The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Presidential Nominees To Be Announced On March 10
• Yangon Stock Exchange on Track for March Trading Debut
• Parliament Awaits Government Support on Urgent Proposals
• Burmese ‘Gypsy Writer’ Maung Tha Ya Dies At 86
• Grim Future Awaits Migrant Workers 
• Suu Kyi Highlights Ethnic ‘Unity and Responsibility’
• A Bookworm’s Paradise on Pansodan

Presidential Nominees To Be Announced On March 10 Posted: 01 Mar 2016 02:47 AM PST National League for Democracy (NLD) party leader Aung San Suu Kyi attends Union Parliament in Naypyidaw on January 28, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — Burma's Union Parliament announced on Tuesday that presidential nominees will be declared on March 10—a week earlier than the date originally set for the occasion. Speaker Mahn Win Khaing Than of the Union Parliament read the announcement, but no reason for the revised date was given at the legislative session. After nominees are announced, an electoral college will select Burma's next President from among them; the deadline for the transition of power to Burma's new government is the end of March. "The date to hold meetings for the three presidential nominees has been put forward to March 10, a week earlier than the previously decided date," the Speaker told the MPs. NLD senior members were engaged in a meeting and not available for comment when The Irrawaddy reached out for interviews on Tuesday. Political commentator Yan Myo Thein told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that he assumed the revision of the date stemmed from an internal decision within the party, and was optimistic about the extra week it would allow the NLD during the process of transitioning power. "The revision of the date is an appropriate and better approach [for the NLD] to form a new government and union level organizations," he said. The revised date was announced following a meeting between chairperson Aung San Suu Kyi of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and military commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing on February 17. The talks were reportedly held to discuss matters related to the rule of law and sustainable peace. Yet Yan Myo Thein speculated that the possibility of a "direct connection" was slim between Suu Kyi's meeting with the military chief and the decision to advance the nomination date. He instead attributed the change to a "tight schedule"—the original date of March 17 to announce the nominees was too close to the deadline of the power transfer, he said. The state-owned newspaper The Global New Light of Myanmar quoted Arakan National Party (ANP) lawmaker Khin Saw Wai in Tuesday's edition, who said that it was possible to hold nominations earlier because both the people and the military were ready for the announcement. Both the Upper and Lower Houses of Parliament will nominate candidates for vice president, while military representatives, who were appointed by the commander-in-chief to fill 25 percent of the legislative seats, will nominate another candidate. Despite the NLD's landslide victory in November's general election, where the party acquired nearly 80 percent of the seats in each house, Suu Kyi remains barred from the presidency. This is articulated in Article 59 (f) of Burma's controversial 2008 Constitution, which prohibits anyone with a foreign spouse or foreign children from holding the position; the NLD chairwoman's late husband was British, and her two sons also hold British citizenship. Suu Kyi has held three meetings with military leaders since the election, reportedly to discuss changes to Article 59 (f), but the military has expressed an unwillingness to consider an amendment to or a suspension of the law. Aung San Suu Kyi has repeatedly stated that that she will find other ways to head the government, by, as she said, being "above the President." The post Presidential Nominees To Be Announced On March 10 appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Stock Exchange on Track for March Trading Debut Posted: 01 Mar 2016 02:42 AM PST A man reads a newspaper in front of the Yangon Stock Exchange in Rangoon on Dec. 8, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — The Yangon Stock Exchange (YSX) is expected to begin shares trading by the second week of March, with dry-run testing already underway, an official from the Securities Exchange Commission of Myanmar (SECM) told The Irrawaddy on Monday. Though the YSX officially "launched" late last year with six companies listed, no shares have yet been traded on the first-of-its-kind bourse. Burma's deputy finance minister told media at a Dec. 9 ceremony marking the occasion that trading was expected to begin this month, with the delay chalked up to officials' desire to ensure smooth operation of the new capital market. First Myanmar Investment (FMI); Myanmar Citizens Bank; Myanmar Thilawa SEZ Holdings Public Limited; Myanmar Agribusiness Public Company Limited [Mapco]; First Private Bank; and Great Hor Kham were the six firms to initially list on the YSX. "We're now testing this trading internally, working with securities exchange companies. [Trading is] expected to start in the second week of March," said Tin May Oo, a member of the SECM. Six securities companies have been awarded licenses to serve as underwriters for shares traded on the YSX, including Kanbawza (KBZ) Group of Companies, CB Securities and AYA Securities, as well as the Myanmar Securities Exchange Center, which has experience in shares transactions thanks to its role as the over-the-counter trading predecessor to the YSX. "Not all six listed companies will be ready for shares trading this March; some of them will be ready. I can't provide details right now," Tin May Oo said. The six firms selected as underwriters will serve as liaisons between the listed companies and buyers and sellers of shares. These securities companies have been tasked with preparing the technical infrastructure required for trading to take place. Nyo Myint, senior managing director of KBZ Group of Companies, said the conglomerate's securities arm was ready for shares trading, adding that its banking unit was chosen from among five other lenders to handle stock shares transactions when trading begins. "One bank is needed to provide service for stock shares' transactions, that's why KBZ Bank will provide this service," he said. Thet Tun Oo, senior executive manager of the YSX, said that the bourse was ready for trading to commence, pending approval from the Ministry of Finance. "They [Burma's outgoing government] want to start stock shares trading before the new government takes power, but we're still awaiting approval from the Finance Ministry," he said. The post Yangon Stock Exchange on Track for March Trading Debut appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Parliament Awaits Government Support on Urgent Proposals Posted: 01 Mar 2016 01:01 AM PST A view of the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw during its opening session on February 8, 2016. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Since opening in early February, the Upper and Lower Houses of Burma's new Parliament—dominated by lawmakers from the National League for Democracy (NLD)—have initiated multiple democratic proceedings to which ruling government officials have yet to offer support. Lawmakers of different party backgrounds have submitted five urgent proposals in recent weeks that have been backed by a majority of parliamentarians, but to which central government officials have not responded. Union Parliament Speaker Mahn Win Khaing Than forwarded the first such urgent motion to lawmakers on February 8, requesting that all MPs make a monetary donation from their daily stipends to victims affected by fires in Shan State's Namhsan Township and Labutta Township in Irrawaddy Division. Parliamentarian Sai Tun Aung, representing the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and hailing from Kyaukme Township in Shan State, submitted a proposal to the Lower House on February 16 calling for an end to fighting between the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and later, the Burma Army. He asked that the Parliament discuss an immediate ceasefire and the provision of assistance to people displaced by the conflict. Maung Thin of Mandalay Division's Meiktila constituency, is an MP representing the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)—a group aligned with the military which formerly made up the parliamentary majority. He submitted an urgent request to the Parliament on February 22 asking government to take preventative measures to address social and economic problems which could potentially be caused by El Niño. He said he feared that, due to unusual weather patterns, Burma's public could face more natural disasters in the coming months, including forest fires, drought and flooding, resulting in agricultural and health problems. On February 24, a proposal by Lagan Zal Jone, who represents Kachin State's Waingmaw Township, called on the government to provide protection assistance to the anti-opium vigilante group known as Pat Jasan— established by ethnic Kachin Baptist elders. At the time, Pat Jasan members were on their way to destroy poppy fields in northeastern Kachin State but were stopped outside of the capital, Myitkyina. Another proposal was tabled by Khin San Hlaing of the National League for Democracy (NLD) on February 25, urging authorities to review permission to sell or lease state-owned factories, facilities and projects to private companies before the transfer of power to a new government next month. Government officials failed to appear at the Parliament last week to discuss the latter two issues—those of privatization and of protection for anti-poppy campaigners. Instead, a letter was sent to the legislature from the central government stating that officials were busy with transition process. One notable action by military lawmakers last Friday was their united opposition to a support statement read by another NLD MP in response to Khin San Hlaing's proposal. The soldiers all stood up collectively in the Parliament to express their disapproval of  the statement, which addressed issues relating to the controversial Letpadaung copper mine in Sagaing Division. A military MP, named Moe Kyaw Oo, refuted the statement by detailing various facts and figures related to the mining project. Such active participation by military MPs is incredibly rare in Parliament. The new Parliament has also formed several committees that will guide the legislature's work over the next five years, including 18 in the Lower House and 16 in the Upper House, and a Legal Affairs and Special Cases Assessment Commission lead by the USDP's Shwe Mann, Burma's former Union Parliament Speaker often viewed as an ally of Aung San Suu Kyi. In the past month, the lawmaking body has appointed chairpersons and committee members. Unlike in the previous Parliament, where military MPs were