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Saturday, May 7, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Amid Bribery Rumors, CNN Links Up With SkyNet
Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘The Government Still Discriminates Against Private Media’
The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (May 7, 2016)

Amid Bribery Rumors, CNN Links Up With SkyNet

Posted: 07 May 2016 05:37 AM PDT

Officials from CNN and SkyNet toast their new partnership in Rangoon on Friday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — US cable television giant CNN teamed up Friday with the crony-owned telecommunications company SkyNet, less than a month after the Burmese firm was implicated in a government bribery scandal.

SkyNet is part of Shwe Than Lwin Media Co. and is chaired by Kyaw Win, who is believed to have close ties with Burma's previous quasi-civilian government and the military regime that preceded it.

The exclusive partnership involves a news affiliate and consultation agreement between the local TV provider and CNN International of Turner Broadcasting System Asia Pacific. As part of the agreement, CNN will help SkyNet launch a 24-hour Burmese-language news network called Channel One, according to an official statement released by SkyNet at the signing ceremony.

CNN will provide consulting, capacity building for the employees and training for news production and technical operations, the statement said.

Myint Myint Win, president of Shwe Than Lwin Media, said the partnership marked a "milestone" for SkyNet.

"By collaborating with CNN, a first-class product encompassing the best of local and international news will be delivered to the Myanmar people through Channel One," she said.

Chairman Kyaw Win of Shwe Than Lwin said, "There is absolutely no better [news outlet] to learn from."

Greg Beitchman, vice president of CNN International's commercial content sales and partnerships, said CNN is "confident" in SkyNet's ability to achieve the same journalism standards as CNN and will ensure the new TV channel offers the highest quality news content in Burma.

"Developing a channel will help the country tremendously," he said. "We think that sharing our standards of journalism and values here in Myanmar will contribute to a model of a political debate which will benefit the country's politics and also the country's economics."

Ko Ko, chief executive officer of Shwe Than Lwin Media, told The Irrawaddy that the new TV channel was not a business investment but would be "powered" by CNN in order to meet the US media conglomerate's standards of journalism. He was unable to confirm the launch date of Channel One.

"It will only be launched when CNN thinks it's ready," he said. "We have to start everything from scratch. We don't know when all the training will finish."

Although the statement mentioned that the agreement between CNN and SkyNet was a multi-year deal, Ko Ko said that it would be renewed annually.

SkyNet, a private TV operator, was implicated in a scandal involving a bribe of 5 million kyats (US$4,250) to the personal assistant of an unnamed official in the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) government during Burma's New Year's Water Festival.

Although a statement released by the President's Office last month didn't explicitly name the company involved, it reported that the alleged offender was "a media company that took part in the annual New Year in Naypyidaw by staging a pavilion."

SkyNet was the sole media company to host a pavilion in Naypyidaw during the 2016 New Year celebrations.

While the amount of the bribe was relatively small, the case has been viewed as one of symbolic value, with the NLD government pledging to crack down on rampant corruption in Burma.

The money, after the bribe was revealed, was put toward public works projects.

The post Amid Bribery Rumors, CNN Links Up With SkyNet appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘The Government Still Discriminates Against Private Media’

Posted: 06 May 2016 09:02 PM PDT

Journalists Mon Mon Myat and Thiha of 7Day Journal and Daily newspaper join The Irrawaddy's Thalun Zaung Htet to discuss media freedom.

Thalun Zaung Htet: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss the landscape of press freedom in Myanmar for this year. Journalist Daw Mon Mon Myat and editor Ko Thiha of 7Day Journal and Daily newspaper will join me for the discussion. I'm Irrawaddy Burmese editor Thalun Zaung Htet.

May 3 marks World Press Freedom Day, designated by Unesco. This year marks the 23rd World Press Freedom Day, first celebrated in 1993. Myanmar media outlets also celebrated the day this year. I've invited you to discuss the media landscape of Myanmar in 2016. Our country is now in transition. The government elected by the people has come to power. Ko Thiha, what is your view of current press freedom?

Thiha: The government elected by the people assumed office on April 1. People have certain expectations of the government. Likewise, we journalists also have expectations—how freely will we be able to conduct reporting? I would like to define press freedom in two aspects—the right to report freely and the right to gather news freely. As to freedom of reporting, social media, print media and broadcast media can write, publish and broadcast freely if they have credible information and can take responsibility. As to access to information, private media have not enjoyed as much as state-owned media over the past five years under the U Thein Sein government. And one month and three days into the new government, the situation suggests that private media still do not enjoy it on equal terms.

TZH: The slogan of this year's World Press Freedom Day is 'access to information and fundamental freedoms: This is your right.' Myanmar is among countries that still do not have freedom of information. Myanmar is ranked 143 in 180 countries in the Reporters Sans Frontieres [RSF] press freedom index. So, how much freedom are Myanmar journalists enjoying regarding access to information?

Mon Mon Myat: If we refer to that ranking, it can be said that Myanmar journalists enjoy somewhat more freedom than their peers in Singapore and Malaysia. Private media, however, is not yet treated equally with state-owned media regarding access to information. Although the new government acknowledges the important role played by the media, its will is in question. Will it provide facilities to ensure greater access to information—for example, how will it support the establishment of a good media center at the Parliament? Many reporters visit the [national] Parliament but, despite the fact the Parliament is a magnificently sized building, reporters are given a very narrow space. And several restrictions on access to information still exist from the time of the previous government. We have to ask the new government whether these restrictions will continue. Although the government holds press conferences, state-owned media enjoy greater access, while it seems private media are only allowed to take group photos.

These are the big challenges the new government has to overcome. The government still practices discrimination against private media. There are instances in which the government has denied private media journalists access on very important occasions, for this and that excuse, including that they are 'not on the list.' But then, when [former Lower House speaker and USDP chairman] U Shwe Mann was to hold a press conference, we were phoned and asked if we would attend. They use journalists only when they want to spread news and neglect them when they don't need them. This was the practice of the previous government and it still continues. These are genuine, big challenges for the new government.

TZH: Government media does not exist in democratic countries, where governments only have information bodies that release official information. There may be government-run media in some democracies, but they are used for different purposes. In Myanmar, government-run media includes state broadcaster [MRTV] and newspapers Myanma Alin and Kyemon.

The government-run media [enjoy advantages that] seem to limit the growth of private media. Ko Thiha, you will know better as you are an editor with 7Day Journal and 7Day Daily. Dr. Pe Myint is the journalist-turned-information minister. One month into his tenure, he has tried to correct the flaws regarding state-run newspapers, which are now much like private dailies in terms of content. But on the other hand, state-run newspapers are commercially competing with private dailies and I heard that this has had some impact on private media. How much have private media been affected?

