carries up to three years imprisonment and Article 500 of the Penal Code which stipulates punishment of up to two years. The post USDP Official Who Posted Fake Suu Kyi Image Rearrested appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Releases Journalist after Guilty Plea Posted: 26 Nov 2015 09:10 PM PST Chinese journalist Gao Yu in 2012. (Photo: Bobby Yip / Reuters) BEIJING — A 71-year-old Chinese journalist imprisoned on a state secrets conviction was released for medical reasons Thursday after pleading guilty during a closed-door appeal hearing, her lawyers and state media said. Gao Yu, one of the best-known intellectuals to have been imprisoned for supporting the 1989 Tiananmen pro-democracy protests, was detained again last year on charges of leaking a document to the media detailing the Communist Party leadership’s resolve to tamp down on Western notions of constitutionality and freedom. She refused to admit guilt during her April trial, when she was sentenced to seven years in prison, and later appealed the conviction. When Beijing’s high court heard her case Tuesday, Gao pleaded guilty, which is normally seen by courts in China as contrition deserving of leniency. However, her defense continued to argue for her innocence, her lawyers said. The court reduced her sentence from seven years to five years. Later Thursday, the official Xinhua News Agency announced that the court had decided that Gao is qualified to serve her sentence outside of prison because of “severe illnesses.” “We had expected her to be released for medical reasons, but it came as a surprise” that the release came so soon, lawyer Shang Baojun said, adding that Gao has heart problems. Gao was convicted of leaking the official report—known as Document No. 9—to an overseas news site. The site, Mingjing News, has said Gao did not provide the document, and her lawyers said they presented evidence to the appeal court that Gao was not the source of the report. Foreign governments and human rights groups have denounced the verdict against Gao as politically driven retribution for her criticism of the government, and urged authorities to release the elderly journalist. Before her April trial, Gao appeared on state television and said she was guilty, but she told the trial court that police had threatened her son to force her into making the confession. Gao was also imprisoned on state secrets charges for more than a year after the 1989 crackdown. She was detained again in April last year, weeks before the 25th anniversary of the bloody military suppression of the protests that killed at least hundreds of people. The post China Releases Journalist after Guilty Plea appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