assigned as committee observers, in the current arrangement, a military lawmaker has been appointed as a functional member to each of the committees formed. The Union Parliament has thus far formed three standing—or more permanent—committees: a joint public accounts committee; a joint draft bill committee and the Committee on Scrutinizing Hluttaw (Parliament) Representatives. The post Parliament Awaits Government Support on Urgent Proposals appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese ‘Gypsy Writer’ Maung Tha Ya Dies At 86 Posted: 01 Mar 2016 12:32 AM PST Author Maung Tha Ya, who passed away in the US on Monday. (Photo: Maung Tha Ya/Facebook) Renowned Burmese writer Maung Tha Ya, author of over 60 books, passed away at age 86 in the US on Monday. Born in Mandalay, he was given the name Thein Lwin at birth, but took the pen name of Maung Tha Ya in 1955, when his career as an author began with the publication of a short story in Rangoon's Shu Ma Wa Magazine. The same year, he was released from a two-year stint in prison, after a 1953 arrest while serving as the leader for the Mandalay University Students' Front. He was also expelled from university. Earlier, at age 21 in 1951 Maung Tha Ya was elected a member of the central executive committee of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, a politically active umbrella organization of university student groups. He also served as the Secretary of Information and a member of the union's propaganda bureau. Maung Tha Ya later won Burma's National Literary Award in 1970 for his novel "Standing on the Road, Sobbing." He became known by his nickname, the "Gypsy Writer," for his love of travel within Burma, and his inability to stay in one place for long. In the 1980s and 1990s, he worked as an editor of Tha Ya Magazine, which was later banned by the country's military government. Unable to continue writing in his homeland, he moved to the US in 1999. The year he left Burma, he spoke to The Irrawaddy from the Thai-Burma border. The country's ongoing political struggle, he envisioned, would have to one day "be resolved through some synthesis of opposing views." "His unspoken hope," the article said, was that he would "live to see it." The post Burmese 'Gypsy Writer' Maung Tha Ya Dies At 86 appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Grim Future Awaits Migrant Workers  Posted: 29 Feb 2016 11:34 PM PST British labor activist Andy Hall, of the Migrant Worker Rights Network, outside a court in Bangkok, Thailand, on January 13, 2016, where he faces legal charges after exposing rights abuses in Thai factories. (Photo: Jorge Silva / Reuters) Since 2009, Thai governments have had a general nationwide migration policy to meet strong national economic, demographic and lifestyle demands that enabled—but didn't necessarily ensure or promote—the regularization of irregular-entry lower skilled migrant workers from Burma, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam. This policy enabled an origin country nationality verification (NV) process for these workers. This short-term, poorly planned and implemented migration policy has always prioritized national and economic security over human security concerns. Almost all low-skilled migrant laborers prior to 2009 entered Thailand irregularly through lucrative smuggling and trafficking routes and networks. A formal (memorandum of understanding or MoU) worker import system for migrant laborers only became functional from 2010. Since 2009, temporary or permanent passports and certificate of identity (CI) documents have been issued by a migrant worker's origin country within Thailand through the NV process at One Stop Service Centers to millions of these irregular workers who have become a cornerstone of the country's economic development. With these documents, the workers then applied for Thai visas and work permits valid for two years at a time, which eventually—after much policy confusion and lack of advance clarity—enabled a stay in Thailand of up to a maximum of six years. Passports and CIs issued through this non-transparent NV process were of three, five, six or 10 years' validity. Thai visas allowed two, four or six-year stays in the kingdom. Corruption and confusion was rampant in these seemingly well-designed processes which were never fully clear, nor well-organized. This policy and these regularization systems have brought huge profits to brokers, agents and Thai/origin-country officials, as well as employers' HR staff. However, fully regularized NV workers and new MoU workers coming into Thailand benefited from this regularization process as follows: freedom of movement in Thailand and to/from home countries was possible (temporary Thai issued migrant ID cards restricted movement to province of registration only); access to social security systems was open (although not always clear benefits and access) as well as eligibility for bank accounts and driving licenses. Workers were more strongly protected with their regular or fully legal status than before, however difficult access to rights remained in practice. Workers with passports or CIs too often, however, have simply ended up throwing away valid or expired (4/5/6-year) documents when visa, passport or CI renewal processes since 2013/14 became unclear, impractical or exorbitantly expensive. This was because Thai and country-of-origin migration policies were often quietly and confusingly announced only once expiry dates had passed. Many of these workers then applied for semi-regular temporary ID cards instead when the Prayuth government allowed this regularization. In addition, others returned home and entered Thailand anew with fresh names or identity documents at great expense. Under the threat of a EU red flag for illegal fishing, the government trumpeted high regularization statistics in fisheries and across the country when in fact many newly registered workers were formally registered with passports anyway. In addition, as a result of this policy chaos, hundreds of thousands of migrant workers often lost all accrued worker and social security benefits by starting anew with changed names and ID numbers. Bonuses and work incentives started afresh. Social security pensions and health benefits vanished. In another important migration policy development, or U-turn, the cabinet on February 23 allowed all migrants in Thailand to move back to a temporary, semi-legal migrant ID card system as was the case pre-2009, whatever their current regular or irregular documentation status. So are we now, after seven years, seeing a deregularization process for migrant workers? Will migrant workers once again lose their identity status and nationality to a short-term, irregular or semi-legal registration status that will benefit primarily in the short-term Thailand's economic security and business needs for a flexible easily expendable lower skilled migrant workforce? It's not clear yet whether the new policy move back to a semi-regular pink card migrant worker status will be compulsory, or if existing or expired migrant worker passports can still be renewed or extended with workers coming in and out of Thailand on a four-year limited formal or regular MoU entry scheme, as exists already. Also, it's not yet clear what origin countries think of this migration policy U-turn which could make more of their workers irregular, with fewer rights protections and less formality of status. In particular, the Migrant Worker Rights Network (MWRN) will be working closely with Burma's new government, which is expected by many to champion stronger migrant worker rights during its first term in office. In particular, the MWRN is deeply concerned at potential negative implications of the vague Thai government announcement for the future of millions of migrant workers in the country and is closely monitoring policy development announcements. The MWRN cannot accept a return to the pre-2009 semi-legal or irregular status for millions of migrant workers in Thailand which will possibly lead to the eroding of basic migrant worker rights as past worker benefits—such as pensions, health care and employee welfare benefits from long-term service for employees—simply disappear. If what we fear becomes a reality, the international community and buyers of exported goods manufactured in migrant labor-intensive industries should not accept these developments that fail once again to prioritize the security of millions. Andy Hall is International Affairs Advisor to the Migrant Worker Rights Network (MWRN) and State Enterprise Workers Relations Confederation (SERC). This piece was originally published in the Bangkok Post. The post Grim Future Awaits Migrant Workers  appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Suu Kyi Highlights Ethnic ‘Unity and Responsibility’ Posted: 29 Feb 2016 10:01 PM PST Aung San Suu Kyi, chairperson of the National League for Democracy (NLD), speaks at a meeting on Monday evening with ethnic parliamentarians in Naypyidaw. (Photos: NLD Chairperson Office / Facebook) RANGOON — Aung San Suu Kyi, chairperson of the National League for Democracy (NLD), promised ethnic lawmakers at a Monday evening meeting in Naypyidaw that Burma's new government will prioritize peace issues as promised. During the first such meeting with ethnic MPs—held after a Union Parliament session—Suu Kyi encouraged ethnic lawmakers to work together regarding peace implementation. "We need to have the attitude that no matter what happens in any part of our country, it concerns to the whole nation," said Aung San Suu Kyi, according to a social media statement published by the NLD chairperson's office on Tuesday morning. A reiteration of the party's commitment to peace comes at the time when clashes have flared in northern Shan State between the Burma Army and ethnic armed groups such as the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), the armed wing of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), a 2015 signatory of Burma's so-called nationwide ceasefire pact. "We frequently remind people that we are not the government yet, as no power transition in the world takes so long as here in Burma," she explained, adding that the NLD has received complaints from people impatient for political change. To that, she said, "our simple answer is, 'we don't have any authority yet.'" The party chairwoman advised ethnic lawmakers to strive for unity when representing Burma's people, and to refrain from discriminating against one another. "I would like to encourage our representatives to focus more on responsibility rather than opportunity. The main responsibility of lawmakers who represent the public is to form peace in the country that is based on unity," the Facebook post said. The NLD won a landslide victory in November general election last year, and the current government is expected to hand over power to the new administration later this month. The post Suu Kyi Highlights Ethnic 'Unity and Responsibility' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