TH: We have suffered little impact so far. But the controversy is that, as Ko Thalun and many other journalists have said, in democracies, private media are favored and there is no state-run media. A veteran journalist told me that it is because governments use various [other] channels if they want to release information, such as posting on their official websites, holding press conferences and issuing press releases. Governments have media officers and spokespersons through which they release information to all private media on equal terms. In this way, the private media obtain information and report. So, in mature democracies, there is no government media. But government media still exists in our country.

Former Information Minister U Ye Htut said that government media should continue to exist to inform the public of the government's policies, and issue draft laws, which private media are not interested in reporting on. U Pe Myint in his interview with Frontier magazine argued that government media should continue to exist so as to report the actions of the government to the public. I don't know whether this is a new view of his [U Pe Myint], since he became a government official, or whether it has been his opinion since he served on the Press Council. Only he knows. Although the transformation of government media has so far had little impact on private media, we are a little concerned that private media may face challenges, with the impact becoming noticeable later. A journalist once told me that there are no government-run newspapers in democracies because governments do not want to intervene in free and independent newspaper markets.

Government newspapers have substantial infrastructure and very good logistics, including Kyemon and Myanma Alin. They have branches almost everywhere. If they were to really transform themselves into public service media, it is very likely that we [the private media] would lag far behind. So, government newspapers are normally not published in democracies, and there is free competition between private media outlets.

TZH: Some journalists say that, if they are really to launch public service media, the government should not compete with private media. They said government newspapers should not accept advertisements, because the government runs newspapers with state funds and they never make a loss. For example, although Kyemon and Myanma Alin can sell their copies at a unit price of 50 kyats [US$0.05], private dailies have to sell at around 200 kyats. If the reporting in government-run newspapers is good, as it is now, people will choose the government-run newspapers. Some private media outlets have to sustain themselves with advertising revenues. So, some journalists argue that the government-run newspapers should not be commercial.

Again, talking of an independent media, most of the broadcast and print media in Myanmar are owned by cronies who are somehow associated with the previous governments. How independent do you think the media will be in our country?

MMM: The government has been in power for just over 30 days and it is too early to measure how independent the media is under it. The independence of the media in a country is directly related to the press freedom of that country. It is important for a media outlet to be free and independent. Private media that are meant for commercial interests can't be called independent media. For the media to develop and to become independent in a country, it is important that the media can stand on its own. But I don't mean they should not have commercial interests. They will be able to sustain themselves over the long-term only when they can strike a balance between public and commercial interests.

The new government has to take these things into consideration. It has to consider how it will monitor the private media and how it will grant them freedom. There must be clear laws in place regarding control of private media where strong commercial interests pertain. We have not yet seen any sign that the 100-day plan of the new government focuses on any such thing. We have to wait and see what will happen. As all the ministries are carrying out 100-day plans, we have to see within 100 days what the new government is capable of. How independent the media will be and how big a role it can play largely depends on the government's 100-day initiative. We have to wait and see.

TZH: Given the current situation and the fact that we do not yet know the policies of the new government, do you think press freedom in our country will improve in the next five years up to 2020?

TH: I hope it will improve, because the government is elected and supported by the people. And people call it a civilian and democratic government. Since it is a democratic, elected government, people want to know what it is doing, which direction it is going in. The government will need media to inform the people. So, hopefully they will pave the way for wider access to information and freedom in reporting. I am optimistic that there will be greater press freedom in the next five years.

MMM: There are organizations that are prepared to fight democracy with democracy. If we can endure the challenges to democracy and move forward, I believe we will be able to establish a better democracy by 2020.

TZH: Do you expect greater press freedom?

MMM: There are two aspects to it, press freedom and freedom of expression. The government has to handle lots of challenges to keep them in balance. The challenge is huge. I want to be optimistic, but we have yet to wait and see how the government will overcome these challenges.

TZH: Ko Thiha, Ma Mon Myat, thank you.

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'The Government Still Discriminates Against Private Media' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (May 7, 2016)

Posted: 06 May 2016 06:53 PM PDT

A BreadTalk sign at a restaurant in Singapore on Dec. 8, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

China-Led Investment Bank to Begin Looking for Projects in Burma

The head of the new Chinese government-led bank promising to kick start infrastructure investment in Asia plans to visit Burma in search of projects by the end of the year.

Jin Liqun, the inaugural president of the newly formed Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) was in Frankfurt this week to sign an agreement with the region's existing multilateral lending institution, the Asian Development Bank. The two banks are set to jointly finance a highway in Pakistan, confirming the AIIB's previous assertion that it is open to co-funding projects with other institutions, also including the World Bank.

Burma was one of the first countries to sign up to membership of the AIIB and is located in the line of sight for both China's "Maritime Silk Road" and its "Silk Road Economic Belt"—two major policy plans touted by President Xi Jinping that are known together as the "Belt and Road Initiative." Those factors, plus the country's infrastructure deficit—some US$60 billion worth of upgrades is needed by 2030, the ADB reckons—make it an obvious target for the new bank's funds.

Questioned in Frankfurt by the Myanmar Times newspaper about the AIIB's plans for Burma, Jin responded by saying the bank was focusing on looking for "ready and bankable" projects across its member states. He also said, however, that the bank had a "duty to help finance infrastructure in Myanmar" since it is a member country.

The newspaper said Jin was planning to visit Burma before the end of 2016, but was unspecific about what the bank might fund, beyond saying that transport and power projects were most likely.

"Even in low-income countries [like Burma] I believe we can have profitable, productive infrastructure projects," Jin was quoted saying.

The AIIB—in which China holds a 26 percent stake, giving it a veto—has reportedly been infused with $50 billion. But investment is set to ramp up slowly: Jin recently told the Financial Times that it would invest only between $1.5 and $2 billion this year, rising to around $10 billion a year by 2018. (The Asia-wide infrastructure funding deficit is said to be as high as $8 trillion.)

In the past there have been concerns over the environmental and social impacts of Chinese investment in Burma, as in other developing countries. But the AIIB hopes to shake off that image, burnishing its credentials by bringing on board nations like the United Kingdom, Germany and Australia.

According to its website, "Its modus operandi will be lean, clean and green: lean, with a small efficient management team and highly skilled staff; clean, an ethical organization with zero tolerance for corruption; and green, an institution built on respect for the environment."

