Wednesday, January 2, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

A Life Dedicated to Promoting and Preserving Kayan Culture

Posted: 02 Jan 2019 03:48 AM PST

Kayah State in eastern Myanmar is a state lagging behind others in Myanmar in terms of education, health and living standards as a legacy of the flames of civil war which burst along with independence in 1948.

Pascal Khoo Thwe, born in Phekon, a small town on the border of Shan State and Kayah State, is famed as the author of "From the Land of the Green Ghosts, A Burmese Odyssey." He is a member of the Kayan Padaung ethnic group whose women are known around the world for their tradition of wearing brass coils around their necks.

In his autobiography, Pascal Khoo Thwe narrated his life, the customs and traditions of his ethnic group to the backdrop of civil war and amid the social fabric of Myanmar. The book won the 2002 Kiriyama Pacific Rim Book Prize for non-fiction and it has since been translated into many languages.

Pascal Khoo Thwe is currently serving as an advisor to the International Trade Centre in the development of all-inclusive tourism in Kayah State.

Recently, he spoke with The Irrawaddy reporter Thazin Hlaing about his views on the development of Kayah State and the tourism industry there.

When was community-based tourism (CBT) initiated in Kayah State?

It started in 2014 as a three-year project funded by the government of the Netherlands. The project provided basic training in tourism to villages and networked tour guides, hotels and tour operators. Training was also provided regarding preparing safe and clean food and in improving the quality of souvenirs.

We linked large local tour companies with international companies—mainly those based in London and Berlin. The three-year project has ended now and [a new three-year project is now] being implemented in Tanintharyi Region now but there will be continued support for Kayah while the project is being implemented in Tanintharyi.

Providing assistance for the tourism industry doesn't end with giving training. There is a need to provide technical support for sustainability. We especially focus on providing training for villages that want to engage in CBT. We also provide management training for villages that already offer CBT.

Have there been any improvements in Kayah State's tourism sector compared to previous years?

Previously, visitors mostly visited Pan Pet [a village in Loikaw Township] because there are Kayan [women] who wear neck rings. But at that time the villagers didn't get any benefits. [Visitors] took photos and left, and only those who had their photos taken got some [money].

Thanks to the CBT supported by the ITC, villagers can now participate. They can work as tour guides and cook [and sell] meals [to travelers]. They can also sell souvenirs to them. There are direct benefits as well as indirect benefits.

What do you mean by indirect benefits?

What is good for the villagers is that they can now promote their customs and culture. This greatly benefits them. We can't measure it in terms of financial benefits. As our culture is on the verge of extinction, doing this [CBT] makes [Kayan] youths understand [the importance of maintaining own culture]. Foreigners can also provide greater help and have a deeper understanding thanks to CBT.

What should be conserved during tourism development in Myanmar, including in Kayah State?

There are many things. Particularly, we need to conserve the natural beauty and we should be careful with littering. We need to conserve the flora and fauna. The most important thing is we need to conserve culture and traditions. We can do this, but it is a long-term commitment.

Myanmar is lagging behind other countries in terms of the tourism industry. What is the main cause of this?

This can be mainly attributed to the government. The previous government didn't work seriously [on tourism] and the current government can't do it properly. This is the very reason. There are policies in place for tourism development, but no [government] can put them into proper practice. The previous government couldn't and the current government can't, though it tries. It is mainly because of the system.

We can't blame the people for this. Places which have real potential for tourism development should be utilized. For example, there are islands but as the government and military have occupied them, they can't be used for tourism purposes. There are many areas where foreigners are restricted from travelling too.

Have the villages that engage in CBT seen significant development?

Development is not that tangible. They need equitable development rather than financial benefits. For example, because of their educational levels, they can't use the provided facilities properly. But there are certain improvements—roads have become better; locals have access to electricity and better health care services.

What are the major hurdles in implementing the CBT projects?

It is mainly about technique. There is a need to manage things so visitors are able to come. As villagers lack experience, the most difficult thing is to convince them that they can offer CBT without compromising their culture.

Which places are major attractions in Kayah State?

Foreign travelers mainly visit Pan Pet and Hta Nee La Leh. Both local and foreign travelers visit Pan Pet, Hta Nee La Leh, Htee Koh, Htee Se Kha, and Kyet Gu Cave. It can be said that places that are allowed for visiting are mostly visited. There are also [potential] tourist spots in southern Kayah State, but they may not be accessed.

Do you think the tourism industry will improve further if travel restrictions are lifted?

There may be an increase in the number of visitors, however local visitors tend to litter a lot. It is better not to lift restrictions unless local residents can control the situation. Some of the places are very clean and unspoiled. I don't want to see some visitors littering with beer cans and plastic bottles there. It is important that local residents can properly control the places which are allowed for visiting. Otherwise, it is not fair for them—it is just like allowing other people to litter at their homes.

There are concerns that cultures and traditions will vanish as the tourism sector develops. What can be done to prevent this?

Rather than suggesting this or that, it should be accepted that the people will act on their own according to the wish of the majority. It is better that the government doesn't intervene.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post A Life Dedicated to Promoting and Preserving Kayan Culture appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Boat Builder Floats New Business to Tap Island Tourism Boom

Posted: 02 Jan 2019 02:10 AM PST

With tourism booming in southern Myanmar, residents of Myeik in Tannitharyi Region are finding ways to benefit by filling niches in the industry. Ko Thein Zaw Min, managing director of Mergui Dolphins, one of 40 tour companies in the area, has found a way to do this by opening a boat-making workshop.

The number of travel and tour agencies in the Myeik (or Mergui) Archipelago has increased since 2015 as growing numbers of domestic and foreign tourists visit some of the area's more than 800 beautiful islands.

Tourists board a new speedboat as they return to Myeik from Marcus Island (or Lay Kyun) in December 2018. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy

Ko Thein Zaw Min, 38, is confident that his new boats, which are created from his own designs with the help of experienced engineers and boat builders, will slowly replace the second-hand vessels that operators are currently using to provide package tours of the islands.

He has been repairing old boats since 2016, building several smaller ones himself. His first effort was a wooden cruise boat built for political candidates to use in the by-election campaign in 2012. After that, he gradually got involved in the travel industry after being encouraged to do so by friends.

His 18-foot fiberglass boats (those used for fishing are 20 ft) are more expensive than local wooden fishing boats, but Ko Thein Zaw Min claims they last for nearly 30 years, compared to three to four years for the wooden variety.

Last year he made his first 27-ft speedboat and he plans to make more.

Mergui Dolphins' new speedboat is under construction at the workshop in December 2018. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy

Producing his own boats is more cost-effective than restoring old ones. "[When fixing up old boats]we have to buy second-hand boats from Thailand at fixed prices. And we have to pay 25 percent tax to the customs office. They take time to repair. I decided to make my own, so that we could use new boats, and at a lower cost," he explained to The Irrawaddy.

A secondhand speedboat used for island tours in the Mergui Archipelago is anchored near an island in December 2018. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy

Friends and engineers in Yangon and local boat-making experts helped Ko Thein Zaw Min realize his dream.

Imported fiberglass is used to make the boats, partly because timber is becoming scarce, he said.

"All the materials and engines are bought from Thailand and Japan, and as we use good materials, our finished products are of high quality," explained chief boat maker U Soe from Dawei. U Soe, who worked in Thailand's fishery industry for nearly two decades as a wage laborer, is leading the team that is building the speedboat.

Ko Thein Zaw Min's interest in boats and designing them led him to open this small business, but a lack of capital has limited the scale of his efforts.

"We have limited capital and hope to get a small and medium-sized enterprise loan from the government, if possible," he added.

Ko Thein Zaw Min's first, 27-ft. speedboat is on sale for 35 million kyats (approximately US$22,800), including licenses. He said if there is no buyer, he will use it for his company and make more.

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Criminals at Large

Posted: 02 Jan 2019 01:51 AM PST

When Yangon Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein paid respect to former military spy chief ex-general U Khin Nyunt during a ceremony last weekend, his action quickly drew the ire of many politicians, lawmakers and democracy activists who were at some time in their lives detained and interrogated by military intelligence units for their activism. Under his command, nearly 200 people were mistreated and died in torture chambers and prisons across the country, according to the non-profit Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Despite everything, the former general has never pleaded guilty to the crimes. In the wake of the recent flow of criticism, The Irrawaddy revisits a commentary about the spy chief's arrogance towards atrocities committed by him and his compatriots against Myanmar democracy activists. This story was first published five years ago this month.