North, South Korea Plan Further Talks after Standoff Posted: 26 Nov 2015 09:04 PM PST North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, in this undated photo released by North Korea’s Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) in Pyongyang on Wednesday. (Photo: KCNA / Reuters) SEOUL — North and South Korea agreed to hold talks at the vice-minister level next month, after a meeting on Thursday aimed at further easing tensions following the end to an armed standoff in August. The meeting of officials at the border truce village of Panmunjom came after the two sides signed an agreement in which Pyongyang expressed regret over landmine blasts near the border that wounded two South Korean soldiers. Officials agreed to vice-minister-level talks on Dec. 11 at the industrial park in the North Korean city of Kaesong just a few kilometres on the northern side of the border run jointly by the two Koreas, a joint press statement said. The talks are a fresh attempt at dialogue between the rivals, which have all but cut off ties since 2010, when a South Korean navy ship was destroyed by a torpedo that Seoul said was fired from a North Korean submarine. Pyongyang denies any role. The North also bombed a South Korean island later that year, blaming Seoul for provoking it by firing into its territorial waters during a military exercise. “The agenda will be issues that will improve relations between the South and the North,” the statement issued after the talks said. As part of the August agreement, the two sides held reunions last month of families separated during the 1950-53 Korean war. North and South Korea are technically still at war because the conflict ended in an armistice, not a peace treaty. If dialogue makes progress, the North is expected to seek the resumption of cross-border tours from the South to its Mount Kumgang resort, a once-lucrative source of cash for the impoverished state that was suspended in 2008. Seoul in turn is expected to try to get Pyongyang to agree to hold family reunions on a regular basis, a top humanitarian priority for the South, where there are more than 60,000 mostly elderly people who are looking for relatives in the North. The post North, South Korea Plan Further Talks after Standoff appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Gunmen Attack During Prayers at Bangladeshi Mosque Posted: 26 Nov 2015 08:54 PM PST Bangladeshi police stand guard outside the Westin Hotel in Dhaka. (Photo: Ashikur Rahman / Reuters) DHAKA — Gunmen opened fire on worshippers during evening prayers at a Shi’ite Muslim mosque in Bangladesh on Thursday, killing one person and wounding three, police said, the second attack on the country’s tiny Shia Muslim community in a month. The shooting in northwestern Bogra district came a day after police killed a top militant, the main suspect behind last month’s bombing of a Shi’ite shrine that left two people dead. “The attackers entered the mosque and opened fire on the devotees after locking the main gate and then fled immediately after the shooting,” police official Ahsan Habib said. Witnesses said three young attackers stormed into the mosque and shot at worshippers indiscriminately when they were praying. Muslim-majority Bangladesh has seen a rise in Islamist violence in recent months, with two foreigners, four secular writers and a publisher killed this year. Tensions have rising since Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina launched a crackdown on militants, putting several leaders on trial for war crimes committed during the 1971 war of independence. About a dozen Christian priests in the north have also received death threats, a week after after an Italian doctor working as a missionary was shot and wounded, police said on Thursday. “We have already stepped up security around the churches,” local police chief Abdullah Al Faruk said. Hardline Sunni Muslim movement Islamic State claimed responsibility for the bombing on the Shi’ite shrine in Dhaka on Oct. 24. But police said on Thursday home-grown militant group Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen was behind the attack and arrested five members of the banned outfit. “They were involved in various subversive activities including attacks on a police checkpoint and Shi’ite gatherings during Ashura,” Police joint commissioner Monirul Islam told a news conference as the men were brought out in handcuffs. The government has rejected Islamic State claims of involvement in other attacks and says local militants are involved. Critics say the government is whipping up a climate of fear to go after its political rivals. The post Gunmen Attack During Prayers at Bangladeshi Mosque appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ceasefire Dialogue off to Rocky Start as Parties Complain of Exclusion Posted: 26 Nov 2015 08:47 PM PST On Nov. 21, a meeting in Rangoon was held to elect 16 representatives of political parties that would make up part of the 48-member Union Political Joint Dialogue Committee. (Credit: Phyo Thiha Cho / Myanmar Now) RANGOON — While fighting rages in northern Shan State between Burma's army and ethnic rebel groups that failed to sign a nationwide ceasefire, the start of a dialogue among signatories of the accord also ran into problems, as some political parties voiced anger over being excluded from the process. On Oct. 15, the government and army representatives signed a so-called nationwide ceasefire accord with the Karen National Union, the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army, the Shan State Army-South and five smaller armed groups. Seven of Burma's most powerful ethnic rebel groups, including the United Wa State Army, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Shan State Army-North (SSA-North), declined to sign as the government refused to include three small rebel groups in the agreement. In recent weeks, heavy clashes have broken out between the army and the KIA and the SSA-North, causing some 10,000 civilians to flee. According to the accord, a long-term political dialogue to resolve issues such as ethnic demands for a federal union has to begin within three months of