Singapore's BreadTalk Ties Up With Tycoon

Bakery chain BreadTalk has signed a franchise agreement with a company owned by Burmese tycoon Aik Htun.

Singapore-listed BreadTalk Group Limited told investors Tuesday that a company named Myanmar Bakery Co., Ltd. would hold the master franchise enabling it to open BreadTalk outlets in Burma. The brand is known across Asia and the Middle East for its buns topped with pork floss. It has almost 800 bakeries in countries including mainland China, Hong Kong and Thailand.

The company's announcement quoted Tan Aik Peng, CEO of BreadTalk's bakery division, pointing to Burma's growing middle class as the target market for the chain.

The choice of local partner means the bakeries could potentially be opened in the five existing Junction shopping malls owned by Shwe Taung Group, which is the parent company of Myanmar Bakery Co., according to the announcement. It said the first bakery should be open by early 2017 in one of the malls.

"The Singapore team is working closely with the Shwe Taung Group to understand the Myanmar market and we promise an exciting line up with BreadTalk's first boutique bakery in Yangon," Tan Aik Peng was quoted saying.

Shwe Taung Group, formerly known as Olympic Construction, was founded in 1990, when Burma's ruling junta opened up parts of the previously socialist economy. It was mired in scandal after its bank, Asia Wealth Bank, was sanctioned by the US Treasury for suspected money laundering and links to Burma's heroin trade.

The group now operates a network of gas stations under the brand ST Oil, has construction materials and cement divisions, and recently signed a licensing deal with US software giant Microsoft.

Most visibly, Shwe Taung is currently building the Junction City development in the heart of downtown Rangoon, located opposite the historical Holy Trinity Cathedral and close to the city's Bogyoke Aung San Market. BreadTalk's announcement says the development will include, as well as a shopping center, a "Grade-A office tower and a 5-star luxury hotel in Phase 1 that is scheduled to open in the first quarter of 2017."

Analysts See Opportunities in Agriculture

Analysts at BMI Research believe that Burma's output of meat, milk and rice are all set to accelerate.

An industry trend analysis from the firm late last month looked at the prospects for agribusiness in the Mekong region, which also includes China's Yunnan province, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam, concluding that the outlook was "bright" for the countries.

"The region will record some of the most robust GDP growth rates globally in the coming years," it said. "Increased cooperation and economic and financial integration within the region, as well as the ongoing opening of Myanmar, will also boost trade regionally and globally."

In Burma specifically, it said reforms to liberalize the economy "coupled with a good resource endowment, strategic location and encouraging foreign investment regulation—will drive the acceleration of production," naming meat, milk and rice as products to watch.

"Interestingly, Myanmar already has the largest milk output of the region, suggesting adequate investment in the upstream and downstream dairy sector in the coming years would help the country join Vietnam as one of Asia's key dairy providers in the medium term," it said, adding that China would increasingly be the major market for agricultural exports in the region.

Burma was at one time the world's largest exporter of rice, but agricultural productivity suffered under government policies during the country's socialist era. Rice output has bounced back in recent years, but remains lower than regional competitors.

BMI Research tempered its forecast with a warning over the risks of climate change and a region-wide boom in the construction of hydropower dams that could change river flows, ecosystems and irrigation, impacting agriculture.

"Climate change is posing a more insidious and longer-term risk to the future prospects of agriculture in the Mekong region, as it will alter several key variables for crops production," it said, highlighting the temperature rise that is likely to take place in Burma's southern coastal and northern regions.

Airline's Rangoon Route Hits a Snag

Thai-Indonesian joint venture Thai Lion Air, a low-cost carrier flying out of Bangkok's Don Mueang Airport, has reportedly been censured by Thai aviation authorities for selling tickets for its planned Rangoon flight without obtaining permission.

Thai Lion Air's plan to fly between Bangkok and Rangoon was reported in March, when an aviation consultancy flagged that the carrier would face fierce competition on an already crowded route.

According to the Bangkok Post, the airline on April 25 began selling tickets in a promotion for flights starting from May 20. However, the newspaper reported, the company jumped the gun, with Burma's Civil Aviation Authority not signing off on the new route.

The report said passengers were even sold the tickets, and later told that the flight had been canceled due to "an IT system failure in Myanmar."

The airline is reportedly now offering refunds for promotion flights, and Thai Lion Air's website now has no mention of Rangoon as a destination.

Local Payment Union in Talks With MasterCard: Report

The Myanmar Payment Union (MPU) is discussing an agreement with MasterCard that would connect Burma's bank card holders to the US-based company's network, Deal Street Asia reports.

Quoting MPU Chairman Mya Than, the website said an agreement would primarily mean those holding MasterCards could use MPU-recognized ATMs and payment sites.

The payment network also reportedly signed a memorandum of understanding with South Korea's KEB Hana Card, the report said.

MasterCard has already made agreements with several individual Burmese banks, and issued the country's first prepaid card with CB Bank in 2013.

State media recently reported that about 1.8 million people in Burma currently hold MPU payment cards, which are issued by the 23 local banks that are members of the union.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (May 7, 2016) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Vesak Message 2016 from USA!
Post election debate in Lashio a success
Tatmadaw as protector of democratic institution?

Vesak Message 2016 from USA!

Posted: 07 May 2016 06:50 AM PDT

Post election debate in Lashio a success

Posted: 06 May 2016 10:02 AM PDT

The Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN) held the latest in a series of debates earlier this week in the northern Shan State town of Lashio. The well attended event focused on the topic of "hope in the post-election".

The debate, which took place on Tuesday May 3rd, was conducted in Shan and included four main speakers. The speakers were Sai Sein Lu from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD)'s Hsenwi Township committee, Sai Tu from the National League for Democracy (NLD)'s Lashio Township committee, Sai Naw Hseng, a spokesman from the Tai Youth Network and Nang Kem Wan, a representative of a coalition of Shan community based organization (CBO) representing Shan State and border based groups. More than 80 people attended the event.

Sai Hark Khur, SHAN's editor in chief, noted that a wide range of topics were covered during the lively discussion. The main issues discussed concerned the amendments to the 2008 constitution, genuine peace in the country and equal rights for all. Another topic also discussed was whether Burma's ethnic issues were the most pressing for the country or whether the ongoing political issues should be solved first.

"Aung San Suu Kyi will have to amend the 2008 constitution," said Sai Sein Lu of the SNLD during the debate. "This is because her father led the Panglong Agreement. If she does not follow what her father has done, then national reconciliation will not happen."

Sai Hark Khur who moderated the event noted that many in Shan state have questions about the NLD's stance on revising the constitution.