"Who should I apologize to?" This was the question that U Khin Nyunt, Myanmar's former spy chief, barked at a reporter who asked him if he was responsible for the treatment of thousands of dissidents by units of his Military Intelligence (MI) after the armed forces seized power in 1988. Rather than countering any suggestion that he was guilty of crimes against Myanmar's citizens, the ex-general insisted that the real criminals were those opposed to military rule. "They were guilty and that's why they were punished according to the law at that time," he said.

Who, then, should answer for all those thousands of political activists who spent years languishing behind bars? Who was responsible for their torture in interrogation centers and the deaths of so many who succumbed to mistreatment and neglect in Myanmar's primitive prisons? Who was it that created and controlled a vast information-gathering apparatus that made every citizen feel like a prisoner?

Of course, the whole system that was in place during the long years of military rule was oppressive. But if we confine ourselves to answering just these few questions, the number of people who can be held culpable will be relatively small.

Dozens of MI units harassed, intimidated and detained opposition activists and others regarded with suspicion by the former junta. All of these units reported directly to the Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence (DDSI). And the head of this feared organization was Gen. Khin Nyunt, who rapidly rose to prominence after the 1988 coup, becoming the third-most powerful member of the ruling military council.

From 1988 until his purge in 2004, Gen. Khin Nyunt oversaw the arrest of around 10,000 people. Many were subjected to torture and farcical trials that resulted in decades-long prison sentences. Both military and civilian courts were forced to do the bidding of the DDSI.

MI units infiltrated almost every organization in the country and maintained networks of spies in almost every neighborhood. Their agents were placed in customs, immigration and police departments, and MI officers even monitored other senior military officials, including top generals.

But the main targets of the police state within a state that Gen. Khin Nyunt created were the country's dissidents. "Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt was trying to destroy the [National League for Democracy] by having local authorities intimidate party members, harass their families, and incarcerate those who refused to resign. The intention was to isolate Aung San Suu Kyi and reduce her party's legitimacy," anthropologist Christina Fink wrote in her book "Living Silence," published in 2001.

Now a civilian who regards himself as a victim of the former regime—he was sentenced to house arrest after his ousting in October 2004, and released in January 2012—U Khin Nyunt continues to downplay his former role.

Last October, respected dissident U Win Tin met the former general who was once his jailer. "Let bygones be bygones," U Khin Nyunt told the NLD cofounder, who spent nearly 20 years behind bars for advocating a peaceful return to democratic rule.

Recently, I had a chance to speak with U Win Tin about his experiences in prison. He told me that when he was interrogated in July 1989, his captors put a hood over his head and punched him repeatedly in the face. Even after almost all of his teeth fell out and he had trouble eating, he was denied treatment.

"Those guys went overboard," said the 84-year-old, who is still active as a senior member of the NLD.

Asked what he thought about U Khin Nyunt's provocative question, he had no trouble providing an answer: "I'll tell you who he should apologize to. He should apologize to former political prisoners, their families and the whole country."

Since 1988, at least 160 political detainees have died in custody in Myanmar, including 10 who died while being interrogated, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Among the dead are well-known writer U Thaw Ka, veteran politicians U Sein Win and NLD MP-elect U Tin Maung Win, and student activist Ko Thet Win Aung.

U Khin Nyunt's refusal to acknowledge his central role in these and other abuses has complicated efforts to move beyond the pain of the past.

"Some former political prisoners have requested acknowledgement and an apology, but Khin Nyunt has asserted that there is no reason to argue about these cases because all was done according to the laws at the time," said Patrick Pierce of the International Center for Transitional Justice.

But it is completely disingenuous for someone who was once one of the top generals in the country to act as if he was just following orders. As U Win Tin noted, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, the leader of the former ruling junta, was not solely responsible for the many abuses committed under military rule. "Khin Nyunt and his people were more responsible [for the treatment of dissidents]," he said. "It was their intention to let us die."

Indeed, some have argued that U Khin Nyunt was the most powerful member of the ruling regime, at least in the years immediately after it seized power.

"As a protégé of U Ne Win, [Gen. Khin Nyunt] came out as the most influential figure in the regime," wrote Maung Aung Myoe in his book, "Building the Tatmadaw: Myanmar Armed Forces Since 1948."

One incident in particular demonstrated the extent of his power: the forced retirement of then regime leader Snr-Gen Saw Maung on April 23, 1992, a move that "strengthened [Gen. Khin Nyunt's] position significantly," according to Maung Aung Myoe. Although Snr-Gen Than Shwe assumed the leadership of the regime at that time, he still wielded relatively little actual influence.

Over time, Gen. Khin Nyunt sought to increase his power behind the scenes by using his position as spy chief to keep the other generals in check. Under his leadership, officers in the MI were feared by those in the infantry, and the normal hierarchy was subverted. "A captain in the intelligence corps never cared about a colonel in the infantry. The commanding officer of a local intelligence battalion, a major, behaved as if he was of equal power as the regional commander, a major-general, in that region," wrote Maung Aung Myoe.

When he was in power, Gen. Khin Nyunt was incorrectly regarded by some foreign observers and diplomats as a "moderate," and when he was eventually sacked, this was seen as confirmation that he was a "softliner." Nothing, however, could have been further from the truth.

The reality was that he had spread his tentacles into every corner of the regime's affairs, and was a central player in all of its often brutal activities. He victimized not only dissidents but also any group that he saw as a threat to the junta's hold on power. Thus he was instrumental in shutting down the country's universities, reopening them only after they had been relocated to remote, ill-equipped campuses where students could no longer organize protests, or get a meaningful education.

The people of Myanmar suffered terribly under Gen. Ne Win, the dictator who seized power in 1962 and was finally forced to step down in 1988, but many now have worse memories of the years when his protégé, Gen. Khin Nyunt, still wore a uniform.

For all he has done, U Khin Nyunt and his key subordinates deserve to face justice. Unfortunately, under the current delicate political circumstances in Myanmar, that is unlikely to happen. But until he makes amends to all those whose lives he has ruined, U Khin Nyunt will never find the peace he seeks through meditation and donations to pagodas. If justice doesn't extract its due, karma certainly will.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is the editor of the English-language edition of The Irrawaddy.

This story was first published in the January 2014 print edition of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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Rakhine Chief Minister Survives Serial Mine Attacks

Posted: 01 Jan 2019 10:24 PM PST

SITTWE—Rakhine State Chief Minister U Nyi Pu has escaped uninjured following an attack on his convoy in which three mines were remotely detonated in northern Rakhine State on Tuesday evening.

The convoy which included a vehicle with the chief minister on board was traveling from Kyaukphyu through Ann when the mine blast occurred near the village of Pi Pin Yin on the outskirts of Mrauk U Township. According to the state information department, no one was injured

"No one was injured, but a vehicle was slightly damaged," U Maung Maung, head of the state's information department told The Irrawaddy.

This is the second attempted attack on U Nyi Pu—in December 2017, a roadside mine exploded not long after his motorcade passed by a spot on the Ann-Myebon Highway in Rakhine State. One army truck from an unidentified unit was hit by the blast, which resulted in four soldiers sustaining minor wounds.

Unconfirmed reports say that three mines exploded one after another as the convoy passed the attack location and one vehicle with a district administrator on board was damaged.

The Mrauk-U Township Police Force and the township administrator confirmed the mine explosions, but said that they still do not know further details.

Northern Rakhine State has been in a state of suspense for a number of weeks as the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) continue to launch attacks against each other, causing hundreds of villagers to flee for their safety and with reports of the Tatmadaw using villagers as human shields.

Late last month, the AA sent warning letters, each accompanied by a bullet round and the official AA stamp, to a local police station and a village administrator in Buthidaung Township, which is one of the armed group's active areas. The letters threatened immediate action against anyone who attempts to disrupt the AA's movement calling for a federal state.

On Wednesday morning, AA spokesperson U Khine Thukha told The Irrawaddy that his group had nothing to do with the mine attack on the chief minister's convoy as the AA has never targeted civilians. He remarked that the attack could have been masterminded by the Myanmar military who may have targeted civilian government members in order to open army front lines in Rakhine State.

"Information about a chief minister's trip is normally not in the knowledge of ordinary people. It is only known by some of those in [the chief ministers'] inner circles and military intelligence units," said U Khine Thukha.

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Thousands March in Hong Kong Against China ‘Repression’ after Grim 2018

Posted: 01 Jan 2019 08:44 PM PST

HONG KONG—Thousands of demonstrators marched in Hong Kong on Tuesday to demand full democracy, fundamental rights, and even independence from China in the face of what many see as a marked clampdown by the Communist Party on local freedoms.

