YANGON—At least nine security personnel including a police major were killed by the Arakan Army (AA) in a series of coordinated attacks on four border outposts in northern Rakhine State's restive Buthidaung Township early Friday morning.
Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun from the Office of the Commander in Chief confirmed the deadly attacks, following an announcement in the afternoon by the AA.
Police Major Sai Bo Han from Kyaung Taung border outpost was among those shot dead during the clashes.
The AA also announced that it had taken 14 security personnel prisoner. It said two Army helicopters had attacked its fighters and nearly struck the captive government personnel, though it did not specify the location of that attack. The ethnic armed group said it would release details of the fighting soon, including information on the helicopter attacks on its positions.
Brig-Gen. Zaw Min Tun could not confirm the number of government security personnel that had been captured by the AA, but said some are still missing in the region. He said four border outposts were attacked simultaneously by more than 100 AA troops. Government soldiers and Border Police officers had successfully restored order at all four locations by the afternoon, he said.
“About nine security personnel were killed. We are still trying to get details from the scene and will release more specific information as soon as possible," Brig-Gen. Zaw Min Tun said.
The Army official said that the four outposts were located in the ethnic Arakanese villages of Kyaung Taung, Nga Myin Taw, Ka Htee La and Kone Myint in northern Buthidaung Township. He said that the outposts are not as well defended as Border Police regimental stations, adding that on-duty officers are deployed there to provide security for "Na Ta La" villages. "Na Ta La" refers to the Development of Border Areas and National Races, a village project set up in the early 1990s under the regime of former General Than Shwe.
"Such attacks on small outposts are really bad, because they are there mainly to ensure the safety of ethnic villagers," Brig-Gen. Zaw Min Tun said.
AA spokesman U Khine Thukha earlier told The Irrawaddy that the Myanmar Army had brought ordinary and Border Police units into active conflict zones as part of its "Four Cuts" counterinsurgency strategy. The policy was developed in the 1970s during the regime of the Burmese Socialist Programme Party with the intention of undermining ethnic militias by cutting off access to food, funds, information and recruitment.
The spokesman was quoted in a local media report as saying that the AA attacked the smaller outposts because they were jointly operated by Myanmar Army and Border Police personnel. He said the Border Police were helping the military conduct heavy artillery attacks at the front in northern Rakhine. In late December, the AA delivered three letters—each containing one bullet—to a police officer, a businessman and a village administrator in Buthidaung Township warning them not to disturb AA supporters.
High-ranking military officers have denied that there is a military command present in the conflict zone in Buthidaung, but some local residents told The Irrawaddy that Light Infantry Unit 552 is currently deployed there. The unit is under the Taung Bazar-based No. 15 military command.
According to local non-profit organizations operating in the area, more than 4,000 residents of four townships in Rakhine State are currently displaced by conflict. Local relief groups are providing humanitarian assistance to the internally displaced persons, they said.
What can we expect for Myanmar in 2019? Many people no doubt have numerous hopes. Personally, I only have one, and it's not asking much—simply that 2019 turns out to be a year of stability that paves the way for free and fair elections to be held as planned in 2020.
That's it. Nothing more. That's not a big deal, is it?
In fact, it's a very big deal for a country like Myanmar, where the notion of free and fair elections was a dream until very recently.
The main reason is this: The 2020 general election will be just the second major step forward for the country's fragile democratic transition. To make sure this transition stays on the right track, it is essential that elections be held without disruption over the coming decades, no matter which party wins. Of course, every election must be free from manipulation and vote rigging.
Technically, next year's general election will be just the second in the 30 years since the 1990 elections. I do not count the 1990 election. It was not rigged—worse than that, its result was annulled by the military regime. The regime refused to honor the result after the party it backed, the National Unity Party—the successor to dictator Ne Win's socialist party—was defeated by the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) in a landslide.
Before that, one has to look back to 1960 to find the country's previous free and fair elections, which saw the re-election U Nu, who had been the first premier after the country regained its independence in 1948. The elections of 2010 were not inclusive, as they were held while then-opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was under house arrest. Her NLD decided not to take part in the elections and the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party won as expected. It was believed that the vote count was skewed by "advance votes." So we don't need to count that election either.
Thus, the general election of 2015 was the only valid one Myanmar has held in 60 years, making the upcoming vote in 2020 just the second.
Here in Myanmar, we feel confident at the moment that the election will happen next year. But who knows?
Myanmar always surprises the world—whether positively or negatively. People power toppled the authoritarian regime in 1988 and the military turned their machine guns on crowds of innocent people; the military held free and fair elections in 1990—leading the opposition to win in a landslide—and never honored the result of its own election; in 2003 Daw Aung San Suu Kyi narrowly escaped an allegedly state-sponsored attack on her motorcade in upper Myanmar; Buddhist monks took to the streets to stage the "Saffron Revolution" in 2007 and the military brutally crushed it; in 2008 Cyclone Nargis killed over 130,000 people, devastating many towns, and just days later the military went ahead with the planned referendum on its undemocratic constitution; the military handed over power to a hand-picked retired general, President U Thein Sein, in 2011 after its election the previous year, and he surprised many by opening up the country; the NLD government took office to an outpouring of national joy in 2016 after its victory in the 2015 election, only to come under attack internationally, mainly due to the Rakhine conflict in 2017—and more surprises are surely in the pipeline.