"Regarding proposed amendments to the constitution, many scholars have criticized Aung San Suu Kyi, who is not only the leader of the NLD but who is also seen to be pulling the strings from behind the president," he said.

SHAN has conducted four debates so far. In 2015, SHAN held a debate in Taunggyi on the issue of "the election and its security", and another debate was held in eastern Shan State's Kengtung on the subject of the national 2015 election. In April this year, SHAN conducted a debate in Panglong Township on the issue of "the solution to the drug problem in Shan State". Last week's debate was sponsored by Burma News International (BNI) and USAID.

By Staff/ Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

Tatmadaw as protector of democratic institution?

Posted: 06 May 2016 09:05 AM PDT

It is amusing to hear from the Defence Minister General Soe Win that the Arakan Army (AA) is an anti-democratic force, while the Tatmadaw or Burma Army is portrayed as a protector of democratic institution. The Defence Minister seems to be conveniently forgetting that over the years, there are tons of Tatmadaw's human rights violation record, stored by internationally known rights organizations. And as such, it cannot claim to be the protector of a democratically installed government of U Htin Kyaw, or better Suu Kyi.

To be able to assume such credential, the Burma Army would need to shed its "a state within a state" posture of implementing its own policy initiative outside of the government, especially where resolving the issue of ethnic conflict is concerned.

Generally speaking, the AA has every right to be in Arakan State, while Burma Army is seen as an occupation troops, so far as the Arakanese people are concerned, as the nine Townships' demonstartions involving thousands recently calling to stop the war within the State have shown.

Friday, May 6, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Burma’s Harsh Protest Law Likely to Be Replaced
As Conflict Reignites, TNLA Claims Gains at Shan Army’s Expense
Suu Kyi and Japan: Tokyo Love Story or Battle Royale?
Plywood Factory Protestors Send Representatives to Naypyidaw
As Burger Joints Proliferate, a Look at Some of Rangoon’s Best
The Mong Wong, Burma’s Newest Citizens, Face Backlash
Clause Célèbre: Taiwan Leader Must Convince China She’s No ‘Splittist’
North Korea Kicks Off Rare Party Congress With ‘Miraculous Results’

Burma’s Harsh Protest Law Likely to Be Replaced

Posted: 06 May 2016 05:27 AM PDT

Police beat a student protester who had attempted to turn himself in during a crackdown on the activists at Letpadan on March 10, 2015. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A new version of Burma's Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law was submitted to the Upper House of Parliament on Thursday, with proponents saying the legislation would loosen multiple restrictions on demonstrators and establish clear guidelines for legal procedures against unlawful protest.

The bill was submitted to the legislative chamber by the Upper House Bill Committee, which stated that the new version would be more in line with the country's multi-party democratic system.

Under the new bill, demonstrators would only need to "inform" relevant police stations at least 48 hours before a protest, a change from the existing law which requires groups to receive "permission" from authorities.

Also, the new bill imposes limitations on the rights of authorities to charge demonstrators. If organizers of the protests are found breaking the law, they can only be prosecuted by the first township where they violate the law—not all of the townships they pass through—and the charges can only be filed within 15 days of the incident. The current law has no such provision, leaving demonstrators vulnerable to excessive legal action.

Zaw Min, a National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker and chairman of the bill committee, pointed to last year's brutal crackdown on student activists peacefully demonstrating against the National Education Law, saying that some student leaders were charged with more than 50 counts of criminal activity as their protest march passed through several of Burma's townships.

Zaw Min said that the committee didn't propose amendments to the previous law but opted to submit a new bill because it would require too many revisions of the current law to make it acceptable.

"Our new bill was drafted based on the fundamental rights of citizens, according to the 2008 Constitution, which the previous [existing] law contradicted," he told The Irrawaddy. "The new bill will help our people exercise their rights as citizens."

Lawyer Ko Ni, a legal advisor to the NLD, said that the new bill was in step with international norms and would fully recognize the fundamental rights of the country's citizens.

"It's not a revision to the old law," he said. "It's a completely new bill, one that accords with democratic standards."

The new bill, which has eight chapters and 25 articles, would ensconce legal protection for protesters and also reduce punishments for those who violate the law. People who interfere with or physically assault lawful, peaceful assemblies could be sentenced with up to one year in prison, a fined 100,000 kyats (US$85) or both. Protesters who organize without informing local authorities could be sentenced to three months in prison, fined 30,000 kyats or both.

The current law was frequently used to arrest and oppress political activists under the previous Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) government. If the new bill is passed, it will supersede and automatically replace the 2011 Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law and its 2014 revision.

Lawmakers at the session unanimously agreed to discuss the bill, and recommendations on the bill are scheduled to be heard next week, according to Upper House Speaker Mahn Win Khaing Than. Passage is expected, given that it is backed by the NLD, which dominates both houses of the Union Parliament.

The post Burma's Harsh Protest Law Likely to Be Replaced appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

As Conflict Reignites, TNLA Claims Gains at Shan Army’s Expense

Posted: 06 May 2016 05:05 AM PDT

A Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) soldier in Kyaukme Township, at the frontline of conflict with the Shan State Army-South in February. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Fighting broke out this week at eight separate locations in northern Shan State, pitting the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) against the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), with the TNLA reclaiming army bases from SSA-S troops, according to a statement from the former on Thursday. The locations of the hostilities were spread across the adjacent townships of Mongton, Namkham and Kyaukme.

The two ethnic armed groups have been engaged in conflict over territory in northern Shan State since late last year, after the SSA-S signed the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement with the previous government. The TNLA, which was not allowed to sign the accord, has accused the Burma Army of lending logistical support and protection to the SSA-S—a charge the SSA-S has consistently denied.

According to the statement, the TNLA launched its recent offensive in order to drive out SSA-S troops who had come to "invade their [ethnic Ta'ang, also known as Palaung] lands" and cause difficulties for their people.

The TNLA and SSA-S are the armed wings of the Palaung State Liberation Front (PSLF) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), respectively.

In February, fighting caused hundreds of local residents to flee to safer areas in northern Shan, including the region's larger towns, adding to the several thousand already displaced in the conflict between the two ethnic armed groups. (Fluid rates of flight and return made IDPs difficult to quantify.)

Fighting then halted for almost a month, during the tea harvest—cultivation of the crop being the principal occupation of the Ta'ang people. However, in early March, the Burma Army began operations in the area against the TNLA from its command base in Lashio, before conflict with the SSA-S resumed.

The TNLA claims that SSA-S troops advanced to establish further bases in March. Thursday's statement accused RCSS members of detaining local Ta'ang people, demanding money from them and restricting their ability to travel and obtain food, including by blocking roads.