Over the past year, countries such as the United States and Britain have expressed concerns about a number of incidents they say have undermined confidence in Hong Kong’s freedoms and autonomy under Chinese rule.

These include the jailing of activists, a ban on a pro-independence political party, the de facto expulsion of a Western journalist and barring democracy activists from contesting local elections.

The New Year’s day march included calls to restart stalled democratic reforms and to fight “political repression” from Beijing.

“Looking back at the year that passed, it was a very bad year… The rule of law in Hong Kong is falling backwards,” said Jimmy Sham, one of the organizers.

Organizers said the march drew 5,500 people, revised down from an earlier estimate of 5,800, while police said 3,200 people were on the streets at the march’s peak.

The former British colony returned to Chinese rule in 1997 under a “one country, two systems” formula, with the promise of a high degree of autonomy and universal suffrage as an “ultimate aim.”

While authorities have clamped down hard on the city’s fringe, pro-independence movement, that didn’t deter around 100 independence activists from joining the march, holding up banners and chanting for the city to split from China.

China considers Hong Kong to be an inalienable part of its territory, and denounces “separatists” as a threat to national sovereignty, even though the movement has not garnered much popular backing in the city.

“There will be continuous suppression on the Hong Kong independence movement, but the movement will grow stronger and stronger,” said Baggio Leung, an independence leader who said several of his members had been harassed by purported “triads” or gangsters, before the march.

Last year, in an unprecedented move, Hong Kong authorities banned a political group, the Hong Kong National Party, for its pro-independence stance on national security grounds.

A western journalist, Victor Mallet, was also effectively expelled from Hong Kong, soon after he hosted a talk at a press club by the head of the National Party.

Mallet’s visa denial, which the government has so far refused to explain, was criticized by some foreign governments and the American Chamber of Commerce.

Some protesters carried “wanted” posters of Hong Kong’s top legal official, Theresa Cheng, criticizing a decision to drop a corruption investigation into Hong Kong’s former pro-Beijing leader Leung Chun-ying, without a satisfactory explanation.

“I’m afraid the pressure will continue,” said Joseph Cheng, a veteran rights campaigner and retired professor who was raising money for a “justice” fund for activists facing hefty legal fees for several trials.

“We’re going to face a few difficult years, but we must stand firm… Unlike in mainland China, at least we can still protest.”

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Thai Man Kills Six Family Members after New Year’s Party—Police

Posted: 01 Jan 2019 08:24 PM PST

BANGKOK—A Thai man shot and killed six family members, including his two young children, before killing himself after a New Year’s party, Thai police said on Tuesday.

Sucheep Sornsung, 41, came home from the party and started to quarrel with his family before the shootings, the police said. The incident took place in southern Chumphon Province.

The victims included his 6-year-old daughter and a 9-year-old, as well as two men and two women aged between 47 and 71, who were family members of Sucheep’s wife, who survived. One man was injured and survived the shooting.

“The (suspect) went to a party with his friends then came home to see his wife’s family and they started arguing before he used his gun to shoot them,” Police Major General Saharat Saksilapachai, commander of Chumphon provincial police, told Reuters.

“According to witnesses, the man did not drink a lot and we suspect that his rage came from old problems with his wife’s family,” Saharat said.

The police said Sucheep had a drug-related criminal record and had previously been jailed but there was no history of violence against his family.

Thailand has a high rate of gun ownership and gun-related death, but mass shootings are rare.

According to 2016 data from the University of Washington, Thailand had the highest reported rate of gun-related deaths out of 10 countries in Asia. It was about 50 percent higher than the Philippines, which was second on the list.

According to Thailand’s Interior Ministry, there are more than 6 million registered firearms in the country of 69 million people. But there are also many unregistered guns in circulation.

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Thai King to be Crowned in Ceremonies May 4-6

Posted: 01 Jan 2019 08:08 PM PST

BANGKOK—Thailand’s king will be officially crowned in elaborate ceremonies on May 4-6 as the latest ruler in the centuries-old monarchy, the royal palace said on Tuesday.

King Maha Vajiralongkorn, 66, has been serving since shortly after his father died in 2016 following a 70-year reign.

“His Majesty deems it fit to hold the coronation ceremony per royal traditions for the good fortune of the nation and the kingdom, to be enjoyed by the hopeful people,” a palace statement said.

In the three-day coronation, the king will be officially crowned on May 4 and a celebration procession will be held on May 5. The king will meet the public and foreign dignitaries on May 6, the palace said.

Vajiralongkorn, also known by the title King Rama X, became Thailand’s constitutional monarch two years ago following the death of his revered father, King Bhumibol Adulyadej, on Oct. 13, 2016.

His official coronation has been delayed until after a year-long mourning period for Bhumibol, who was cremated in October 2017 in a grand royal funeral in Bangkok.

King Bhumibol was revered by Thais during his seven decades on the throne and the deep relationship between the monarchy and the military helped facilitate a smooth royal transition following his death.

Since then, Vajiralongkorn has overseen sweeping changes to royal affairs, including the running of palace finances, which were formerly managed by the government.

Thailand has been a constitutional monarchy since 1932, but the king remains supremely regarded as the spiritual protector of its people and culture.

The kingdom is due to hold elections on Feb. 24, and the current election timeline means the coronation will likely take place before a new government is formed.

The elections are meant to restore democracy after a 2014 military coup ousted an elected prime minister, though changes to the constitution in the interim ensure the military will retain a great deal of control.

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Saturday, December 29, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

After Difficult Year For Myanmar, Some Cause For Hope in 2019

Posted: 28 Dec 2018 09:44 PM PST

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! We are now bidding farewell to 2018 and welcoming 2019. We will discuss the lessons we can learn from 2018 and our expectations for 2019. U Win Myo Thu, director of EcoDev Myanmar, and Ma Thida (Sanchaung), who is on the board of directors of Pen Myanmar, join me to discuss this. I'm Kyaw Zwa Moe, The Irrawaddy's English editor.

Thank you both for joining me. Now is the time we review 2018. In 2017 our country was hit by a political tsunami — the Rakhine issue. We experienced a lot of aftershocks, repercussions in 2018. The country underwent political instability and was seriously criticized by the international community. It suffered a serious economic downturn, and there was no international investment. There were mountains of problems. U Win Myo Thu, what big lessons can we learn from 2018? What are the good things and the bad things?

Win Myo Thu: The Rakhine issue has impacted the country politically, economically and socially. So how to respond to the international community is important. And there is a need for the entire country to clearly understand and acknowledge human rights.  We must avoid defining human rights loosely. If we want to get on well with the international community, we should make a careful review of the issue and make our position public. Only then will we be able to avoid becoming a pariah nation and get on well with the international community. This is the most important thing. Another is about the weakness of the current government. In my opinion the main weakness of the current government is that it fails to strengthen democratic governance, which is the key task of a democratically elected government. Though there are restrictions imposed by the 2008 Constitution, if the government had formed grass-roots organizations such as media, civil society groups, farmers and so on to promote democratic governance, it would have been able to handle the Rakhine issue better. Due to the lack of those organizations, the democratic government could not establish democracy and the country's politics have reached a standstill. The 2018 by-election is a good indicator of this and came as an alarm bell for the current government.

KZM: Ma Thida, what is your personal assessment of the year 2018?

Thida: The good thing is that a presidential pardon was granted on Myanmar New Year this year to annul all the suspended penalties against political prisoners. That is very good. And we think the president's responses to two cases are very encouraging. We view them as a very strong message (from the president). He intervened in the Aung Yell Htwe case because (law officers) took bribes. In the case of the journalists sued by the Yangon Region chief minister, he intervened by instructing him how to settle it. We view that as a sign that he is objective in his judgment of issues and that he only cares for justice and fairness. Regarding the Rakhine issue in 2018, I think what Facebook could dig up is quite important in cooling the Rakhine issue. In the past, we could only make wild guesses about who was deliberately spreading propaganda in a systematic way. We could only make guesses based on our decades of experience. But now Facebook has proven it (the military’s use of Facebook to spread hate speech). Now it is clear because they could be identified. This has contributed to cooling the Rakhine issue. I am very sad that (the government) failed to make big strides in bringing about social harmony in the country. It is a cause for concern.

KZM: Taking a look at the driving forces of the country, the Tatmadaw (military) is an essential part of the society. And the 2008 Constitution, which was drafted by the Tatmadaw, is an even bigger force. We have Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government elected by the people. There are ethnic parties, armed organizations and civil society organizations. But the most important part is the people. There are clashes due to those driving forces. Some call our government a hybrid government of the Tatmadaw and the elected government. I sometimes call it a forced marriage, a couple forcibly married by 2008 Constitution. What is your assessment of the entire mechanism? It is quite confusing, so how can we clear it up?