Looking back on those surprises, we can't be sure everything will go smoothly in the run-up to the 2020 elections.
Myanmar is not yet a democracy, but it is still crawling its way toward it, encountering resistance both visible and invisible, and from both formal and informal obstacles, including some prescribed by the existing Constitution. The peace process prioritized by the NLD-led government has all but stalled. Rakhine State in western Myanmar seems increasingly unstable in the face of a more aggressive military strategy deployed by the Arakan Army. There are many issues—seen and unseen—likely to be instigated by religious radicals that could destabilize the political situation in Myanmar.
All over the world, core elements of democracy are being challenged, not only in the United States and Western Europe, but also in Eastern Europe and Asia, in countries like Turkey and Venezuela, but even in Sweden and India. Illiberal ideologies are spreading.
However, democracy has a way of persevering; that much is true. But there is one essential condition for this to happen—it must be entrenched through the regular holding of free and fair elections.
Myanmar missed that opportunity in the post-independence era from 1948 to 1958 under Premier U Nu's leadership. His government failed to entrench democracy or its fundamental prerequisite—elections—though it held three general elections in 1951-1952, 1956 and 1960. But those three elections didn't become a political tradition in the country due to the civil war and the rise of militarism. Finally, this failure to entrench democracy led to the military coup of 1962.
Six decades later, the country must not let it happen again. If we face a similar situation again—not only in 2019, but also in the coming decades—our journey to democracy will be derailed again, as it was under U Nu's government.
Looking at the United States today, we see there has been no disruption to its election cycle or its basic democratic system; elections there have become an entrenched political tradition, along with strong institutions and the U.S. Constitution. Thus, even though it is currently led by an illiberal president like Donald Trump, voters get a chance to reconsider their leader once every four years. Regular free and fair elections are politically essential as a fundamental principle or prerequisite for democracy.
Looking at Thailand, we can say democracy is not yet entrenched there, as it has still not become a tradition in the country. Its military can always return to seize power by force and disrupt or postpone elections as long as it wants. In Cambodia, elections are consistently rigged or manipulated by its leader Hun Sen. Such a democracy is just a sham.
Such scenarios are not what Myanmar—or any democracy—needs.
To hold a free and fair election once every five years in Myanmar is more important than anything else when it comes to maintaining its fledgling democratic transition after five decades of military rule. Even if the incumbent government can't succeed in its main task of amending the 2008 Constitution (and this appears unlikely), the country will go on to hold free and fair elections in 2020. Consistently holding elections is a way of planting the roots of genuine democracy in the country.
But ensuring that this occurs is the responsibility of all defenders of democracy, from all walks of life. To that end, we need to maintain a general political stability, and avoid emergency situations that could invite disruptions from the enemies of democracy.
Kyaw Zwa Moe is the Editor of the English edition of The Irrawaddy.
The Karen National Union (KNU), the main Karen armed organization, has urged all members of the ethnic group to participate in the political process to help secure their rights.
The KNU issued a statement ahead of the upcoming Karen New Year. Marked on Jan. 6, it is a public holiday in Myanmar. The statement said the Karen New Year was an occasion for ethnic Karen to show their spirit, identity, culture and customs. It was also a day on which to show to the world that the Karen community is unified. "May you all have peace, happiness and enjoy our Karen New Year," it said.
Unlike the Karen New Year, other ethnic groups' national days are not public holidays. The statement said the holiday represented an opportunity to mark past Karen leaders' struggles on behalf of the community. It urged all Karen to learn their history, analyze and participate in politics, and make the most of political opportunities as they arise.
"We want to send a message to our people that we need to take control our own fate [by securing political and ethnic rights]. We have to fight either politically or militarily for our rights. We should show unity and fight together," KNU vice chairman Padoh Kwe Htoo Win said.
"We can't leave our fate in the hands of others," he added, referring to the Myanmar Army and government.
Political developments ebb and flow, but the KNU will continue to support the Karen people's efforts to reach their goal of achieving full ethnic rights, he said.
The KNU has suspended its participation in peace negotiations with the government. However, it has said it would continue to hold informal meetings with the government, which it sees as the best way to negotiate its disagreements with the government over the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). Through informal meetings, the KNU wants to get peace negotiations back on the right track, it said in the statement.
It said the current peace process under the NCA has strayed from the road of building democracy and a federal system based on equal rights, as expected by the Karen people. This was why the KNU had suspended its participation in formal meetings with the government, it added in the statement.
The KNU said a rift had opened between it and the government regarding the NCA.
"We should be seeking answers through political dialogue to lay down core principles needed for establishing democracy and federalism. We have spoken out because we still lack the conditions needed for political dialogue," Padoh Kwe Htoo Win said.