"They were acting as if they were in their own land and made trouble for our people. They are behaving like a wild tiger. We need to drive them from our land," Tar Bong Kyaw, general secretary of the TNLA, told The Irrawaddy.

From two villages, Sai Lane and Loi Hom, the TNLA on Thursday took back the Kaung Sai mountain in Mongton Township, where three separate SSA-S bases had been established. There were heavy clashes and casualties on both sides, reported Tar Bong Kyaw.

The TNLA took two more SSA-S bases in a May 2 attack on Mong Won village and another in Tarbong village on May 4, all in Namkham Township.

Col. Sai Hla, a spokesperson for the SSA-S, confirmed that fighting had broken out recently between his troops and the TNLA. He said it was "hard to say who is right and who is wrong" regarding accusations of territorial encroachment.

"We have our own area in Namkham Township but they have their own 'special region' under their control," he said.

Sai Hla said his troops had not formerly intruded onto TNLA-controlled land, but after a column of SSA-S troops was ambushed by the TNLA in Namkham Township in November, they had crossed over.

The SSA-S had only established "temporary" bases in TNLA-controlled areas, according to Sai Hla, who said he could not neither confirm nor deny the TNLA'S claim to have seized several SSA-S bases. "I shall enquire with my troops on the ground. We are guerrilla troops and we did not have permanent bases."

Sai Hla said his troops had only blocked roads to cut off rations to the TNLA; the move was not targeting local Ta'ang communities, as the TNLA claimed. "It was a groundless accusation," the spokesman said.

The post As Conflict Reignites, TNLA Claims Gains at Shan Army's Expense appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Suu Kyi and Japan: Tokyo Love Story or Battle Royale?

Posted: 06 May 2016 04:21 AM PDT

Then opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, left, shakes hands with Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe at his official residence in Tokyo on April 18, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

This week, state-run newspapers splashed Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida's photo with Foreign Minister Aung San Suu Kyi all over their front pages. But beneath the smiles and handshakes, there is a history of discord.

After the political opening in 2011 and 2012, Japan moved quickly to resume aid and investment to Burma—including development of the Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ), a 2,400-hectare industrial zone in southeast Rangoon Division. Japan's Nippon Foundation also provided funds for Burma's peace-building process and general aid to the previous government.

Suu Kyi was opposed to this aid and investment from Japan during the junta’s reign because she saw it as bolstering the repressive regime that ruled over the country with an iron fist.

But like the Chinese government, which developed even closer relations with the regime, Tokyo was not deterred by her stance.

Japan, however, is recognizing that it might have to change its ways to deal with the new reality of Suu Kyi in power.

After Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won a landslide victory in the national elections, Japanese businesses were worried. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe had not developed close ties with Suu Kyi. But less than three weeks after the election, Abe invited a high-level NLD official to Tokyo.

On Nov. 27, Nyan Win, central executive committee member of the NLD, met with Foreign Minister Kishida in Tokyo. Nyan Win asked for more investment and technological assistance from the world's No. 3 economy.

This week in Naypyidaw, Kishida first met with Suu Kyi, who also serves as Burma's state counselor. They spent more than an hour discussing issues related to aid, business, development projects and peace-building efforts with Burma's ethnic armed organizations. Afterwards, the Japanese foreign minister met with President Htin Kyaw, Suu Kyi's confidant. That meeting lasted only 15 minutes.

Given Suu Kyi's personal ties to Japan, a relationship with the East Asian power could blossom.

She was a visiting scholar at Kyoto University in 1985-86, where she made some Japanese friends, but none of them were from the business community. And when she returned to Japan in April 2013 after Burma began opening up, she met Abe.

In the early 1940s, Suu Kyi's late father, Gen. Aung San, Burma's independence hero, received military training from the Japanese Army and even adopted a Japanese name, Omoda Monji.

He and his compatriots, the legendary "Thirty Comrades," received arms and financial support from the Japanese Army to fight the British, who were then ruling Burma. Under Japanese occupation, Aung San became war minister, but he subsequently decided to revolt against the draconian Japanese regime after joining forces with the Allies during World War II.

In the 1960s, Gen. Ne Win, one of the "Thirty Comrades," sought to cultivate closer relations with Tokyo. Throughout his 26-year rule, the Ne Win regime received aid and loans from Japan, as well as post-war reparations. At the time, the Japanese viewed Burma as a country with high economic potential.

But then came the tumultuous late 1980s, and Suu Kyi was put under house arrest. While there in the 1990s, Suu Kyi was critical of Japan's economic engagement with the repressive Burmese regime. After she was freed from house arrest in 1995, the Japanese newspaper Mainichi Shimbun published Suu Kyi's "Letters from Burma." In her letters, she did not hide her opposition to Japan's Burma policy.

Interestingly, Japan was the first country to be informed of her release, and subsequently the Japanese government agreed to resume Official Development Assistance (ODA). It appears that Suu Kyi's release was somehow a bargaining chip in the aid deal. Nonetheless, publicly, she advised Tokyo to hold off on its aid package.

"If it is a reward for my release, I'm just one political prisoner, there are others still in jail," she told a correspondent from the now-defunct Far Eastern Economic Review at the time. "Changing the conditions of one person is not enough to merit the renewal of aid."

In addition to the traditional aid package, the Japanese provided a grant in the notorious Golden Triangle, where they wanted to promote eradication of opium poppy cultivation in the Kokang region through crop substitution. They introduced the cultivation of buckwheat, which is used in Japanese soba noodle production.

Suu Kyi was frustrated. In April 1996, less than one year after her release, she wrote in the Mainichi Shimbun: "To observe businessmen who come to Burma with the intention of enriching themselves is somewhat like watching passers-by in an orchard brutally stripping off blossoms to appreciate their fragile beauty, blind to the ugliness of the despoiled branches, oblivious to the fact that by their action they are imperiling future fruitfulness and committing an injustice against the rightful owners of the trees. Among these despoilers are big Japanese companies."

In June 1996, Suu Kyi sent a letter to then Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto via the Japanese Embassy in Rangoon, asking Tokyo to exercise its economic power to push for democratization in Burma as stipulated in the ODA guidelines. She received no reply.

Meanwhile, in Japan, there appeared a flurry of Suu Kyi-bashing articles written by businessmen and government officials close to the Burmese regime. It was obvious that some powerful people in Japan felt Suu Kyi was an obstacle to doing business and carrying out aid in Burma.

But now Suu Kyi is in power. Burma has seen dramatic political changes over the past five years.