WMT: Of course we don't want to go back to 2008 because we are already in 2018. But if you ask me if it is good now, my answer is no. But then we don't want to go back to the days of 2008. So we need to think about how to clear up the existing mess. The country's leader is working for peace mainly through the channel of the (21st Century) Panglong conference. There are ups and downs in the peace process. That is its nature, and it is important to negotiate an outcome despite this. The statements issued last week are somewhat encouraging.

KZM: The unilateral ceasefire declared by the Tatmadaw.

WMT: Yes. Some are suspicious that it is a trick. And the transfer of the General Administration Department from the Home Affairs Ministry to the Ministry of the Office of the Union Government is also an important step for democratic governance.

KZM: These are two good pieces of news at the end of the year 2018.

WMT: Yes they are, as 2018 ends. So hopes are being revived. It is like watching a film — it makes you laugh and cry from time to time. Though the summit held on Oct. 15 failed to reach any agreement, I like some statements. The army chief said he accepted a democratic army in principle. I like that statement very much. So we need to see what the Tatmadaw's understanding of a democratic army is. If we find an answer to how to build a democratic army, there will be political changes. I myself am a participant in the peace talks, focusing on the topic of land and the environment. But those issues are connected with politics and economics. We have problems defining words such as "Naing-ngan-daw" (which can be loosely translated as nation), "Naing-ngan-thar (citizen) and Tine-yin-thar (ethnic minorities). Finding answers to those issues depends on the peace talks. (Leaders) spoke out as the drama escalated. There will be answers if we can follow up on their words. But it is risky for the National League for Democracy government to focus solely on the peace talks, and I think it should think about alternatives or a Plan B. The Panglong may or may not bring about peace. So it should adopt a parallel track to achieve the political gains it wants.

KZM: Ma Thida, as I have said, the country's politics is quite complicated. People are quite confused. Many are criticizing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government even though they elected it. Perhaps it is because they had high expectations of it. What is its exit strategy? The 2008 (Constitution) was the exit strategy for the military government. What can be done to break the existing deadlock between the democratic forces, the Tatmadaw and the previous establishments? Some have called for thinking out of the box as opposed to thinking inside the box, which is conventional thinking. And now there is a new concept of thinking boxless. Ma Thida, what approaches will break the deadlock?

Thida: In fact, identity politics is the legacy of the colonial period. We were lost for many years, not just a generation. We still have the mindset and practices of the monarchial period. So the general assumption is that if the prime leader or the monarch is good, all will be good. That mindset remains. Again, there is the problem of identity politics, the bad legacy of the colonial period. This leads to excessive focus on preserving our own identity and repulsing the others. So there is a broad-based deprivation of human rights. The problem with (Myanmar people) is that they tend to add so many adjectives to human beings. I want there to be a national-level policy to recognize all humans as equal, removing all those adjectives. I want (the government) to focus on social harmony. The ongoing peace process is quite confusing. Looking (at the peace process) from the perspective of conflict resolution, you can see that there is no moderator. Negotiators, who have their own interests, are playing the roles of both moderator and negotiator. So it is like a single person is acting at once as both referee and actor in the peace process. I have always viewed this as a weak point. So I would suggest that the peace process be reviewed and that those without self-interests play the role of moderator. If (stakeholders) assume the peace process can be completed within a few years, why are there doubts about the (military’s) four-month ceasefire declaration? This is the reason.

KZM: They will continue fighting after that.

Thida: Many stakeholders have suffered from conflict and trauma for over 50 years. So it is impossible that a stakeholder group can resolve all those conflicts in a couple of years. So I want there to be a law. I want to see a law with two parts, one for peace and another for national reconciliation. One part is to ensure transitional justice. It is quite unrealistic to think that (the two sides should) shake hands while one side has not yet healed the wounds it has inflicted on the other. Another part is to detail various issues after that. Identity politics may still persist, but it won't have much impact then. All the discussions should be based on state building, how we want to see Myanmar society in the future. The NPC (National Peace Center) was founded under the previous government, and the NRPC (National Reconciliation and Peace Center) was founded under the current government. So I want the process to be implemented according to the law because I don't want to see another center formed under the new government after 2020. And certain people at different levels should be allowed to make decisions depending on the magnitude of the issues. But at present all the concerned authorities are involved in the decision-making no matter how minor the issue is, which causes confusion. So it is very difficult to negotiate.

KZM: Ko Win Myo Thu, you said some are suspicious of the four-month unilateral ceasefire declaration issued by the Tatmadaw on Dec. 21. Earlier, the commander-in-chief of the defense services said the peace process would be completed by 2020 and that peace would be handed over to the people. Why did he say that at the end of 2018? There is a year's time in 2019 and then there will be the general election in 2020. How can we interpret the resolution of the commander-in chief of defense services and the Tatmadaw?

WMT: They want to achieve something by 2020. Only they know what attitude they have. We can only guess from the outside. First of all, we need to consider whether they have political objectives. If so, they may try to achieve peace — it may or may not be the kind desired by all — in one way or another to pave the way for the political situation they require (to achieve their political objectives).

KZM: Could it be a desirable outcome?

WMT: Maybe, maybe not. It could be both good and bad. But in my opinion the main issue is there are two ideological groups in the peace negotiation. The first group says the current Constitution can facilitate federalism while the other group says it cannot. In my opinion, however, it is clearly stated in the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement} that federalism will be implemented. It is certain and indisputable. However, when federalism is defined, there is a group that says the current Constitution cannot facilitate federalism and is unlikely to create genuine federalism. In my opinion, the current Constitution facilitates a unitary state. It is not compatible with federalism. If the Tatmadaw is pushing other stakeholders to implement federalism in accordance with it, the outcome will be so-called federalism and the outcome in 2020 will not be the one desired by all. They will compromise on what they can do and It will be a pseudo federalism acceptable to them. The question is whether the group demanding genuine federalism can accept it. Even if it is not acceptable, that group might have to accept it because its members are in crisis and are deadlocks and have no other options. The political conundrum will persist in other forms.

KZM: The government has been given a mandate by the people. We can see that the government is doing what it can along the way despite obstacles. How can it break the deadlock?

WMT: I am not sure what you mean by the government? Who you are referring to?

KZM: I am referring to the government elected by the people.

WMT: However, the people taking part in the peace negotiations are not them but departmental personnel. Therefore, they work according to the law within the scope of the 2008 Constitution and never go beyond it. The desired solution cannot be found, as you said, by thinking out of the box. However, we cannot see what attitude the NLD government has on federalism. It recently said what will be amended in the Constitution. I am not sure it is true because the information was posted on Facebook. We need to find out. When I scanned it, I could not see much about the federalism demanded by us, the ethnic [minority] groups. They may be seeking just a workable peace during their term in office. If the current government can't find a solution during its term, it will damage the political reputation of the government. It can be seen that the government sometimes gives priority to saving its reputation. What is worrisome is that this will lead not to the federalism we have been calling for but to a politically workable one. This is to be questioned.

KZM: Before the 2015 elections the [NLD] pledged that it would amend the 2008 Constitution, and it is now working under the slogan "Together With the People." Is it now working against that slogan and its campaign promise?

WMT: No, it isn't. It will amend some provisions that can be compromised on. However, such constitutional amendments might not be the ones we desired. They might not be compatible with democratic federalism. It might say it is being pragmatic. However, most of the public expects much more than that. So if the federalism is not genuine, peace cannot be achieved because there is still so much injustice across the country. This injustice is deeply intertwined with environmental conservation and natural resources. There is environmental injustice. If such injustice is not solved, it would be a bad prescription. As long as there is struggle, including public protest and armed conflict in one way or another, genuine peace cannot be restored.

Thida: I would like to urge the government to start thinking of the formation of the Ministry of Justice in the same way as the General Administration Department, which was recently placed under a new ministry. Law enforcement agencies such as the police should be under the chain of command of the Ministry of Justice. Currently the judiciary has a separate chain of command and the police are under the Ministry of Home Affairs. So the flow of command between them is not convenient. One way to think out of the box is to place law enforcement under the judiciary. The problem can be solved in this way. Alternatively, considering our discussion, it is time for the Tatmadaw to review its role immediately. This is because the international pressure from the likes of the ICC (International Criminal Court), a cause for concern for the Tatmadaw and the entire nation, is specific to the Tatmadaw. It has something to do with the position taken by the Tatmadaw itself. If the Tatmadaw were willing to be part of the elected government, no one would blame it separately. No one would accuse it of anything else. No one would point a finger at it. Because the Tatmadaw itself has chosen a position in which it is not a part of the (elected) government, it has locked itself in a box. If it wants to get out of that box, it just needs to get rid of it. It needs to accept that it is a part of every elected government. Furthermore, members of the Tatmadaw should abandon their right to vote like members of religious orders. If the Tatmadaw is able to choose a position that proves it is neutral and concentrates only on national defense, it will be able to overcome the crises it is encountering. I think the path the Tatmadaw has taken has locked us in crises too. I urge the Tatmadaw to choose the correct path.