A Bookworm’s Paradise on Pansodan Posted: 29 Feb 2016 04:32 PM PST Click to view slideshow. RANGOON — Pansodan Street is not only famous for its historic colonial architecture but also its sidewalks that are lined with secondhand booksellers. On this stretch of road in downtown Rangoon, many rare books on Burma and a litany of other topics, as well as novels, can be found by the discerning passerby. Books, both in Burmese and English, are set out for display on tables and on mats along the sidewalk. Booksellers are also located on nearby Merchant Road as well as on 37th street. The area is always crowded with bookworms flicking through materials on law, education, language, literature, traditional medicine and much more, including, of course, Burmese politics, history and culture. The post A Bookworm's Paradise on Pansodan appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• NLD to bring forward presidential nomination
• Arakan Army denies drug trade accusations
• U Shwe Mann up for chairing commission
• Workers in Thailand told to re-register for pink cards
• UEC, political parties look back on November election
• More calls to halt private hospital construction
• Chin literature on Magwe hluttaw agenda
• Residents form body to watch jade miners
• Cigarette packs to carry graphic health warnings

NLD to bring forward presidential nomination Posted: 29 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST Parliment will today accelerate the process of selecting Myanmar's next president, with the National League for Democracy having all but given up on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi being able to lead the incoming government.

Arakan Army denies drug trade accusations Posted: 29 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST Arakan Army officers have strongly denied a government accusation that they fund their military activities and weapons purchases through the sale of illegal drugs. The United League for Arakan, the group's political wing, has lashed out at a story in state-owned media yesterday that stated the movement funded its activities with illegal narcotics sales.

U Shwe Mann up for chairing commission Posted: 29 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST Former Speaker Thura U Shwe Mann is today likely to be confirmed in his new role as chair of a powerful legal review committee in Nay Pyi Taw. Pyidaungsu Hluttaw Speaker Mahn Win Khaint Than announced that Thura U Shwe Mann had been nominated to chair the new Commission for the Assessment of Legal Affairs and Special Issues.

Workers in Thailand told to re-register for pink cards Posted: 29 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST In yet another capricious policy shift with repercussions for millions of workers, Thailand has announced that migrant labourers must re-register for temporary documents known as "pink cards".

UEC, political parties look back on November election Posted: 29 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST Members of the Union Election Commission, political parties and civil society groups yesterday reflected on the successes and shortcomings of the country's unprecedented election last November.

More calls to halt private hospital construction Posted: 29 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST The student union of the University of Medicine in Magwe has joined the campaign against the construction of a US$70 million private hospital on public land near Yangon General Hospital.

Chin literature on Magwe hluttaw agenda Posted: 29 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST The formation of an Ethnic Affairs Committee in the Magwe Region Hluttaw will spur the introduction of Chin literature classes in the region, an MP says.

Residents form body to watch jade miners Posted: 29 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST Protesters angry at the activities of jade mining companies in Kachin State have set up a watch committee to supervise the dismantling of a dangerous tailings mountain. The move follows a three-day protest earlier this month mounted by local residents against what they see as risky exploitation practices, according to one resident in Seikmu village, Hpakant township.

Cigarette packs to carry graphic health warnings Posted: 29 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST Starting September 1, health warnings and graphic pictures illustrating the dangers of tobacco will appear on all brands of cigarette and other tobacco products available in Myanmar, the government said yesterday.