"We'll cooperate with the Myanmar government to create a climate that will benefit both the people of Myanmar and Japanese businesses," the visiting Japanese foreign minister said, specifically pointing out his country's ambition to spur job creation and bolster the development of Burma's agricultural, education, finance, health care and infrastructure sectors.

"Japan will do as much as it can to help Myanmar in its process of national reconciliation," Kishida added, stating a desire to help the former pariah state re-engage internationally.

In her role as foreign minister, Suu Kyi expressed her appreciation for the "support and kindness expressed by the people of Japan" for Burma. Through Kishida, Abe invited her to Japan and sent her a personal letter.

But Japan is not alone in courting the new powers that be in Naypyidaw.

Shortly after the NLD formed a government, it was Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi who paid a surprise visit to Burma at the invitation of Suu Kyi.

And last year, a few months before the election, Suu Kyi was in China, where President Xi Jinping received her—some called it a massive diplomatic breakthrough because it was Beijing that had invited the then-opposition leader. No doubt China, one of the top investors in Burma, wanted to bet on Suu Kyi. The question for them is: Will she protect China's business and strategic interests in Burma? Through Wang, Xi extended another invitation to Suu Kyi last month.

The ministry has not yet announced Suu Kyi's itinerary for overseas visits, but look out to see which of the two countries she travels to first, China or Japan. That decision could be a major sign of things to come in Suu Kyi's bumpy relationship with Japan.

Aung Zaw is founding editor of The Irrawaddy.

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Plywood Factory Protestors Send Representatives to Naypyidaw

Posted: 06 May 2016 04:14 AM PDT

Labor rights protestors march from Sagaing Division to Naypyidaw. (Photo: Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY — Protestors from a plywood factory in the Sagaing Industrial Zone sent representatives to Naypyidaw on Friday, following an invitation from the director general of the Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Security.

"Five representatives are on their way to meet with the director general, parliamentarians and other responsible parties from the plywood factory to talk about our rights," said Hnin Aung, one of the protestors.

The invitation letter from the director general, Myo Aung, said a meeting would be held at the ministry's office to negotiate with Myanmar Veneer Plywood Private Ltd., in order to resolve the labor issues.

Meanwhile, the remaining workers reached Wundwin Township in Mandalay Division on Friday, and continued their march to Naypyidaw.

Protestors said local administrative authorities have mistreated them along the way, and monasteries where they had planned to rest were pressured by authorities not to accept them.

"If local authorities want to arrest us, we do not care. If they do not want us to sleep in monasteries, we will sleep on the side on the road," said Hnin Aung, adding, "We will march until the labor rights abuses are solved."

Dozens of workers, both men and women, began marching from Sagaing Division to Naypyidaw late last month, hoping to meet President Htin Kyaw to urge him to resolve the dispute.

The workers have asked the plywood factory to reduce daily work hours from 12 to 8, and to re-employ workers who had been fired after fronting the initial protest.

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As Burger Joints Proliferate, a Look at Some of Rangoon’s Best

Posted: 06 May 2016 02:42 AM PDT

Burgers have not been left behind in Rangoon's culinary gentrification. (Photo: Foodie Myanmar)

The first dedicated burger joint in Rangoon, Burger Buster on Inya Road, opened in the early 2000s and became popular with the city's youth. It remains open on the original site but now competes with a range of popular burger places—the best of which, according to Foodie Myanmar, are introduced below. Prices are on the high side at these places, partly because they are not cooked in advance, as at fast food outlets, but instead cooked to order using fresh ingredients—with tastier results.

1) Savoy Hotel

The burgers at Savoy are especially popular among foreigners. Seven types are available to choose from: The hottest two are Le Marcel Burger, made up of a beef patty, bacon, lettuce and cocktail sauce; and the Cheese Burger, which comes with cheddar, mozzarella, lettuce and tomato. For non beef-eaters, the Ocean Three Burger contains seafood. Burger prices are around US$17 and on Wednesdays come with a free glass of Tuborg beer. They can be ordered in all three eateries at the Savoy—Captain's Bar, Le Bistrot, and Kilpling's Restaurant. The Savoy is located at No. 129 Dhammazedi Street in Bahan Township.

2) Sharky's Food & Passion

Popular among both foreign residents and Rangoon locals. Five types of burgers are available—chicken, beef, prawn, goose liver and cheese, and vegetarian. The Beef Burger—made up of beef, cheese, tomato and potato—is the top pick and costs around 14,000 kyats ($12). Sharky's is located at No. 81, Pansodan Road, Kyauktada Township.

3) Yangon Bakehouse

The price is not exorbitant but the burgers taste as good as in other popular outlets. Particularly recommended is the Beef Burger, followed by the Bakehouse Spicy Burger, which comes with chicken. Prices are at 8,600 kyats. Bakehouse is located at No. 10, Inya Road, Kamayut Township, as well as in Pearl Condo on Kabaraye Pagoda Road, Bahan Township.

4) Café Thiripyitsaya

This pool-side eatery in Sakura Residence allows you to relax with your burger. The special dish is the Mega Beef Burger, made up of beef, tomato, onion, salad and egg, and costing around 8,000 kyats. Sakura Residence is at No. 9, Inya Street, Kamayut Tonwship.

5) AJ's Bar & Grill

One for burger lovers based downtown. Seven types are available. The AJ Crispy Onion Burger is a popular choice made up of beef, cheese, crispy onion, a special homemade sauce and egg. Prices around 9,500 kyats. AJ's is at No. 132, on the corner of Bo Myat Tun and Anawratha roads, Botahtaung Township.

6) Craft Café

Reasonably priced and a short distance from downtown. Two types are available here—chicken and beef, which both come with salad and egg. Burgers cost around 4,400 kyats. Craft is at No. 33, on the corner of Bo Yar Nyunt and Nawaday roads, Dagon Township.

This article was written by Foodie Myanmar. Available for download in the Google Play Store, the Foodie Myanmar app will help you discover great places to eat and ways to share your foodie moments. Available at: http://bit.ly/InstallFoodieMyanmarOnAndroid

The post As Burger Joints Proliferate, a Look at Some of Rangoon's Best appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Mong Wong, Burma’s Newest Citizens, Face Backlash

Posted: 06 May 2016 01:55 AM PDT

Lawmakers attend a session of Parliament in Naypyidaw earlier this year.
(Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The collective fate of tens of thousands of ethnic Chinese living in Burma's Shan State was taken up by the Union Parliament on Wednesday, opening another chapter in the convoluted controversy over what it means to be "Burmese."