KZM: Frankly and pragmatically speaking, I think that is very unlikely. They do not just enjoy suffrage but also take 25 percent of parliamentary seats, according to the Constitution.

Thida: If they want to think out of the box, just get rid of it.

KZM: It is a good idea, if they want to think out of the box.

WMT: In my opinion, there are many things they can be compromised on, but they haven't put the options on the table. The point is that there is a problem and a solution, but they do not identify it, diagnose it. No solution can be found by way of the current discussion. Now there are people who know the problem and what prescriptions should be given. There are many options — option one, two and three. If options are put on the table, peace can be achieved soon. This is gradually gaining momentum. For example, we discussed the eight-states principle. This is the fundamental to the formation of federal territories. Based on this, power sharing and solutions have been taken into consideration. There are some factors that worry the Tatmadaw. There are factors that worry ethnic (minority) groups. Ways to solve them have been taken into considerations. The problem is that all these (options) have not been put on the table like a buffet.

KZM: As Ko Win Myo Thu just said, the political decisions will be had by the top leaders, maybe only one or two or three. There will be a lot more to discuss about that. Finally, with two pieces of good news in December, how should we approach 2019?

WMT: With the optimism of a human being, I would like to say that it might be better than 2018. If it is not so, we can discuss it next December. First of all, we will have to talk about the daily economic life of the people. In terms of economics, 2018 was a bad year because the U.S. dollar has appreciated and GDP has dropped slightly. However, government infrastructure projects are about to be implemented and this will create employment opportunities. There will be jobs. Japan will import laborers from Myanmar. Whether we like it or not, there are opportunities for Myanmar workers to work in Japan based on the relationship between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Japanese government. These are benefits in terms of economics in 2019.

KZM: Another thing is that the government is inviting investors from East Asia.

WMT: Only China will enter the market, based on its strategic interests. For others, we still have many defects. So I don't expect too much. However, China is sure to start implementing the Silk Road. We will see advantages as well as disadvantages related to these projects. When these projects are implemented and China pushes Myanmar politically to protect its interests, ethnic armed organizations will have to participate in peace negotiations whether or not they are willing to do so. I don't know if it will be positive. But China cannot push Myanmar too much. Leverage is limited. When it reaches its limit, there will be repercussions. I hope the economy will be slightly better in the coming year. On the other hand, as it is approaching to 2020, opportunists will find it an opportune time to create chaos.

KZM: It is a good time for saboteurs to make the situation worse.

WMT: These two factors coincide in 2019. In addition, climate change and natural disasters might hamper the process. It is an exogenous factor.

KZM: They can't be predicted and controlled. Ma Thida, we have been focusing on the internal situation. In the international arena, however, this is a time when we can hardly see any positive signs. If we look at the U.K., there is Brexit. It is getting worse and worse. When we look at the U.S., there are problems between the Trump administration and the media. The trade war between China and the U.S. is very intense. With this backdrop, how can we see Myanmar? Is the situation in Myanmar not as bad as in those places amid such confusion?

Thida: It depends a lot on the decisions of the groups in Myanmar that think they can make decisions by themselves and how they want to be seen, whether as a nation or as a government or as the Tatmadaw or as ethnic groups. I think their choice is important. For social harmony, all of us are present in Myanmar. Only when all our actions, words and thinking are fine will all of Myanmar be fine. I usually say that if one wants to look for the most important and responsible person in Myanmar, one has to look into a mirror. I want everyone to accept this concept. The day we all decide how we would like our country to be seen is the day no one can insult us.

KZM: Ko Win Myo Thu and Ma Thida, thanks a lot. Let us welcome 2019 with this limited good news.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post After Difficult Year For Myanmar, Some Cause For Hope in 2019 appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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Friday, December 28, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Powerful and Expansive—Infographic Explainer of the General Administration Department

Posted: 28 Dec 2018 04:39 AM PST

YANGON—For 30 years, the military-controlled General Administration Department has been the backbone of Myanmar's public administration. From Union to village level, the GAD is authorized to support government security efforts—such as imposing bans on activities that pose a threat to rule of law and stability or to sue a person who commits arms-related crimes—while reporting relevant information back to Naypyitaw. These include population movements, security incidents, and basic demographic data. Moreover, the GAD still has power to enforce some civil laws.

The GAD's scrutiny and interferences have long been criticized by human rights and political activists who claim the department is basically a tool to oppress their movements while providing on-the-ground information from across the country to the home affairs ministry which is controlled by the military.

The General Administration Department's duties to the Ministry of Home Affairs duties. / The Irrawaddy Infographics

Recently, the government revealed its plan to transfer the department to the civilian-controlled Ministry of the Office of the Union Government, but it hasn't yet announced a timeframe for the transfer.

As of now, the GAD remains part of the Ministry of Home Affairs (MOHA). The ministry itself, according to the 2008 Constitution, is one of the three ministries led by a major-general appointed by the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. The majority of GAD senior officers have military backgrounds.

The general role of the General Administration Department. / The Irrawaddy Infographics

How the GAD Functions

The 2008 Constitution allows the GAD to act as a primary link between the Union government and subnational-levels of governance as well as the control of the country's administrative institutions: the districts and townships.

At Union level, the GAD has its headquarters in Naypyitaw. The department's branches across the country have to submit their on-the-ground reports at the Naypyitaw headquarters.

According to the 2008 Constitution, the GAD has the mandate to provide administrative and coordination functions for the region and state governments, the region and state parliaments as well as Union ministries and state and region departments.

A graph showing the GAD’s functions and structures at state and region levels. / The Irrawaddy Infographics

The head of the GAD (deputy director general level) for each state and region is the executive secretary of the state/region government. They also supervise the state and region government offices and state and region parliament offices as well.

Furthermore, the 2010 State and Region Government Law allows the GAD to manage all communication, administration, budget and general functioning of both the executive and legislative branches of a state and region governments.

Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe, Myanmar's home affairs minister, in Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State in 2017. / The Irrawaddy

In the government offices, the GAD has two sub-departments to support the chief minister and their cabinet which is focused on economic and social policy support and administration of the chief minister's schedule. In the parliament offices, the department has two sub-departments—engaging legal support including drafting legislation as well as managing Hluttaw sessions.

According to Asia Foundation's report "Administering the State in Myanmar," GAD also plays a strong role in the fiscal architecture and financial management at state/region level. The subnational GAD offices are currently accounted for under state/region government budgets rather than under the GAD Union budget—including the discretionary funds traditionally budgeted to GAD for rural development.

A chart showing the GDA's roles across the whole country. / The Irrawaddy Infographics

The report also said GAD provides fiscal management for several other local development funds such as assessing needs for the rural development budget of the Ministry of Border Affairs, management support for the implementation of the Union government's Poverty Reduction Fund, and needs assessment and implementation of the Constituency Development Fund that allows the constituency's four candidates to select local development projects in their constituency of a value up to five million kyats ($3,200) per constituency. The fund has no dedicated management office and it relies on the GAD and assorted township infrastructure for implementation.

The GDA office in Kamayut Township, Yangon. / The Irrawaddy

GAD offices are also leading bodies in self-administered divisions and zones like the Pa-O, Kokang and Wa regions. In Naypyitaw, according to the 2008 Constitution, the GAD plays a central role in administering the capital's two districts and eight townships from the office of the Naypyitaw Council.

At township and village level, GAD offices are the backbone of engagement between citizens and the state/region. The township offices are under the township administrator— taking the key functions of the government's role such as population registration, land registration, demographics data collection, supervising village administration, assorted land management, local dispute resolution, and tax collection including excise tax, land tax, irrigation tax and mineral tax.

GAD's structure from region and state level to village level. / The Irrawaddy Infographics

References: 2008 Constitution, 2010 State and Region Government Law, Ministry of Home Affairs website, GAD website and Asia Foundation report "Administering the State in Myanmar."