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Shan Herald Agency for News

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Circumventing Section 59(f), northern Shan State conflict and government's fire sales Posted: 01 Mar 2016 05:37 AM PST These days, speculation over Section 59(f), the conflict in northern Shan State and government hastily arranged fire sale or sell-off of its assets, coupled with granting economic development rights are the most talk about and crucial issues making the rounds. As 17 March draws nearer, the National League for Democracy (NLD) is pressed to come up with a decision whether to fight for Aung San Suu Kyi's right to become president through tabling a motion to waive the 59(f) Section, which only needs a simple majority that could easily be achieved given the NLD domination in parliament, or decides for a proxy or nominee president to be installed. According to Larry Jagan's writing in the Bangkok Post, Suu Kyi is said to be resigned not to ruffle the military's (Tatmadaw) feathers by deciding not to push for amendment Section 59(f) of the constitution or file for a motion, in the parliament to waive the clause for her, so that she could become president, but instead go for a foreign minister position, where she will be able to participate in National Defence and Security Council (NDSC) and also could control the proxy president that she had said she would install. NDSC is the highest powerful authority in the state with a body of 11 members, where the military has 6 votes and the NLD 5 votes. Besides, it controls the Defence, Home and Border Affairs Ministries, coupled with a 25 percent appointed military representatives in all the Upper, Lower, States and Regions Parliament. However, most recently on 29 February, news begin to make the rounds that Aung San Suu Kyi is likely to speed up elections of the country's president, from 17 March to 10 March, in a last-minute change following weeks of fruitless talks with the military that hasn't budged from its stance of maintaining the constitution that bars her from assuming the presidency; most notably the Section 59(f). The armed clashes between the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA) and Palaung State Liberation Front/Ta'ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA) have de-escalated and largely died down, as the military started to go into the contested, northern Shan State areas in mid-February, declaring area cleansing and that both warring parties should retreat, with the endorsement of the parliament. Meanwhile, a row between the appointed military MPs and the NLD occurred, as a NLD representative questioned the hastily conducted government's assets sell-off or fire sales and handling of the business concessions. The military MPs were so upset that all literally stood up in protest of the debate, which involved the controversial Letpadaung copper mine mineral extraction, which is a large mine project operated by the Wanbao Mining Copper Ltd. company, in cooperation with the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd (UMEHL).Wanbao is a subsidiary of China North Industries Group Corp. or Norinco, a large arms manufacturer. Suu Kyi's position on 59(f) According to recent SHAN report, a government peace broker, during a break in the meeting in Chiangmai with the RCSS/SSA on Monday, 22 February, said that amendment, or even suspension, of Article 59 (f) is out of the question. "It is not her (Aung Sun Suu Kyi) but who will come after her that's the problem," said the source. "It will set a dangerous precedent for future presidents." "But we have no objection if she chooses to become a foreign minister," he added. A foreign minister is a member of the country's most powerful organ, the 11 person National Defence and Security Council (NDSC). Other member are: The President, 2 Vice Presidents, Speaker of Lower House, Speaker of Upper House, Commander-in-Chief, Deputy Commander-in-Chief, Defence Minister, Home Minister and Border Affairs Minister. The last three ministers are appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. According to the article, a President or a Vice President "himself, one of the parents, the spouse, one of the legitimate children or their spouses (shall) not owe allegiance to a foreign power, not be subject of a foreign power or citizen of a foreign country. They shall not be persons entitled to enjoy the rights and privileges of a subject of a foreign government or citizen of a foreign country." Larry Jagan, in his Bangkok Post article also said that the commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing has consistently told Suu Kyi at all three of their meetings since the elections, that the army considered itself the guardians of the constitution.  Whatever the case, the immediate show down between the military and the NLD might have been averted, although negotiations on other remaining issues still appear to have failed, according to Ko Ko, editor of the independent newspaper, Democracy Today and CEO of the Yang on Media Group. Northern Shan State conflict After the intensity of clashes between the RCSS/SSA and TNLA reduced to only sporadic fire fights, on 12 February, citing the Ministry of Defence, The Global New Light of Myanmar reported that the Burmese military had issued an ultimatum that the RCSS/SSA withdraw from Kyaukme and Namhsan townships as the military prepared an assault on TNLA soldiers in the area. The RCSS reportedly has refused to comply with. The  military has instructed both the RCSS and TNLA to pull back to their territorial boundaries prior to the fighting, and warned that it would launch a "clearance" operation against them if they refuse. When asked, whether the military's ultimatum is meant to drive back the RCSS troops from contested areas by force and what it intended to do, a reliable Shan source replied: "The Burma Army units in the field have not been looking for RCSS positions. Naypyitaw said that it would do what it should, and we do what we should, they told RCSS commanders through villagers." RCSS and TNLA have been locked in a territorial dispute since November 2015. In October 2015, the  RCSS signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with the Burmese regime, while  it  blocked the much smaller TNLA from signing, despite the group's participation in drafting the ceasefire document. Following the military's ultimatum, TNLA spokesperson Tar Parn La told DVB that it had ramped up its presence in the area. Tar Parn claimed that the TNLA had seen at least seven clashes with Tatmadaw forces between 14 and 25 February, adding the group had come under fire by Burmese helicopters on two occasions. As a result of the military offensive, employing thousands of troops, Myanmar Times recently reported that refugees from Namhsan area where the fighting was intense were fleeing, while some few hundreds were going back to areas of government and RCSS controlled areas, to save whatever possessions are left to salvage. Row between NLD and USPD-Military clique The row between the NLD and USDP-Military regime came about on February 26 amid a debate over recent privatisations that has infuriated the government, and prompted presidential spokesperson U Ye Htut to suggest the outgoing administration does not need to be accountable to parliament, according to Myanmar Times of 29 February. On February 25, Daw Khin San Hlaing, MP from NLD listed a number of cases that had arisen since the November elections, involving several government departments and state and regional governments, in which government assets were being disposed of by a "fast-track" procedures that appeared to by-pass the necessary arrangements and negotiations. Her proposal was approved by 271 votes to 138. The MP for Sidoktaya township, Magwe Region, U Kyaw Aung Lwin, on February 26 was speaking in support of a proposal by his NLD colleague, Daw Khin San Hlaing, calling for scrutiny of an apparent fire-sale of government assets in the closing days of the existing administration, when appointed military MPs took a stand, literally, to object to a statement he made about the Letpadaung copper mine - a project that involves a military holding company. On the same 26 February, one day after the parliament approved announcement, following the  refusal of the relevant government officials to appear before the lawmakers, Information Minister Ye Htut defended the government ministries and said to the state media that Khin San Hlaing's request appeared to be an accusation, according to RFA report of the same day. "We will not come and explain things that have been said to discredit the government, but on a national level if we think an explanation is in order, we are willing to do so case by case," he said. Ye Htut further stressed: "Whether the incumbent Union government should be accountable to the second parliament or not is an issue to be reviewed according to the constitution," adding that the government had decided to "suspend" its cooperation with parliament on responding to questions and proposals. But the constitution doesn't mention of government only being accountable to the parliament that  elected the president. Perspective All in all the peaceful power transfer is still not on the safe side as Ma Ba Tha nationalist has made their political position known that it is against the suspension of the 59(f) Clause in any way and would join hands with the military to the very end in protecting it. Besides no one knows that the regime's row with the NLD, resulting from NLD accusation of its fire sale or sell-off and irregular granting of business concessions could develop into a "we" against "them" sort of position and mentality, that could heighten the animosity and even become a barrier to the peaceful power transfer. The military offensives on TNLA is questionable, for measured response, instead of all-out annihilation should be the aim. With the military employing thousands of troops, it could hardly be seen as a maintenance of peace. In addition, the war in the northern Shan State, which the military vowed to get rid of all armed groups operating within the vicinity, could also become a pretext to declare emergency rule that could usher into two-tier administration, one relatively democratic Bamar populated heartland and the other, the oppressive, military administered ethnic hinterland, if not postponing the whole process of peaceful power transfer to the NLD. However, no one is looking forward to such a scenario, except those who think that they will lose their privileges and must drive a cleavage at all cost, to be able to cling to military-dominated status quo. For the future of the country lies in proper political power and resources sharing among the  ethnic groups and people of Burma, rooted in the principle of democracy, and any hindrance caused to this development would be a drawback that we all could ill-afford.