Approximately 60,000 people from the Mong Wong group, who are believed to have moved to northern Shan State from southern China's Yunnan province some two centuries ago, were granted Burmese citizenship in an 11th-hour move by the then-outgoing Thein Sein government in March.

The former government ordered immigration officials to begin issuing IDs to the Mong Wong in Shan State's Tarmoenye, part of Kutkai Township, as a reward for their militia's support of Burma Army operations against other non-state armed organizations, said Minister of Labor, Immigration and Population Thein Swe in Parliament on Wednesday.

"[Mong Wong] militias actively cooperated with the Burma Army, also known as Tatmadaw, to fight armed insurgents," said Thein Swe, a former member of the previously ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), who was purged from its ranks last month after accepting the cabinet post offered by the National League for Democracy (NLD).

A Mong Wong by Any Other Name

Much of this week's parliamentary wrangling centered around nomenclature—a knotty issue for the Mong Wong, who have been given eight different names, according to the minister, since they were first issued ID cards in 1982.

"Having so many different names has complicated this issue. This is yet another reason the government granted them citizenship: It was easier to classify the whole group as 'Mong Wong-Bamar,'" said Thein Swe.

"The [Mong Wong] proposed this terminology to the government, who agreed to use it," Thein Swe continued. "The move was not meant to recognize them as one distinct ethnicity."

The minister stated that ethnicity changes could only be made in accordance with the Constitution, and that his ministry did not have the authority to make a decision on the issue unilaterally.

On Burmese ID cards, children with parents from different ethnic groups have to list both parents' ethnicities.

"The current term makes it seem that the Mong Wong, whose ethnicity is listed [under the previous government's directive] as Mong Wong-Bamar, are all descended from people of Burmese ethnicity," said Sai Thant Zin, a lawmaker representing Hsipaw Township from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) party in the Lower House. "Our government should solve this problem."

Thein Swe said his ministry was only able to provide ID cards based on what the ethnicity themselves wanted to be called. He added that the recently created Ministry of Ethnic Affairs might be able to tackle this issue in the future.

In the statement announcing the citizenship of the "Mong Wong-Bamar" in March, the then-Ministry of Immigration said, "The heads of state of successive governments have recognized the contributions the [Mong Wong] Bamar ethnic group has made to national security."

In 1998, the then junta leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, ordered the group be recognized as a subgroup under the ethnic Burman majority, also known commonly as Bamar.

Two referendums were held later that year in which the new categorization was "heartily accepted," the ministry's March statement claimed.

The ministry went on to say that through an apparent combination of bureaucratic mismanagement and miscommunication, the group was never properly granted full citizenship, resulting in only 620 out of "some 60,000 eligible [Mong Wong] Bamar voters in the Tarmoenye area having suffrage in the 2015 election."

Mong Wong ethnic Chinese have lived in Burma for generations and therefore were eligible to be issued national IDs under Burma's 1982 Citizenship Law, contended Thein Swe.

'How Can They Become Citizens?'

Not all parties are satisfied with the Mong Wong group becoming full citizens.

Politicians from Shan State alleged that the Mong Wong were descended from members of the Kuomintang (KMT) Army, who had fled into Burma after being defeated by the communists in China. KMT troops, backed by the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), wrought devastation on the region for several years in the late 1940s and '50s after China's civil war, seizing land and property, clashing with the Burma Army and communist soldiers, and leaving a legacy of anti-Chinese animosity.

The SNLD's Sai Thant Zin said Mong Wong were originally from Yunnan Province in southern China; they spoke a different language and had different traditions.

"We all know that they are different from Burmese people, who make up the majority of our country," he said. "Yet how can they become citizens, even though we all know they are different from the Burmese people?"

"We need to re-examine the law that allowed them to attain citizenship," he said. "Other ethnic groups may make claims to citizenship based on this precedent."

Mai Aike Kyaw, a spokesperson for the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), said that the issuance of IDs to the Mong Wong was a political ploy the Burma Army used to strengthen its position in persisting conflicts with ethnic armed groups in the region.

Sai Kyaw Nyunt, an SNLD spokesperson, argued that Burma's ethnic armed groups were fighting against the central government because they had not yet received guarantees of a federal union, and that it was thus wrong to grant citizenship to those who had helped suppress that struggle.

"There are many Shan people in our state who still do not have IDs," said Sai Kyaw Nyunt. "Why the government prioritized giving citizenship to the Mong Wong over the Shan people is the question we are trying to answer here."

The Mong Wong militia is estimated to number around 100 soldiers in Shan State and has helped the Burma Army with reconnaissance and fighting against other ethnic armed groups in Kutkai Township and elsewhere in northern Shan State.

The Shan State Army-North, TNLA and Kachin Independence Army (KIA) are all active in the area and have frequently clashed with Burma Army troops in recent years.

Following deliberations this week, lawmakers put the issue on record, apparently leaving it to the newly created Ethnic Affairs Ministry to resolve.

The post The Mong Wong, Burma's Newest Citizens, Face Backlash appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Clause Célèbre: Taiwan Leader Must Convince China She’s No ‘Splittist’

Posted: 06 May 2016 12:08 AM PDT

A man rides a bicycle past a flag with the image of Taiwan President-elect Tsai Ing-wen in Pingtung, Taiwan, on April 27, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

PINGTUN, Taiwan — Tsai Ing-wen becomes Taiwan's first woman president this month when her mission will be to convince giant neighbor China her Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is not seeking independence, any hint of which could lead to war.

Communist Party leaders in Beijing regard fiercely democratic, self-ruled Taiwan as a breakaway province and have not ruled out using force to bring it under China's control.

A 591-word clause in the DPP's charter begs to differ.

"Based on the principle of national sovereignty, [we] advocate establishing a sovereign and independent 'Republic of Taiwan' and a new constitution that should be decided on by all residents of Taiwan in a referendum," the clause says.

DPP seniors say the clause, written in 1991, is defunct—but to delete it would rupture the party and bring out the "splittist," or separatist, forces that China constantly warns against. Tsai's juggling trick is to convince China the DPP is not seeking independence and to keep the party intact.

"China's attitude on opposing independence is out of touch with the real situation," said independence advocate Koo Kwang-ming. "They really have no way [of how to deal] with Taiwan, so they take what has been stated in the past and repeat, repeat and repeat it."

Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists fled to Taiwan after losing the civil war to the Communists in China in 1949. China, formally known as the People's Republic of China, has pressured the new Taiwan government to stick to the "one-China" policy agreed upon with the outgoing China-friendly Nationalist government.