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SSPP: ‘We are Not Bloodthirsty Militants’

Posted: 28 Dec 2018 04:23 AM PST

Fighting has escalated recently between two rival Shan ethnic armed groups in northern Shan State. At the same time, the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, has announced a halt to its military operations across much of the country, including Shan State. The Irrawaddy interviewed the vice chairman of the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N), Major General Khun Hseng, about these developments.

People are quite concerned about the clashes between the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and the combined forces of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Shan State Progress Party. Why are the clashes happening?

When the government launched an offensive against us in 2011, the RCSS offered its help to our chairman. We didn't ask for help from anybody. It is notable that we have not established a stronghold on either the Thai border or the Chinese border. We are only active in Shan State, inside the country, with the support of Shan people.

So the RCSS/Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) offered to help us fight back. We didn't tell them to help us or not to help us. We said if they were really willing to help us, don't let Tatmadaw troops cross the northern Shan State border at Panglong and Lai-Hka if they can. That's all we said.

So the RCSS/SSA-S didn't really fight the enemy. At that time the enemy was launching an offensive against our Wan Hai headquarters [in Kehsi Township]. From the very beginning, our troops were stationed across northern Shan State, since the Shan revolution in 1958, when the Shan State Army emerged. Our troops were stationed in Hsipaw, Lashio, Muse, Namkham, Kyaukme, Nawnghkio, and Mongmit townships, but not in Namhsan in northern Shan State, since April 24, 1964. People need to understand this fact, otherwise they will lose track of the history.

So when [the military launched its offensive] in 2011, we withdrew the troops stationed across Shan State to Wan Hai, and we carried out both defensive and offensive military operations to prevent losing Wan Hai. There were intense clashes in 2011. Even after we signed a Union-level ceasefire in 2012, the Tatmadaw launched an offensive against us in July the same year, and we lost control of some important bases. More than 1,000 troops took part in major clashes. Again in 2014, the Tatmadaw launched a massive offensive against us in important places near our Wan Hai headquarters.

We withdrew our troops at the request of [former] President U Thein Sein. But the Tatmadaw didn't withdraw its troops. They are still stationed there. Again in 2015, the Tatmadaw launched a large-scale offensive with artillery fire and air support near Hai Pa in southern Shan State. Then we withdrew our troops from there. At that time we had only guerilla and administrative forces in northern Shan State.

Under these circumstances, the RCSS/SSA came to northern Shan State citing various reasons. It gave the excuse that it came to help us fight the military. But in fact there was no fighting at that time in northern Shan State.

While we were gathering our troops in Wan Hai, RCSS members in plain clothes infiltrated our bases in places such as Kyaukme, Muse and Namkhan in northern Shan State. Our local people had to bear the burden. They had to give them food and arrange accommodation for them.

We told them repeatedly to go back to the places where they were active before 2010. We also offered to hold talks with them to solve the political problem around the table. We went to their headquarters more than 10 times to hold negotiations. They only came to us three times.

After signing the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement) in 2015, the RCSS clashed with the Palaung [TNLA]. The RCSS criticized us for not supporting it in the attack. It said we didn’t love the Shan race. We said we ethnic minorities should not fight each other because we are the oppressed.

In its latest statement, it asked us to surrender and join it or be attacked. (RCSS Chairman) U Yawd Serk said the RCSS would not be able to make progress with the SSPP/SSA. U Yawd Serk said the RCSS would fight the SSPP/SSA anywhere it encountered it. We have called for solving the political problems at the negotiating table in a peaceful way. This is our stance. We are just defending ourselves against the attacks of the RCSS. We have never declared war on the RCSS or made a formal decision to attack it.

The Tatmadaw has declared a ceasefire in five conflict zones for four months. Some say this will contribute a lot to the peace process next year. What is you assessment?

The civil war has been going on for some 70 years. Everyone knows that it was born with independence. So just think whether those problems can be solved in four months. In any case, we welcome the ceasefire declaration whether it is four months or four days or four hours.

We have issued a statement that four months is not enough to restore the trust that has been undermined for 70 years. We are not bloodthirsty militants. We are only making demands in accord with the Panglong Agreement. Without the Panglong Agreement, there would not be today's Union.

What is the cause of the civil war that has lasted for 70 years? It is because the Panglong Agreement was not implemented. What we want is a federal democratic union that can guarantee equality for us based on the pledges of the Panglong Agreement and on reality. As for the four-month ceasefire, half a loaf is better than no bread.

The Myanmar Army called for signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement at the same time that it declared the ceasefire. Is the SSPP prepared to sign the NCA?

It depends on the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC, an alliance of armed groups of which the SSPP is a member). We still have to negotiate on the NCA and the political framework. The NCA is still incomplete and the political framework has yet to be changed. Section 33 of the NCA calls for the inclusion of all [major armed groups in the peace process]. Because it has not been implemented, we are in trouble today.

Why is the SSPP not ready to sign the NCA? Is it because the United Wa State Army is reluctant to sign it, as some have suggested?

As I've said, there is no problem if the all-inclusion policy is implemented. The principle of the FPNCC is to sign the NCA all together. We will sign it only if no group is left out. We should take an objective position rather than make unrealistic demands. Otherwise we will not be able to build trust. We have to consider our younger generations.

It appears that China is going to play a bigger role in Myanmar's peace process. Do you believe China sincerely hopes that Myanmar will achieve peace?

It is in the mutual interest. No matter which country it is, if it acts for the sake of peace in our country, it is a good thing.

The Wa, Palaung and Pa-O are demanding self-administered states in Shan State. What is the SSPP's take on this?

There are United Nations resolutions and conventions regarding the rights of ethnic minorities. We accept those rights and principles. But we, the SSPP/SSA, alone can't make decisions. It calls for peaceful negotiations at the table between all political parties, ethnic groups and revolutionary armed groups in Shan State with magnanimity and a policy of equality.

We need not reject it [self-administered states] if it complies with international laws. But it doesn't comply…. We are in a democratic era and we need to get the approval of the majority.

What is the SSPP’s take on the Myanmar Army's demand for non-secession from the Union and a single army?

No country in the world argues about a single army. If we are to build a federal union, the army should be the federal army under the principle of equality. The military is meant to resist invasion from foreign countries, not to fight a civil war. I am okay with a single army if it is established based on equality and justice.

General Aung San pledged in the Panglong Agreement that ethnic minority states could secede after 10 years [of the signing of the agreement]. But nobody is demanding secession today. We won't secede because we said we will build a federal union. But nobody can coerce us not to secede. There are two sides to self-determination. We don't want a union that oppresses us for various reasons. It is important that equality is guaranteed.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post SSPP: ‘We are Not Bloodthirsty Militants’ appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Northern Alliance Demands Ceasefire Covers Rakhine State

Posted: 28 Dec 2018 03:50 AM PST

If the Myanmar Army (or Tamadaw) do not stop fighting in Rakhine State, the Northern Alliance also will refuse to adhere to the ceasefire conditions in northern and northeastern Myanmar's conflict zones, according to a statement released by the group on Thursday.

The Northern Alliance, a collective of four ethnic armed organizations—the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA)—released the statement following a meeting to discuss the ceasefire this week.

The statement comes amid ongoing conflict in northern Rakhine State between the Myanmar Army and the AA, and almost a week after the Army's announcement of a four-month ceasefire in Myanmar' Kachin and northern Shan states.

"They (Myanmar Army) are attacking only the AA now. If they cannot stop attacking them, it is not practical for us to hold peace negotiations with Myanmar Army," Northern Alliance spokesperson, TNLA's Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw, told The Irrawaddy on Friday,

"If the Myanmar Army cannot stop their fighting, our side (the Northern Alliance) have to fight too. It will be difficult for us to stop fighting," he said.

The Northern Alliance members initially welcomed the Myanmar Army's ceasefire announcement as a step in furthering peace negotiations. However, the Northern Alliance said that considering the short period and limited area the ceasefire applies to, it will be difficult to work on peace negotiations and thus the group has asked the Myanmar Army to declare a nationwide ceasefire.

The Northern Alliance will continue to follow their former stance and meet as an alliance, not as individual groups, and this is the best way to make progress in peace negotiations, according to Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw.

His comments come one week after the Myanmar Army's Dec. 21 announcement which stated their intentions to engage in peace negotiations during the ceasefire with individual armed groups in their respective areas, and not with the alliance.

The Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC) will act as a political wing of the group, but the Northern Alliance is the armed wing which remains to be in conflict with the Myanmar Army. The Army needs to first deal with the Northern Alliance before approaching the FPNCC for discussions, according to Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw.

Accusation flew just three days into the ceasefire period when the TNLA said the Myanmar Army launched an attack on their forces in Kutkai, northern Shan State on Dec. 24—a claim which the Myanmar Army has strongly denied.