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• NLD Questions on Privatization ‘Disgrace’ Govt: Information Minister
• Arakan Army Official Acknowledges Recent Weapons Seizures
• Parliament to Change Presidential Elections Date: Document
• Women Hold Dialogue on Peace Process Inclusion
• From the Archive: Reflections on Kachin History
• Clashes Reported Between Govt Troops, TNLA in Namhsan Township
• Outgoing Govt to Leave Unfinished Business for NLD
• KNU Responds to Backlash on Hydropower Project
• Citing Lack of Protection, Anti-Poppy Activists Return Home
• ‘Economic Growth Is Not the Best Way to Solve Economic Problems’: Policy Advocate
• ‘Radical’ Candidate in Hong Kong Poll Exposes Underlying Tensions
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NLD Questions on Privatization ‘Disgrace’ Govt: Information Minister Posted: 29 Feb 2016 05:18 AM PST Ye Htut, Minister of Information, speaks to media after a meeting in Union Parliament in Naypyidaw on August 18, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON—Burma's information minister Ye Htut has said that a National League for Democracy (NLD) MP's proposal to examine the rapid privatization of state-owned land disgraced the existing government. "Frankly speaking, we think that pointing fingers at the predecessors, without thinking about what they should do in the future, will bring nothing but displeasure with one another," Ye Htut said. He said that the Parliament should draw upon lessons from the previous term and then focus on matters related to the new government, which will take office in early April. NLD MP Khin San Hlaing submitted an urgent proposal to the Lower House of Parliament on Thursday calling on the outgoing government to scrutinize permissions given to sell or lease state-owned facilities and projects to private companies. She also criticized the forced removal of squatters on land affected by such transactions. Government officials did not appear before Parliament though they were invited to respond to the allegations. On Friday, shortly after Lower House MPs voted to approve the proposal, the information ministry announced the suspension of 68 projects, including unfinished buildings and factories. Ye Htut told The Irrawaddy that officials' attendance in Parliament would be decided on a case-by-case basis. "It will depend on the case. We will discuss the cases which are in the national interest. But for some cases, like that of Daw Khin San Hlaing's proposal, they can ask the transition committee which was formed to oversee the power transfer," said Ye Htut. "But they didn't ask and talk [about it] at the Parliament, so it seems they acted to disgrace the existing government," he added. Ye Htut told The Irrawaddy on Friday that each ministry had planned to announce and transfer suspended projects to the next government at the end of this month. However, Khin San Hlaing's proposal, which he claimed included false information, pushed the officials to release the list earlier. "We have nothing to hide. We are already prepared to hand over systematically to the next government," he said. Critics have said that officials' absence in Parliament demonstrated disrespect to the legislature and the voting populace. Khin San Hlaing told lawmakers during Friday's parliamentary session that the proposal was not intended to create misunderstanding but to give responsible officials a chance to explain the issue of privatization from their own point of view. The post NLD Questions on Privatization 'Disgrace' Govt: Information Minister appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Arakan Army Official Acknowledges Recent Weapons Seizures Posted: 29 Feb 2016 04:53 AM PST Commander-in-Chief of the Arakan Army, Brig-Gen Tun Myat Naing. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A spokesperson for the Arakan Army on Monday acknowledged that weapons recently seized by authorities in Rangoon and in Arakan State belonged to the armed group, but denied allegations of involvement in narcotics. On Monday, state-owned newspaper The Global New Light of Myanmar ran a front page story detailing recent weapons seizures that followed the arrest of two men, Aung Myat Kyaw and Wai Tha Tun, the former of whom was described as a lieutenant colonel in the Arakan Army. The article detailed guns, explosives, ammunition and other military equipment that were confiscated from two separate houses connected to the two men in Rangoon Division's North Dagon and Hlaing Tharyar townships. Six RPG launchers, detonators and explosive materials were also confiscated from a building allegedly belonging to the Arakan Army in Ramree Township, Arakan State, according to the article. Arakan Army spokesperson Khine Thu Kha on Monday acknowledged that both men, now detained, were Arakan Army operatives. He described the weapons seizures as "minor" and claimed that the Arakan Army had the full support of all Arakanese. However, Khine Thu Kha described allegations related to the confiscation of narcotics as false and made intentionally to "damage the dignity" of the Arakan Army and sow mistrust between the armed group and Arakanese citizens. Police allegedly confiscated 330,800 stimulant tablets from a residence belonging to Wai Tha Tun in Rangoon Division's North Okkalapa, Monday's article stated. Since conflict between the Burma Army and the Arakan armed group broke out in Kyauktaw Township in the western state in late December, state media has carried several critical reports of the ethnic armed force which the government refused to recognize during negotiations toward the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement. In January, the New Light reported the Burma Army's intention to "remove" the ethnic armed group from Arakan State and accused it of attempting to ally with insurgent groups in unspecified "other countries." In the most recent skirmish, the Arakan Army clashed with government troops on Saturday in Buthidaung Township, according to a statement released by the ethnic armed group. The post Arakan Army Official Acknowledges Recent Weapons Seizures appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Parliament to Change Presidential Elections Date: Document Posted: 29 Feb 2016 04:44 AM PST National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi sits in a meeting room after the opening of the new Upper House of Parliament, February 3, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Burma's democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi is likely to speed up elections of the country's president, in a last-minute change following weeks of talks with the military that has stood by the constitution that bars her from assuming the highest office. Burma's parliament, dominated by the National League for Democracy (NLD) which swept historic elections in November, will change the date of presidential elections, previously set for March 17, according to the agenda for Tuesday's parliamentary session. NLD members and analysts say the party was likely to speed up the vote to end weeks of bickering between the army and the NLD over whether the junta-drafted Constitution, which bars Suu Kyi from becoming president, should be amended. The original date, set only two weeks before the term of the new government was set to start on April 1, gave Suu Kyi plenty of time to negotiate the terms of the transition. But in the face of the unrelenting military, Suu Kyi decided to speed up the vote to gain time to prepare for government, analysts say. "It's become clear that amendment of article 59 (f) [barring Suu Kyi from becoming president] is impossible. So they want the presidential nomination to happen earlier so that they can take more time in handling cabinet formation," said political analyst Yan Myo Thein. The NLD swept the historic Nov. 8 election, securing some 80 percent of elected seats in parliament, or enough to push through its president. Suu Kyi is barred from the presidency because she has foreign children. Another factor that may have forced the NLD's surprise change of tactics was lack of cooperation from the outgoing administration of President Thein Sein. Last week, the NLD criticized the military and the army-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) over a controversial copper mine project run as a joint venture between a Chinese weapons manufacturer and the Burmese military. It also zeroed in on other lucrative public works projects awarded by the outgoing government at the last minute. In a rare show of outrage, the military MPs stood up, while one of the members of the army caucus rejected the NLD's allegations in parliament. "Present government is responsible only to the previous parliament that formed it," said Thein Sein's spokesman, Ye Htut, backing ministers who refused to come to Parliament to face questioning by the NLD. The rare heated debate showed the challenges facing Suu Kyi as she tries to overcome years of corrosive distrust between the junta that had ruled the country for nearly half a century and pro-democracy activists. Now both sides are forced to share power. The military controls a large chunk of the country's administration through three security ministries, has guaranteed a quarter of the seats in the parliament and a constitutional veto. The post Parliament to Change Presidential Elections Date: Document appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Women Hold Dialogue on Peace Process Inclusion Posted: 29 Feb 2016 03:34 AM PST A panel at the strategic dialogue hosted by the Alliance for Gender Inclusion in the Peace Process (AGIPP) in northern Thailand. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — As part of a push to include more women in Burma's peace process, women peace advocates held a three-day strategic dialogue with civil society leaders who are working toward the advancement and empowerment of women. Members of the Alliance for Gender Inclusion in the Peace Process (AGIPP) brought women from different backgrounds to Chiang Mai, Thailand for the dialogue—which ended on Monday—on the theme of "More Women in the Peace Process Equals Sustainable Peace in Myanmar." AGIPP, a network of the eight women's groups, has been actively advocating on the topic since last year. Dialogue facilitator Nang Raw Zahkung, who is the deputy director of the Nyein (Shalom) Foundation and a steering committee member of AGIPP, told The Irrawaddy that the meeting in northern Thailand "aimed to share the views of the women in the peace process" and to develop "a collective approach to mobilize for the inclusion of more women." Nearly half of the fifty participants were parliamentarians, peace facilitators or female representatives from ethnic armed groups. Drafted in late 2015, soon after the country's so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement, the draft framework for political dialogue promoted a 30 percent quota for women's inclusion in future peace talks. "We aim for our representation to reach this 30 percent quota, as now there is not yet such a proportion," said Nang Raw Zahkung. Doi Bu, a former upper house lawmaker from Kachin State's Unity and Democracy Party (UDPKS), said that women need to be ready to take part in the process. "Even though women are more than half of the population, we tend to think of staying behind, mostly in the political arena and the peace building process," she explained. "In addition, men also need to be reminded to be inclusive of women's participation, as they are the decision makers, even sometimes making decisions to let their wives, peers or daughters to go to such a meeting." The outspoken ex-lawmaker was one of the parliamentary delegates to Burma's Union Peace Conference in January, and will continue serving as delegate from her political party, of which she is joint secretary. Nang Phyu Phyu Lwin, the current chair of the AGIPP, said that "it is very encouraging that more women in some states, such as Shan [State], are also participating in the joint ceasefire monitoring team." She said that recommendations from the women's strategic dialogue would be shared to the stakeholders in the Union Peace Conference. But, for the nationwide effort, the general consensus is that there remains much work to be done. "We must be interested not only in family affairs, but also in the community and in ethnic affairs," Nang Phyu Phyu Lwin said. "We must participate from the community level on up; without the representation at the community level, we cannot be at the high decision making level." The women's dialogue on gender inclusion was also joined by foreign researchers and experts on the issues of gender quotas and gender content in peace processes and ceasefires. During the session, women also met with leaders of the ethnic armed alliance the United Nationalities Federal Council. The post Women Hold Dialogue on Peace Process Inclusion appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