its signing, so no later than Dec. 15. On Saturday, a meeting was held to elect 16 representatives of political parties that would make up part of the 48-member Union Political Joint Dialogue Committee. The other two groups are 16 representatives from the ethnic armed organizations and 16 of the government and military. Representatives of 87 registered political parties assembled at Yangon Regional Government's Office for a meeting chaired by outgoing President's Office Minister Aung Min and organized by the influential government advisors of the Myanmar Peace Centre (MPC). Aung Min, who has lead the government side in ceasefire negotiations since 2012, oversaw the process of selecting party representatives and his remarks and decisions quickly raised the ire of some of parties. The National League for Democracy (NLD), which crushed the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in the Nov. 8 polls, should get two representatives each, said Aung Min, so he could continue to play a lead role in the process, despite losing his parliament seat in the elections. "You're probably asking: 'Is it too much that the USDP is taking two seats when the NLD has two seats? Please consider, if U Aung Min leaves the government where would we be? Do you want me to sit in the USDP seat? If so, you need to give two seats to USDP," he told attendees. He also told the meeting that a seat each was allocated to the Shan National League for Democracy, the Arakan National Party, and the United Nationalities Alliance, Federal Brotherhood Alliance and Federal Democratic Alliance. The latter three organizations are alliances comprising several ethnic parties. The fact that the NLD and USDP were awarded two seats each angered a number of representatives from ethnic parties and small parties from central Burma, some of whom walked out of the meeting before lunch. After they left, Aung Min oversaw a ballot among attendees to determine which other seven parties could participate in the dialogue. The ballot lead to the selection of seven small or little-known parties, most of which failed to win seats on Nov. 8. These are the National Democratic Force, Democratic Party (Myanmar), Democracy and Peace Party, All Mon Region Democracy Party, Chin League for Democracy, Federal Union Party and the Phone-Sqaw Democratic Party. Small, Ethnic Parties Excluded The selection results angered some representatives of smaller parties and ethnic parties. "They should prioritize the ethnic people's wishes, but in the end they went ahead with their own plans. The ethnic groups couldn't say anything," said Nan Sandar Su of the Kayin Democratic Party. "No party should take two seats, everyone should just have one seat each." Aung Min and the MPC advisors "said because of time shortage, we are sorry, but we are going to do this whether you agree or not," according to Kam Lam Khup, whose Zomi Congress for Democracy was left out of the dialogue despite winning four union level seats and two Chin State parliament seats on Nov. 8. "They didn't care no matter how much you objected, or if you left the room," he said. "That's not democratic." Mi Than Shin of the Women Party (Mon State) said she was unhappy with her party's exclusion from the dialogue, but noted that a new NLD government was likely to take a different approach to the dialogue and ceasefire process. "This is a transition period so we have to pass through this period with patience," she said. MPC government advisor Aung Naing Oo said there were some complaints by parties on Saturday, but added the process would enable official discussions to start almost immediately. This would allow the political dialogue to be established by Dec. 15, as prescribed by the NCA. "The process isn't perfect… but the design, the representation aren't fixed, they're flexible. After January 14, the new government can re-negotiate," he said. NLD Leading the Ceasefire Process? Some observers have also questioned why the MPC and government had first sought to bring in numerous small political parties at Saturday's meeting when only a handful of parties had won seats in the elections. "When they were first in the process they never invited these kinds of small parties to be involved in peace talk issues," said Zin Lin, managing director at Burma News International, a network of ethnic media outlets that run the Myanmar Peace Monitor, a resource site on the peace process. "They would like to leave many problems, chaos in those areas for the NLD, because they think the NLD has no experience in administration," he added. In the coming weeks, NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi hopes to meet with President Thein Sein and Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing to discuss the formation of a new government. Her party has said little about how it intends to approach the nationwide ceasefire process. Suu Kyi declined to attend the signing of the accord in October. The NLD's approach will be a highly sensitive issue for Burma's powerful military. The army fought for decades to suppress insurgencies among dozens of ethnic minority groups in Burma's rugged periphery who seek greater political autonomy. Last week, NLD spokesperson Win Htein told Myanmar Now that he could not see any reason to involve many small parties in the political dialogue, particularly since some are considered "proxy" parties of the USDP. "In the future, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will look at this process. We will review the processes of the MPC," he added. The post Ceasefire Dialogue off to Rocky Start as Parties Complain of Exclusion appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• Relatives of landslide victims urged to reject compensation
• NLD leader to meet winning candidates
• NLD pledges support for ceasefire process
• Shan CSOs blast ‘silence’ over conflict
• Defeated Daw Nyo Nyo Thin files complaint against NLD
• After election disappointment, Shan parties look to collaborate, not compete
• Polio vaccine campaign planned after Rakhine cases
• NLD urged to make environment a focus
• Commemorative coins in hluttaw
• Government eager to shed LDC status