With troops remaining in place on the ground in ethnic areas, fighting could break out anytime should the Myanmar Army come to attack ethnic armed groups, said Tar Phone Kyaw.

The post Northern Alliance Demands Ceasefire Covers Rakhine State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

USDP Says Taking Key Govt Department Away From Military ‘Risky’

Posted: 28 Dec 2018 01:00 AM PST

NAYPYITAW — A spokesman for the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) said the civilian government’s plans to place the General Administration Department (GAD) under its control could leave key government operations worse off.

"I would say the move is risky if it is done with the intention to free [the GAD] from the control of the commander-in-chief of defense services," U Nanda Hla Myint told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.

"Some complain that the current government is doing it in preparation to win the 2020 [general election]," he added.

President's Office spokesman U Zaw Htay said last week that the GAD would soon be transferred to the Ministry of the Office of the Union Government.

U Nanda Hla Myint said the GAD, central to much of the government’s day-to-day operations, will function less effectively if moved out of the Ministry of Home Affairs.

The department has been a charge of the Home Affairs Ministry — one of three run by the military as per the constitution the then-ruling junta adopted in 2008 — for the past 30 years.

Former President U Thein Sein had considered transferring the GAD to the Ministry of the President’s Office during the previous, USDP-led administration but ultimately decided the idea was unrealistic, said U Nanda Hla Myint.

"The current government also needs to consider the possibility of conflict of procedure and conflict of law. But if the move is aimed at [benefitting] the interests of the country, improving governance and cleaning up the administrative system, we have nothing to say," he added.

"So for the time being it is difficult to say if the decision is right or wrong. But it is not good for the country if it is done with the wrong intention, as I have said. We will know if it is a good or bad move depending on the outcome."

In an interview with Mizzima on Thursday, Mandalay Region Chief Minister U Zaw Myint Maung argued that the Home Affairs Ministry would keep other important departments such as the special branch, police, corrections and special investigations and that the President’s Office had to run the GAD at the very least to do its job properly.

"The GAD is involved in all aspects of administration. The township administrator is the chairman of all the [government] committees in a township. Only when that administration is under the control of the president can it be overseen by the chief minister. Only then can a carrot and stick policy be implemented," he said.

Myanmar's jurisdictions can generally be divided in descending order of size into regions and states, districts, townships, wards, village tracts and villages.

The Ministry of the Office of the Union Government is one of the new ministries created by the current administration. A retired colonel and former pilot for the Burma Air Force, U Min Thu, was appointed its new minister in November.

U Zaw Htay said U Min Thu was appointed knowing that the GAD would soon be put under his supervision.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post USDP Says Taking Key Govt Department Away From Military ‘Risky’ appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Military Using Villagers as Human Shields in N. Rakhine Battles

Posted: 28 Dec 2018 12:15 AM PST

YANGON—In a joint operation between Myanmar military troops and border police, approximately 100 members carried out thorough household checks across Yae Gaung Chaung Village in northern Rakhine State’s strife-torn Rathedaung Township, forcing the entire population of the village to move to a Buddhist monastery on Thursday following days of clashes between the Arakan Army (AA) and Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) troops.

Yae Gaung Chaung villager Ko Tun Win Naing who managed to escape from the village told The Irrawaddy over the phone that fighting broke out in the mountain range near his village on Wednesday, leading the military to suspect that residents of his village were colluding with the AA. On the same day, a military column from Say Taung Village in Buthidaung marched to Yae Gaung Chaung in order to surround the AA rebels in the densely forested area.  On Thursday morning, they entered the village without forewarning the residents and ordered every villager to leave their home and go to the monastery.

According to Ko Tun Win Naing, while at the monastery, at least one health officer and a woman who had made a trip to Kachin State (where the headquarters of the AA are located), were handcuffed by soldiers. Approximately 30 men and a number of women were questioned at the monastery. As of Thursday evening, the villagers expected the army would remain stationed in Yae Gaung Chaung overnight.

“No one remains in the village—they (the army) contained everyone at the monastery. They even searched the toilets {in the village),” said Ko Tun Win Naing.

Ma Khin Aye Nu was one of a few women who managed to flee to a neighboring village. Over the phone with The Irrawaddy, she explained that she was harvesting paddy in the field when the soldiers came into Yae Gaung Chaung and so she managed to escape. She is concerned about her family, however, as they have been unreachable by phone since the army entered the village on Thursday morning.

Before entering Yae Gaung Chaung, the team of military and border police detained 11 villagers from Say Taung, a neighboring village situated in Buthidaung Township. Ko Kyaw Thein Hlaing, one of the detainees from Say Taung, told The Irrawaddy that he and another 10 villagers were forced to lead the soldiers along the route from his village to Yae Gaung Chaung because army troops had previously been ambushed by the AA in that area. According to him, about five high-ranking army officers wearing border police uniforms ordered two villagers to stay close to each officer as they walked. In some places, the villagers were forced to walk first and then army column followed the villagers.

“It seems [they were] using us as human shields in the battlefield,” said Ko Kyaw Thein Hlaing.

Yae Gaung Chaung village administrator U Maung Thein Nyunt confirmed the dentations at his village on Thursday morning. According to him, army troops experienced three landmine attacks by the AA on Tuesday and some unconfirmed information circulating among villagers claimed that dozens of army soldiers were killed in that attack. Although the villagers could not provide hard evidence, some people speculate that soldiers who entered the forest did not return to the village as of Thursday. Some villagers from Yae Gaung Chaung and nearby Ka Yu Chaung villages saw an army truck come to the area right after the three mine explosions and return quickly to the military command in Yae Gaung Chaung.

When The Irrawaddy phoned Rakhine State’s security and border affairs minister Col. Phone Tint on Thursday afternoon, he declined to comment, saying he was in a cabinet meeting at the time.

AA spokesperson U Khine Thukha said that the AA clashed with military troops in four locations—two in Rathedaung Township and two in Chin State’s Paletwa Township. He confirmed a number of causalities on the military's side but refused to reveal the death toll from clashes on Tuesday and Wednesday. He said the military randomly fired heavy howitzer artilleries into the forest in Rathedaug Township continuously for five hours.

U Khine Thukha said, “As the army has reinforced the frontline with more troops, fighting will surely intensify and the locations of the skirmishes will broaden.”

The Arakan National Party (ANP) released a statement on Thursday afternoon demanding that the military not block humanitarian workers and the relief efforts of those trying to help the displaced persons on the ground. They also urged them not to threaten or forcefully use villagers on the battlefield. The ANP statement says the Myanmar military's recent ceasefire announcement on halting military operations in five commands while continuing battles in Rakhine State is contradictory to the all-inclusiveness of Myanmar's peace process.

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) announced on Thursday afternoon that they were assisting over 1,000 displaced villagers who were affected by the fighting in the area.

On Friday, Rakhine State security and border affairs minister Col. Phone Tint told The Irrawaddy "there was no such thing."

"The villagers have already arrived back home. We just inquired as we met them in the forest, then we released them. They have already arrived back home. We have asked the [concerned] village administrators [about it]."

When asked by The Irrawaddy if the regional government would ask the military not to force the local villagers to help the army in its military activities in the future, the minister said the military has to respond according to the situation in the conflict zone.

"They (the army) didn't use the locals. They just questioned them. Today, nobody forced civilians to serve as porters as others accuse. There is no reason to do so and no one will accept it. Once we heard about it we asked the lower levels but nobody does such things in this era," he said.

Editor’s Note: This story was updated on Friday with comments from Rakhine State's minister for security and border affairs.

The post Military Using Villagers as Human Shields in N. Rakhine Battles appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Collapse in India’s Onion Prices Could Leave Modi Smarting in Election

Posted: 27 Dec 2018 11:16 PM PST

HIVARGAON/MUJAHIDPUR, India—A spike in the price of onions has led to the ouster of governments in Indian elections in the past. Now, prices of the staple have collapsed, and many impoverished farmers are saying they will make Prime Minister Narendra Modi pay in next year’s general election.

Steep drops in recent weeks in the prices of onions and potatoes, both staple foods for India’s 1.3 billion people, have badly hit the rural economy in large states.

In interviews with dozens of farmers last week, Reuters reporters found resentment welling against Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) for not helping support incomes in the countryside, where a majority of the population lives.

“Whatever they do in the coming months, I will vote against the BJP. I won’t repeat the 2014 mistake,” said Madhukar Nagare, an onion grower from Nashik in Maharashtra state, referring to his backing the BJP at the last general election.

In the 1998 state elections, a sharp spike in onion prices led to the fall of the BJP government in the capital New Delhi.