From the Archive: Reflections on Kachin History Posted: 29 Feb 2016 03:10 AM PST Baptist Rev. Ja Gun in Laiza, Kachin State. (Photo: Carlos Sardiña Galache / The Irrawaddy) Feb. 29, 2016 — Baptist Rev. Ja Gun passed away on Monday morning in Laiza, Kachin State. The 70-year-old, a prominent Kachin historian and linguist, was known to have chronic high blood pressure and diabetes. His funeral will be held on Tuesday in Myitkyina. With the sad news of his passing, The Irrawaddy revisits an interview with Rev. Ja Gun that was first published in July 2012. LAIZA — Baptist Rev. Ja Gun is one of the most prominent historians and linguists in Kachin State. Educated at the University of Rangoon during the 1960-70s, a period of great student activism in which he took part, he now tutors Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) soldiers about local political history and endeavors to change "their worldview, which in the past has been limited by the Burmese curriculum." Speaking to The Irrawaddy in late June, Ja Gun discussed the historical roots of the present conflict between the KIO and the Burmese government as well as the main stumbling blocks towards attaining peace and reconciliation from a Kachin perspective. Can I start with the pre-colonial era. What was the relationship like back then between the Kachin people and Burmese Kingdom in Mandalay? The Kachin people were living between the Burmese Kingdom and the Chinese Kingdom—we were sandwiched between these two powers. Whenever the Burmese kings wanted to cross to China, they had to consult with the Kachin chiefs first. We are living in this buffer zone and, since time immemorial, the Kachin people controlled this borderland. We had an off-and-on relationship with the Burmese kings. Sometimes the strong rulers came to our land and then conquered Mougong and Bhamo, just the lowlands. In former times, the Kachin people were mercenaries. Kachin people had the advantage that they could adapt to this weather, this situation and this mountain region. The Burmese soldiers had good weapons, but it was very difficult for them to overcome the natural hindrances. Whenever there was a war those who made an alliance with the Kachin won. There seems to be a sense of superiority among the Burmese majority towards the ethnic minorities, like the Kachin or the Karen, who they call hill tribes. What do you think are the origins of this? The Burmese were very much proud of the fact that they had kings and the Kachins were very aggressive and the fact was that we never have been subjected to [the rule of] any people, neither Chinese nor Burmese. The British were the first who conquered the Kachin people. The Kachin were always fighting, sometimes fighting within and sometimes fighting their enemies. The Shan civilized first and the Kachin people tried to adopt the Shan civilization and our terminology is loaned from the Shan, and we learned the farming of the wet lands from the Shan people. The Burmese kings had no intention to control the Kachin because they regarded the Kachin as wild people. So they totally ignored us. Let's move to the colonial times. How did the British change Burma and the Kachin? British Burma and the Burmese Kingdom were quite different things. The kingdom of the Burmese kings was very limited—they could not rule the whole of Kachin State, Wa State, Karenni State and the others—they just ruled central Burma. So the British conquered all these places because they wanted to make a fence for the Indian sub-continent. During the resistance to British advances in 1886 we didn't find any Burmese commanders resisting, but all the Kachin rulers resisted the occupation at that time. The Burmese throne, in the hands of King Thibaw, had been withdrawn in 1885, so the British thought that they had automatically won Kachin State. But as soon as they arrived the Kachin chiefs resisted the British and finally the British learnt that we, the Kachin, were not the property of the Burmese king. So our feeling today is that joining the Union is a voluntary association. Shan, Kachin and other ethnic minorities had their own history, their own home, their land, their own native language before colonial rule. And then, at the time of the British government, the British organized all those ethnic minorities in our land and made British Burma. During World War II, the Kachin fought alongside the British while the Burmese spent most of the conflict alongside the Japanese under the leadership of Gen Aung San. How did this affect relations between the Kachin and Burmese? The Kachin and the Chin peoples were sympathizers of the Allied Forces, so Aung San and his Burmese Independence Army (BIA) came up during Japanese rule and killed many Kachin people because they accused them of being the stooges of foreign imperialism. I have many records of this. They used Japanese guns everywhere. Until 1944, the BIA came to villages and made trouble for the Kachin people. It's a funny thing to say that the BIA liberated Burma from Japanese occupation. The Allied Forces and the Kachin, the northern Kachin rangers, expelled all the Japanese in conjunction with some hill peoples. The Burmese and Shan sided with the Japanese. The Kachin rangers celebrated Panam Manaw festivities after the victory in Bhamo on March 24-26, 1945, and Aung San started the anti-Japanese movement in Rangoon the day after on March 27. So they were only involved for two or three months. Because of the victory against Japanese occupation, the Kachin people were the main race to talk about political matters because we had the upper hand in our land—that is, in the transitional period. There were no Burmese troops there at that time, only Kachin troops. At the Victory Manaw, the Kachin leaders invited Aung San and his anti-fascist people. They came up and met with us and then we agreed to join for independence. In 1947, the Kachin signed the Panglong Agreement with other groups. Did the civilian government of U Nu respect the agreement? After the death of Aung San, U Nu maintained the Panglong spirit, but the greatest loss of all for us was the U Nu-Attlee Agreement. With the Panglong Agreement we attained equality, but the ethnic minorities had no wisdom at that time. The U Nu-Attlee Agreement was very important because it transferred all the power to U Nu's AFPFL [Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League] including defense and financial matters. With the 1948 Constitution, the big parties like the AFPFL controlled the whole Parliament and with the U Nu-Attlee Agreement the Rangoon government received all properties and power from the British government. The KIO was created in 1961. What happened at that moment and why was it created then? At that time, representation of ethnic minorities in the constituent assembly was very limited. With the 1948 Constitution, the Burmese government manipulated the ethnic minorities by controlling representatives in Parliament. The first disadvantages came when we transferred some Kachin villages to China. Kachin people, especially Kachin students, opposed that transfer but due to the Constitution we had no voice because our representation was very limited. And the second problem was the state religion. In our Constitution we wanted separation between church and state but U Nu used Buddhism for his political manipulations. We did not hate the Buddhists, we hated his manipulation of Buddhism in political affairs. Our promise in the Panglong Agreement was fairness and fundamental rights— protection of minorities, equality, freedom of speech, freedom of religion and fundamental democracy. That's what we included in the Panglong Agreement. But with the 1948 Constitution U Nu tried to manipulate the law and then, due to these two facts—the state religion and the transfer of power—there would be no hope in Parliament for the Kachin people. So we started our armed struggle on Feb. 5, 1961. Until now, we want to talk about political matters first. No ceasefire agreement, no