The policy allows each side to respectively interpret what it means. The Communists say they rule all of China including Taiwan, while the Nationalists maintain the "Republic of China," Taiwan's formal name, is the ruler.

Tsai has said she will maintain the status quo with China under the constitutional order of the "Republic of China." Last month she reiterated her position, saying her policy will be based on democratic principles and transcend party politics.

Moving on From Martial Law

China's top Communist Party newspaper said on Thursday that Taiwan stands at a critical juncture of either accepting Beijing's "one China" principle or taking an unclear stance and refusing to abandon support for Taiwan independence.

"The so-called 'maintenance of the status quo' promised by Taiwan's newly elected leader is only empty talk," the People's Daily said. "The responsibility for the consequences caused can only be accepted by the DPP authorities."

The independence clause served a purpose in 1991, DPP seniors say. The island had emerged from martial law only in 1987. It was undergoing major governmental reform and its first direct presidential election was still five years away.

The DPP tried to freeze the clause in 2014, but no decision was made.

"Our goal is not to establish a Republic of Taiwan. It is to be the ruling party," said Ker Chien-ming, one of the first members of the 30-year-old party and its legislative leader. "But to abolish it will cause another dispute. The independence faction will give the party a huge amount of pressure."

Activist Lai Chung-chiang said the clause shouldn't be deleted.

"It would limit our space in deciding our future," he said at a protest with leaders of the 2014 demonstrations that stalled a trade pact with China and were key in toppling the Nationalists from power.

In southern Taiwan's Pingtung County, where Tsai's father was born, it is less about splitting from Communist China than about maintaining a democratic way of life.

"Our expectations are for this Taiwan leader who hails from Pingtung to pay more attention to this relatively remote area and prevent the urban-rural imbalances from widening," Pingtung County magistrate Pan Men-an told Reuters.

Chinese President Xi Jinping said in March that China would never allow the historical tragedy of Taiwan being split from the rest of the country to happen again.

Japan ruled Taiwan as a colony for about five decades until the end of World War II. China's last dynasty, the Qing, had ceded Taiwan to Japan in 1895 after losing the first Sino-Japanese war.

Shirley Kan, a retired congressional researcher and long-time Taiwan watcher, said the DPP now had a record to back its case to maintain the status quo, whereas there was no such record in 1991.

"The facts are that Taiwan is much more entwined with the People's Republic of China and Taiwan cannot avoid cross-Strait engagement," she said, referring to the stretch of water dividing the two sides.

"It is no longer a question of whether to have a cross-Strait relationship, but how to conduct it."

The post Clause Célèbre: Taiwan Leader Must Convince China She's No 'Splittist' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

North Korea Kicks Off Rare Party Congress With ‘Miraculous Results’

Posted: 05 May 2016 11:09 PM PDT

Pictures of former North Korean leaders Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il decorate the April 25 House of Culture, venue of the Workers' Party of Korea congress in Pyongyang, North Korea, on May 6, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

PYONGYANG, North Korea — North Korea kicked off the first congress of its ruling Workers' Party in 36 years on Friday, with Kim Jong-un expected to further consolidate his control over a country that has grown increasingly isolated over its pursuit of nuclear weapons.

Ahead of the event, secretive North Korea trumpeted "miraculous results" and said advances in nuclear and ballistic missile developments were "the greatest gifts" for the rare party congress, but little of substance was revealed.

On Friday morning, foreign journalists invited to cover the event were not permitted inside the April 25 House of Culture, the stone-built structure draped in red party flags where the congress was expected to run for several days.

Thousands of delegates from around North Korea were expected to attend the first congress since 1980, before 33-year-old Kim was born. Security guards dressed in suits and ties surrounded the venue and dozens of empty buses were parked outside.

Foreign analysts expect the third-generation leader of the Kim dynasty to formally adopt his "Byongjin" policy of simultaneously pursuing nuclear weapons and economic development, and to further consolidate his power.

Byongjin follows Kim's father's Songun, or "military first" policy, and his grandfather's Juche, the North's home-grown founding ideology that combines Marxism and extreme nationalism.

North Korea's state television began its daily broadcast earlier than usual on Friday, with special programming heralding the feats of its leaders.

State radio said the 7th Workers' Party congress would "unveil the brilliant blueprint to bring forward the final victory of our revolution," according to South Korea's Yonhap news agency.

North Korean state media has trumpeted a 70-day campaign of intensified productivity in the run-up to the congress, and Pyongyang has been spruced up for the event.

The state-run KCNA news agency cited advances in nuclear and ballistic missile development, crediting military scientists and engineers for accomplishments that are "the greatest gifts" for the party congress.

"Miraculous results were produced," KCNA said, touting production in the industrial sector that achieved 144 percent of target and electricity generation 110 percent, although the actual targets were not given.

The congress opened on a rainy morning. Covers were hung over the giant portraits of Kim's grandfather, Kim Il-sung, and father, Kim Jong-il, that adorn Kim Il-sung square in the capital, apparently to keep them dry.

Under Kim Jong-un, an informal market economy has been allowed to grow, although it has not been officially adopted as government policy.

However, more taxis and private cars on the streets, more goods in shops, and more buildings under construction attest to growing prosperity and consumption among Pyongyang residents.

Kim has also aggressively pursued nuclear weapons and ballistic missile technology. In March, the UN Security Council adopted the latest in a series of resolutions toughening sanctions against North Korea, which conducted its fourth nuclear weapons test in January.

South Korea has been on alert in anticipation that the North could conduct another nuclear test to coincide with the congress.

North Korea's founding leader Kim Il-sung spoke for more than five hours at the last party congress. Kim Jong-il, who almost never spoke in public, did not hold a party congress.

The post North Korea Kicks Off Rare Party Congress With 'Miraculous Results' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

Fire tears though South Dagon factory
Ministry prompts debate over state counsellor’s power
Hluttaw to debate protest law revamp
Fighting flares in Shan State ahead of peace talks with NLD leader
Aid mobilised for Muslim IDPs without shelter after fire
Nationalist charged, family blocked from jail visit
Gender inequality continues to plague government under NLD
Protesters decry restart to Letpadaung copper mine as police phalanx builds
Rain-stricken Kachin IDPs in need of aid
Low-cost housing part of construction ministry’s 100-day plan

Fire tears though South Dagon factory

Posted: 06 May 2016 04:00 AM PDT

A fire in South Dagon Industrial Zone (2) last night caused K15 million in damages. The fire, which broke out in a parquet wood factory on on Sittaung street in ward 63. Local fire authorities were able to extinguish the blaze at 00:15am this morning.