Relatives of landslide victims urged to reject compensation Posted: 27 Nov 2015 01:03 AM PST A Kachin  civil society group is urging relatives of those killed in a landslide near a Hpakant jade mine on November 21 to reject an offer of K600,000 compensation for each victim, and has reiterated threats to press charges against those involved in the mining operation.

NLD leader to meet winning candidates Posted: 27 Nov 2015 01:02 AM PST National League for Democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will meet winning candidates from lower Myanmar tomorrow following her party's landslide victory in the November 8 election.

NLD pledges support for ceasefire process Posted: 27 Nov 2015 01:01 AM PST The new government to be formed by the National League for Democracy will support the nationwide ceasefire process, senior party officials yesterday assured five ethnic armed groups that signed the pact last month with President U Thein Sein.

Shan CSOs blast ‘silence’ over conflict Posted: 27 Nov 2015 12:59 AM PST Shan civil society organisations have appealed to the international community to break its silence over what they call war crimes committed by the Myanmar military during more than a month of fighting in central Shan State that has displaced some 10,000 people.

Defeated Daw Nyo Nyo Thin files complaint against NLD Posted: 27 Nov 2015 12:47 AM PST Daw Nyo Nyo Thin, an independent Yangon politician known for her outspoken views, has filed an election complaint with police against her victorious National League for Democracy rival and a campaign manager.

After election disappointment, Shan parties look to collaborate, not compete Posted: 27 Nov 2015 12:41 AM PST The precedent of a failed merger isn't keeping two ethnic Shan parties from trying to join forces once again.

Polio vaccine campaign planned after Rakhine cases Posted: 27 Nov 2015 12:40 AM PST Health officials are battling to prevent the return of polio to the country after an apparent resurgence of a vaccine-derived strain in northern Rakhine State.

NLD urged to make environment a focus Posted: 27 Nov 2015 12:35 AM PST After five years in which the government had concentrated on economic reforms, it was now time to protect the neglected environment, activists say.

Commemorative coins in hluttaw Posted: 27 Nov 2015 12:34 AM PST Myanmar's Central Bank has been coining it, MPs have heard – but it's perfectly legal.

Government eager to shed LDC status Posted: 27 Nov 2015 12:32 AM PST Myanmar is ready to shed its "least-developed" United Nations label, an albatross it has been bearing for almost three decades, according to economic development officials.

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Shan Herald Agency for News

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Shan Groups: International Community Ignores War Crimes in Shan State Posted: 27 Nov 2015 02:00 AM PST Yesterday a coalition of over 30 Shan community-based organizations (CBOs) called for the international community to take action on the current offensive in central Shan State by the Burma Army. Press conference held at the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand ( FCCT ) Speaking at the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand (FCCT) in Bangkok, Sai Khur Hseng, of the Shan Sapawa Environmental Organization, questioned the "silence" of the international community regarding ongoing fighting which has displaced 10,000 civilians since early October. "Why don't they say anything about it?" said Sai Khur Hseng. "Or do they think that Shan State is not part of Burma?" "[They] were happy with the election and the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) signing, but they ignore the current conflict in the country," he added. Despite the presence of previous ceasefires, the war re-started on October 6 between the government military and the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N). Since then, central Shan State has only experienced four days without clashes. Map of displacement caused by Burma army offensive in central Shan State "Keeping silent about Naypyidaw's latest attacks and war crimes is giving the green light to these atrocities," said Nang Charm Tong, a Shan human rights activist and a spokesperson for the coalition of CBOs at the conference. The Shan coalition urged international governments to condemn Burma government action against civilians, and to immediately end both military reinforcement and offensives in the ethnic areas. "They should not solve the problem with the armed forces," said Sai Khur Hseng. "When there is fighting, the civilians are the victims—not only Shan people but also other ethnic groups like Ta'ang, Lisu and others." "The government must responsible for the loss of the citizens' property," he added. The statement released by the CBOs also highlights growing economic and strategic ties with Burma's military power holders as a reason for inaction by the international community, despite the Burmese government's aggression against ethnic people. The event was attended by representatives from the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR), media agencies the Thai and the Shan community. By SAI AW / Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)

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