development programs—we don't need these programs. We have to start talking about political matters as our problems have been rooted in political issues since the Panglong Agreement. At the beginning of the KIO's existence, the Kachin wanted independence but then, in the 1970s, they changed and started to demand autonomy. Why did they change their stance from independence to autonomy? We realized we would not attain our fundamental goal, so we would talk conditionally about internal self-determination. Our independence, deep in our hearts, is non-negotiable but because of our conditions—we are landlocked—and also due to our neighboring countries, our military strength and our leadership, we need to adapt to survive. At that time, socialist governments tended to get together. The same happened in the Soviet Union, in Yugoslavia, and also in the Western bloc. People everywhere were getting together so we tried to switch and make alliances with other groups—the Karen, the Chin, the Rakhine. So we wanted to ally with them and promote their political position as well. And our ultimate goal will probably be full independence. Do you think that a compromise between the Burmese and Kachin is more likely with Thein Sein in power than with former junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe? With this so-called transition to democracy? We expect in the near future that there will be internal strife within Thein Sein's government. Maybe Thein Sein one day will understand the problem of the ethnic minorities. Suu Kyi understands our situation and Thein Sein maybe understands it but it is a very difficult situation because of the very different political cultures. We are democratic but they want to establish a Burman hegemony—Burman dominant rule, that's their political culture. People who live outside Myanmar understand this, that unless they change their political culture it is very difficult to reconcile with each other. If the Burmans change their political culture, we will reconcile. Suu Kyi's position is good to reconcile one day. We do not want to dominate the Burmans, we want to defend our land that is associated with our history, our identity and even our religion in the older times. What do you think is the main obstacle to attaining reconciliation with the Burmans? The main stumbling block is the military, the military regime. The military regime is the replacement of the Burmese kings. Their attitude is to replace the Burmese kings, and the Burmese kings regarded us as wild men—they didn't consider us as a people. The post From the Archive: Reflections on Kachin History appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Clashes Reported Between Govt Troops, TNLA in Namhsan Township Posted: 29 Feb 2016 02:31 AM PST Members of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army in Kyauk Hpyu, Kyaukme Township of northern Shan State, February 2016. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Fighting broke out in Namhsan Township, northern Shan State, on Sunday between the Burma Army and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), according to the latter group. Last week, the TNLA reported that hundreds of Burma Army troops had been deployed to areas of northern Shan State where the Ta'ang armed force operates. On Sunday, two separate clashes were reported in the Namhsan area, with the TNLA claiming five Burma Army soldiers were killed. "One clash broke out in the morning for one hour and the second clash at noon," said a report from the armed group, which did not cite casualties on the TNLA side. Fierce fighting took place between the TNLA and the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) earlier this month in Kyaukme and Namkham townships, leaving upwards of 4,000 civilians displaced. Clashes first broke out last November, one month after eight armed groups signed the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement with the central government. The SSA-S was among the signatories while the TNLA was sidelined by Naypyidaw from the negotiations. Fresh fighting between the two sides broke out in Kyaukme Township on Monday, according to the TNLA. The Burma Army has reportedly called on both sides to return to their "designated" territories, with an article in the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar on Feb. 24, quoting the defense ministry, asserting that army operations were underway in Shan State. Burma Army troops have been operating across several townships in northern Shan State, according to the TNLA's general secretary Tar Bong Kyaw, including Kyaukme, Kutkai, Namtu, Manton, Namhsan and Mongmit townships. The TNLA has repeatedly accused the SSA-S of cooperating with the Burma Army—allegations refuted by the Shan force. "They helped the RCSS to fight us," said Tar Bong Kyaw, referring to the SSA-S by their political wing, the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS). "But when a lot of fighting broke out and many people had to leave from the area, [government] troops came into our area claiming to maintain peace." "There is a political transition in our country and we will try to avoid fighting as much as we can," he added. The post Clashes Reported Between Govt Troops, TNLA in Namhsan Township appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Outgoing Govt to Leave Unfinished Business for NLD Posted: 29 Feb 2016 12:00 AM PST Cranes are reflected in the window of a shopping mall under construction in Rangoon, November 11, 2015. (Photo: Olivia Harris / Reuters) RANGOON — Burma's outgoing government has put 68 controversial projects on hold, the information ministry announced on Friday, the same day as Lower House MPs voted to approve a motion calling for greater scrutiny of the sale of state properties and other assets during the transition period. The suspended projects include a coal-fired power plant in Tenasserim Division's Myeik Township, a hazardous chemical treatment plant in Rangoon Division's Hmawbi Township and a special economic zone planned for Shan State. Other projects include unfinished buildings and factories contracted to private firms, sites reportedly linked to allegations of land grabbing, and issues over "build-operate-transfer" agreements. The Ministry of Information's announcement was issued shortly after lawmakers in the Lower House of Parliament on Friday discussed and approved a proposal tabled by the National League for Democracy (NLD)'s Khin San Hlaing urging authorities to review permissions to sell or lease state-owned factories, facilities and projects before a new government takes power on April 1. The proposal also included for discussion the plight of squatters after large-scale evictions were carried out in Rangoon last month. Thein Nyunt, a former Lower House lawmaker and chairman of the New National Democracy Party, said there are many projects that government ministries signed off on for the private sector without any transparency. "We called for the Dagon City project to be stopped, but there are still many small projects that each ministry has agreed to without publicizing any of them," Thein Nyunt said, referring to the planned development that was cancelled by the government in July last year after a public outcry over its proximity to the Shwedagon Pagoda. "The outgoing government should openly provide information on these projects to the new government so that it can consider how best to solve any problems," Thein Nyunt said. Maung Maung Lay, vice chairman of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry, said the administration of President Thein Sein should attend to issues over controversial projects before its term ends. "If not, there will be more problems if the new government pulls out from these controversial projects," he said. "This is a good time for the current government to say what it's done in the past, to let all of the people know." The post Outgoing Govt to Leave Unfinished Business for NLD appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