In the 1980 general election, sky-high onion prices helped former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi dislodge a coalition government that had included politicians who later formed the BJP.

In recent weeks, loss-stricken farmers have staged protests, blocked highways and dumped onions on the road after prices plunged to as low as one rupee ($0.01) per kilogram for a crop that costs about 8 rupees per kilogram to produce.

But because of large cuts taken by middlemen, consumers have not benefited from the low prices.

In Maharashtra, the top onion producing state, farm prices have fallen 83 percent, dragged down by surplus supplies from the previous season’s crop and lower export orders from the Middle East and Southeast Asia.

And in India’s most populous state of Uttar Pradesh, which was crucial in Modi’s election win in 2014, there is a similar problem with low potato prices.

Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh are both dominated by rural voters and together send 128 lawmakers to the 545-member lower house of parliament. It means that big losses in these two states could either see Modi lose the next election which is due by May or his party be forced to form a coalition government.

Farmers say shortcomings in a government crop support program, and weak overseas demand have combined to produce the current glut of onions. And as prices have plunged, fertilizer and crop nutrient costs have risen, thanks in part to a weak rupee.

Perhaps most important of all, the BJP came into office in 2014 determined to shift away from subsidies. That may have been fine when crop prices were relatively high but as they crashed it has exposed the party in farm areas.

The prime minister’s office did not respond to a request for comment on this story.

Not "good days"

Many farmers blame Modi for not fixing a price protection program which barely covers 7 percent of India’s 263 million farmers, leaving most growers at the mercy of middlemen.

They also criticize him for not setting up more food processing and cold storage facilities, which would allow them to store their crops without having to sell immediately after the harvest.

“Expecting good days, as promised by Modi, we voted for the BJP, but now we are going through the worst phase,” onion farmer Madhav Pawase said, pointing to his rotting crop stocked in a temporary shed in Hivargaon Village, about 230 kilometers (140 miles) northeast of Mumbai, India’s financial hub.

“I’ve spent more than 80,000 rupees to produce 15 tons of onions from my two acres of land, but I won’t recover more than 3,000 rupees at the current market price,” he said.

Some farmers have decided to let onions rot in the field, saying that harvesting and transporting the produce to wholesale markets would only add to their losses.

The BJP was defeated by the opposition Congress party in three major states in local elections this month because of rural anger, and Modi’s government is under pressure to come up with measures to placate farmers.

Congress wrote off farmers’ loans in the three states which it won and has demanded the federal government do the same across the country.

Although the BJP has so far not commented on the issue of farm loan waivers, Rajiv Kumar, the head of government think-tank NITI Aayog, has said that writing off debt is not the solution for the problems of the farm sector.

Syed Zafar Islam, a spokesman for the BJP, said the government had initiated a number of steps to help farmers get remunerative prices, including a project to electronically provide farmers with real-time market prices and help them directly sell to buyers, eliminating middlemen.

“It’s an ongoing process and the results will not just start reflecting in four years,” he said.

Potato prices

In Mujahidpur village of Uttar Pradesh, India’s biggest potato growing state, farmers lamented that prices have dropped by 86 percent to 2,500 rupees a ton.

“I lost my entire investment of 100,000 rupees to grow potatoes on one hectare,” said Gopi Chand, 55, sitting next to bright yellow mustard fields.

He said he and some other farmers in the area had dumped potatoes in favor of growing mustard.

Farmers in the two states also complained of rising operating costs.

Prices of crop nutrient diammonium phosphate, popularly called DAP, have gone up by 400 rupees to 1,450 rupees for a bag of 50 kilograms, said Babloo Singh in Mujahidpur village. DAP rates have gone up because of higher overseas prices and India’s weaker currency.

“Higher input costs and record low potato prices have left us in deep debt,” said Singh. “The situation would have been different had there been more cold storage facilities and food processing plants in our state.”

The crash in vegetable prices hasn’t helped consumers either thanks to the chain of middlemen.

In Lasalgaon, the country’s largest onion trading hub, most farmers are selling their produce at 2 rupees a kilogram. But consumers in Mumbai are still shelling out 20 rupees. Between Lasalgaon and Mumbai, a distance of 220 kilometers (135 miles), traders say onions pass through at least four layers of middlemen, adding a hefty margin at every stage.

The post Collapse in India’s Onion Prices Could Leave Modi Smarting in Election appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Cracks Down on Marxist Group after Mao Birthday Detention

Posted: 27 Dec 2018 10:52 PM PST

BEIJING—A top Chinese university has cracked down on a campus student Marxist society, replacing its leadership after its former head was detained and questioned by police on the sensitive 125th birthday of the founder of modern China, Mao Zedong.

China has an awkward relationship with the legacy of Mao, who died in 1976 and is still officially venerated by the ruling Communist Party.

But far leftists in recent years have latched onto Mao’s message of equality, posing awkward questions at a time of unprecedented economic boom that has seen a rapidly widening gap between the rich and the poor.

In particular, students and recent graduates have teamed up with labor activists to support factory workers fighting for the right to set up their own union. Dozens of activists have been detained in a government crackdown that followed.

Qiu Zhanxuan, head of the Peking University Marxist Society, said he was approached on Wednesday morning at a subway station by plainclothes police who said they wanted him to answer questions about an event he was organizing to celebrate Mao’s birthday. Mao was born on Dec. 26, 1893.

When Qiu refused, the men took his phone, forced him into a car and drove him to a police station where he was questioned for 24 hours before being released with a warning, Qiu said, according to accounts provided by fellow students, who declined to be identified.

Late on Thursday, the university’s extracurricular activities guidance office released a notice saying police had penalized Qiu and he “did not have the qualifications” to continue as head of the society.

The teachers in charge of guiding the group had determined its members had deviated from promises made to teachers when the group was registered and so had “restructured” the group, the office said.

The “restructuring” was an attempt to “scatter” the group after weeks of continuous harassment by campus police and attempts to cast its members as being involved in a “conspiracy,” Qiu said, according to the accounts of his comments.

Qiu declined to comment directly to Reuters.

None of the new list of student leaders released by university authorities were previous members of the group, and many of them are members of the official Student Association that had been involved in harassing the group, Qiu said.

“We don’t recognize this,” he added, according to the accounts of his comments.

The university did not answer calls seeking comment. The Ministry of Public Security also did not respond to requests for comment.

Qiu said his non-academic school adviser, a deputy secretary of the Social Sciences party committee, Shi Changyi, was with him while police questioned him and had advised him not to be “extreme” or “impulsive”, according to the accounts of his comments.

Reuters was unable to reach Shi for comment.

Police gave Qiu a subpoena saying he was suspected of “picking quarrels and stirring up trouble,” which is a crime, but they declined to elaborate, he said, according to the accounts of his comments.

“This was, plain and simple, a plan to restrict my personal freedom and to use these inhuman and illegal means to stop me from going to commemorate Chairman Mao.”

The post China Cracks Down on Marxist Group after Mao Birthday Detention appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Watch That Tweet! China Cracks Whip on Government Social Media Image

Posted: 27 Dec 2018 10:49 PM PST

BEIJING/SHANGHAI — China’s cabinet has warned government departments to clean up their social media image amid a drive to bolster the government’s online presence to help reach tech-savvy young people who get their information from smartphones.

The State Council issued the guidelines late on Thursday saying that authorities’ social media presence needed more regulation and vowed to clean up dormant “zombie” accounts and “shocking” comment from official channels.

“This has a negative impact on the image and the public trust in the government,” the cabinet said on its website.

Government bodies have been pushing into social media as a way to reach younger people, who get most information from platforms like Tencent’s messaging app WeChat, microblog platform Weibo or newer services such as news aggregator Toutiao.

The government is also trying to get a tighter grip on the dissemination of information to the public more broadly and has been tightening regulations on financial news and reining in online bloggers and livestream artists.

The State Council said government accounts “cannot express any personal emotions or opinions and normally should only repost information from government websites or from sources recognized by government.”

Authorities were also forbidden from fabricating social media data or paying for fake followers, it said.

In July, a verified Weibo account of the Yueyang municipal government in Hunan Province called a netizen an “environment protection bitch” in a repost responding to concern about a waste incineration plant. It later issued an apology.

Certain official agencies have large followings online, including the Communist Party’s Youth League, which has 7.7 million followers on Weibo.

Over the last couple of years government agencies have been expanding beyond Weibo, with forays onto video sites like Bilibili and Bytedance’s Douyin, also known as TikTok.

The post Watch That Tweet! China Cracks Whip on Government Social Media Image appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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