KNU Responds to Backlash on Hydropower Project Posted: 28 Feb 2016 11:40 PM PST The Salween River, a waterway which separates Thailand and Burma and on which six dams have been planned; four of the proposed projects are located in Karen State. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) After receiving criticism for signing a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on a hydropower dam project, the Karen National Union (KNU) released a statement saying that it will ensure local communities are involved in decision-making and benefit sharing. The statement, published by the KNU on Friday, declared that the group's business body, Thoolei Company Limited, "will not ignore opinions of local communities and engage in activities that might lead to human rights violations." The group also promised to "undertake… a feasibility study of international standard" which would measure the project's social and environmental impact. The statement came after the KNU company faced a local backlash after signing an MoU on the Baw Ka Hta River hydropower project with the Burmese government on February 18 in Naypyidaw. Critics, including Karen environmentalists, said the MoU was signed without proper assessments of the dam's consequences and with a lack of consultation with affected civilians in Kyaukkyi Township, Pegu Division. The KNU responded by stating that the agreement was not for "the realization" of the Baw Ka Hta dam, as was reported by some sources, but for a "project feasibility study report" that will reportedly last for a period of 24 months. Progress on the hydropower project will also depend on the success of the ongoing peace process between the KNU and the Burmese government, the statement said. The KNU was one of eight ethnic armed groups to sign a so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement with the government in 2015. The KNU's central economic committee will undertake a field study with 14 district and central level leaders to address economic challenges that might be faced due to the influx of business operations during the current ceasefire. If completed, the Baw Ka Hta dam would have the capacity to produce 160 megawatts of electricity, which would reportedly be distributed throughout Pegu Division and Karen State. Yet local Karen villagers around the dam site fear that it will lead to a loss of their land. They have compared the project to Pegu Division's Shwegyin Dam, built on the river of the same name, where 45 villages were forcibly relocated from 2002 until 2011, when the dam was completed. The post KNU Responds to Backlash on Hydropower Project appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Citing Lack of Protection, Anti-Poppy Activists Return Home Posted: 28 Feb 2016 11:30 PM PST Pat Jasan members camped in Sadung sub-township in Kachin State on Saturday. (Photo: Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint / The Irrawaddy) MYITKYINA, Kachin State — An anti-poppy group in northern Burma has called off their immediate plans to destroy poppy in Kachin State's Waingmaw Township citing a lack of protection from authorities after a recent clash with armed assailants last week. On Thursday, members of Pat Jasan, a hardline Christian anti-opium group, were attacked on their way to destroy poppy fields in Waingmaw Township, leaving dozens injured. "The state government didn't provide enough security for us. Without army protection, we can do nothing. And because there is no sign at the moment that the army will help us, we are going back home," said Ja La, a Pat Jasan leader, on Saturday. Following last week's attack, Pat Jasan leaders held a meeting with the Kachin State government on Friday in the state capital of Myitkyina, according to Lamai Gum Ja, a senior official from the Kachin Peace Talk Creation Group. During the meeting the group asked for help from the state government to continue their work. Local authorities reportedly declined, explaining that the state police force was not adequately equipped to venture into militia-controlled areas, where many of the poppy fields are located. "So they [the anti-poppy campaigners] were advised to request army protection through the [national] government and the army chief," Lamai Gum Ja said. Hla Win, vice police chief for Myitkyina, was not available for comment on Saturday. The post Citing Lack of Protection, Anti-Poppy Activists Return Home appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Economic Growth Is Not the Best Way to Solve Economic Problems’: Policy Advocate Posted: 28 Feb 2016 11:20 PM PST Excavators are used at the Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ) project at Thilawa outside Rangoon, February 21, 2014. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — A public seminar entitled "Myanmar's Special Economic Zones (SEZs): Opportunities or Threats to Local Communities" attracted regional development specialists to Rangoon this week, including Penchom Saetang, Director of Ecological Alert and Recovery Thailand (EARTH). In her work as a community and policy advocate, Saetang fights for corporate and government accountability concerning health and environmental problems from industrial pollution. As Burma is developing three SEZs in Arakan State and Rangoon and Tenasserim divisions, respectively, problems have been highlighted concerning land confiscation, a lack of public consultation and forced relocation. The Irrawaddy's Yen Snaing spoke with Saetang about Thailand's experience promoting industrialization, and what experiences Burma might be able to draw upon from its neighbor. What lessons can Burma take from Thailand regarding the development of industry in the country's three special economic zones (SEZ)? I'd like to say that Thailand has for a long time promoted industrialization and economic growth—I think it's around 40 years already. Several communities [throughout] the country have suffered from the negative impacts of industrial development and the promotion of economic growth by governments that ignore [both] local livelihoods and the protection of the ecological system. So Thailand is a good example for Myanmar to learn [about] the negative side of industrial development. We have many contaminated areas… where problems have never been solved, and there has never been any policy, action or measure to clean up those lands. Year after year, we have lost an increasing amount of agricultural land like paddy fields and water sources. This is caused by the strong Thai government promotion of industrial development without taking responsibility for the loss of nature, damage to health and the environment of local communities. Economic growth only creates profit and wealth for very small groups of companies, both national and multinational corporations. So economic growth is not the best way to solve the economic problems of the country and it does not help to reduce the gap between the rich and poor people. What alternatives are there? We have other economic patterns of development that can promote growth and are more sustainable than the pattern promoted by the Thai government. That's why many communities in Thailand try to fight the strong policy of the government and advocate for more sustainable economic development. Many people believe this is better than promoting industrialization—particularly the large-scale projects, like petro-chemical projects and coal power plants. Burma just started this process in the last five years. In the name of economic growth, the country is trying to promote industrialization by inviting foreign direct investment into the country and also promoting special economic zones. What would you suggest to the stakeholders in this process? Myanmar is welcoming investment both from national companies and foreigners. I think Myanmar has a very good opportunity to develop both laws and policies that promote economic growth in more sustainable ways in other ASEAN countries. But more sustainable development will come from three things. The first one is that the Myanmar government will have to promote people's participation parallel to promoting economic investment. It is very important, because the outcome of economic development [affects] the livelihoods, the happiness and the security of the nation and the people. So the Myanmar government should not make its own decisions without the people's participation. If the government is open to this, they will reduce conflicts in the country in the long term. The second thing is that before they rapidly promote economic and industrial growth, the Myanmar government should secure laws that protect the environment, control pollution, and protect [people's] health. The investors, particularly the big industrial investors, are concerned only with earning the highest [possible] profit. The Myanmar government has a good opportunity to learn from the experiences of Thailand, Japan and other countries, and not to allow history to repeat itself. And the third thing is that sustainable development should come with transparency and a democratic system. Transparency, good government and a democratic system are very important criteria in securing the long term [commitment] of the government and in rebuilding your country with integrity and more sustainability. The post 'Economic Growth Is Not the Best Way to Solve Economic Problems': Policy Advocate appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Radical’ Candidate in Hong Kong Poll Exposes Underlying Tensions Posted: 28 Feb 2016 11:08 PM PST Edward Leung, a candidate from the Hong Kong Indigenous, attends a campaign during a Legislative Council by-election in Hong Kong, China, February 28, 2016. (Photo: Bobby Yip / Reuters) HONG KONG — Hong Kong residents voted in a legislative council by-election on Sunday, with a "radical" pro-democracy candidate who was arrested in a recent riot running in what is being seen as a barometer of political tensions in the financial hub. The poll, to fill a single legislative seat vacated by a former pro-democracy politician, is being watched for signs of growing support for a burgeoning "indigenous" movement that has advocated more extreme protests, including violence, to push for greater democracy. While candidates from across the political spectrum are competing, most attention has focused on Edward Leung, a leader of "Hong Kong Indigenous" and one of the first street activists to make a foray into mainstream politics. "We, the young generation are determined to sacrifice ourselves for Hong Kong's future," he told Reuters on the campaign trail, flanked by supporters holding banners with the words: "Vote for a revolution". Hong Kong, a former British colony that returned to Chinese rule in 1997 under a "one country, two systems" formula that gives it a high degree of autonomy, was rocked by massive protests in 2014 demanding Beijing's Communist Party leaders grant the city full democracy. Beijing's refusal to give any concessions to the protesters has embittered a younger generation of activists, including Leung, who have pledged to fight on. Some of these underlying tensions surfaced earlier this month, when hundreds of protesters clashed with police in a night-long riot. It was the worst violence seen on Hong Kong's streets for years and dozens were arrested, including Leung. "We need to put enough pressure on the government. Therefore a kind of forceful protest is inevitable," Leung said. Hong Kong's financial secretary, John Tsang, warned during his budget speech last week that Hong Kong risked seeing further chaos and that political uncertainty was hurting the economy. While Leung is not expected to win, the scale of support amongst the 940,000 or so eligible voters in his constituency will be a gauge of recent anti-China sentiment, though many in the city remain strongly opposed to any radicalism. "We need a stable environment," said a 67-year-old retired businessman, surnamed Chu, who voted for a pro-establishment candidate. "The [radicals] will add uncertainty to Hong Kong." The results will also be a key indicator of the public mood ahead of a full legislative council poll later in the year, pitting a pro-democracy camp that now enjoys a slender one-third veto bloc against pro-Beijing and pro-establishment parties. The post 'Radical' Candidate in Hong Kong Poll Exposes Underlying Tensions appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Indonesia Govt to Back Revisions to Anti-Graft Law: Senior Minister Posted: 28 Feb 2016 10:45 PM PST Indonesian President Joko Widodo gestures during an interview with Reuters at the presidential palace in Jakarta, Indonesia, February 10, 2016. (Photo: Darren Whiteside / Reuters) JAKARTA — Indonesia's government will back controversial revisions to the law governing its top anti-graft agency, a senior cabinet minister said in a statement on Monday. Lawmakers in parliament have been in discussions to review the authority of the popular Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), proposing revisions that critics say will leave the agency unable to effectively fight endemic graft in Southeast Asia's biggest economy. "The government will agree to the revisions as long as they can be shown to strengthen the KPK, and not weaken it," said chief security affairs minister Luhut Pandjaitan. Criticism from anti-corruption activists and the KPK itself last week prompted President Joko Widodo to ask parliament to suspend its discussions. Among parliament's proposals, which the government backs, are the limiting of the KPK's powers to wiretap suspects without a warrant and setting up a watchdog for the KPK. "All this time, the wiretapping has been done without any coordination or clear accountability even within the KPK," Pandjaitan said, adding the new law should call for the agency to set up a standard operating procedure to approve wiretaps. The government agrees with the KPK's need to hire independent investigators, Pandjaitan said, while parliament has sought to limit its pool to just the police and attorney general's office. The new chief of the KPK, Agus Rahardjo, has threatened to resign if the revisions proposed by parliament are enacted, saying they will make it impossible for the agency to make arrests. The KPK suffered huge setbacks last year when a bitter rivalry with police prompted the arrests of three key KPK personnel and several cases ground to a halt. Parliament and police are widely perceived to be among the most corrupt institutions in Indonesia, and MPs and police officials are often the targets of KPK investigations. The post Indonesia Govt to Back Revisions to Anti-Graft Law: Senior Minister appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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