YANGON—Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein never seems to lack for ways to surprise people. He is constantly leaving observers wondering at his actions. He once said, to the ire of the military, that according to state protocol Myanmar's powerful armed forces leader was no higher than a department director-general. Last year he honored a Malaysian fraudster with a certificate after the man made a donation to the Yangon government to assist its social work. And he remained silent when Yangon lawmakers questioned his government's use of portions of the city's budget for certain projects without the parliament's knowledge.
On Saturday, he sprang his latest surprise. But this time it was simply embarrassing. U Phyo Min Thein paid his respects to the former military spy chief, retired General Khin Nyunt, along with other senior writers at an annual Myanmar Writers Association event. Organizers said the former general was invited as he has written nine books (including his memoirs, which were mainly an exercise in self-justification regarding his actions during his time as spy chief and prime minister), and because he is now 79 years old.
The Yangon chief minister has paid a price for his actions. When pictures of the event went viral he faced an online backlash, mostly from literary and political circles, for kowtowing to someone who was known as the "Prince of Evil" for his brutality as Military Intelligence (MI) chief against students and activists involved in the country's democracy movement. Interestingly, he was one of those behind the chief minister's 15-year prison term for his political activism.
Ko Min Ko Naing, a prominent former student leader and a key figure in the '88 Uprising, posted a short message on his Facebook page: "Never turn a murderer into someone respectful." While the note didn't mention any names, it was very clear to Myanmar people who the "murderer" in the message is.
National League for Democracy lawmaker Daw Zin Mar Aung wrote on her Facebook page that the chief minister's action did nothing to help the national reconciliation the NLD has long advocated. Before coming to power, the Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led NLD openly announced that it wouldn't hold grudges against anyone in the former military regime despite their involvement in the arrest, ill treatment and torture of political prisoners. Under the regime, from 1988 to 2010, the NLD was the most oppressed political party in the country.
Daw Zin Mar Aung said she might be able to understand if the chief minister had somehow forgotten the scars on his back, the blows to his chin, the rolling of iron bars on his shins—all of which he sustained during his interrogations like other political prisoners during his arrest and imprisonment—while he was kowtowing to the former spy chief.
"But you [U Phyo Min Thein] should be ashamed to [disgrace] the NLD jacket and the party badge you were wearing," she said, referring to the jacket—colored in the NLD's light-orange shade—and the party logo he bore on his breast on the day.
'To Whom Should I Apologize?'
Gen. Khin Nyunt is said to have been among the key government players in a military crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in 1988 that led to the deaths of thousands of people. When the military staged a coup in September 1988, he was the third most powerful person in the regime and the head of its intelligence unit—a military apparatus mainly responsible for the oppression of political dissidents. He held this position until his purge from the regime in 2004. He was given a 44-year prison sentence but this was later commuted to house arrest. He was freed in an amnesty in 2011.
According to Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Myanmar), nearly 200 people died in torture chambers during MI interrogations and prisons due to ill treatment during the former military regime. Every former political prisoner who was fortunate enough to emerge from prison alive can tell you of their experience of at least one of the following: It was MI officers who raided activists' homes, mostly in the middle of the night to avoid the attention of neighbors, to make arrests. Gen. Khin Nyunt's subordinates held the fate of political prisoners in their hands, deciding whether they should be sent to hospitals for emergency treatment when they were seriously ill. During interrogation sessions, his staff used every torture method you could name—sleep deprivation was universal—while barking at the victim, "You know what? You can't establish a country without a military and prostitutes!" Even in court, if you were assertive or made complaints about the verdict, an MI officer would summon the judge to a backroom meeting and order him or her to increase the prison term by a few years. Upon their release, former political prisoners rarely escaped the MI's watchful eyes in their daily lives.
Gen. Khin Nyunt himself regarded political prisoners as criminals and lawbreakers. In his eyes, then democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was "untrustworthy" because she was married to a foreigner.
"Let's say if she becomes prime minister or president, she would share state secrets or [proceedings of] cabinet meetings with her husband in bed," he told senior military officials during a lecture at the National Defense College in 1993, according to a leaked transcript of the lecture. Throughout the talk, he didn't mention Daw Aung San Suu Kyi by name, referring to her simply as "that woman".
During interviews after his release, the former spy chief used to say that he had simply been following orders from above, referring to Senior General Than Shwe and Vice Senior General Maung Aye, the first and second supremos of the junta. Given his powerful roles and responsibilities—ranging from head of Military Intelligence to striking peace deals with ethnic armed groups to opening multimedia classrooms in high schools and deciding who should get Myanmar's equivalent of the Oscars each year—many people saw his defense as feeble. When former political prisoners called for him to admit his and his subordinates' wrongdoings, he retorted, "To whom should I apologize?"
However, in his self-promoting 2015 memoir "Lives I Have Been Through", he offered vague words of contrition to some people and their families, conceding that some mistakes may have been made, albeit with the best of intentions and in the interests of the state and the wellbeing of his fellow citizens.
The term "political prisoner", however, rarely appears in the 657-page volume.
'No Grudge, No Retaliation'
Undeterred by the criticism, U Phyo Min Thein told the media on Sunday that he would try to be forgiving, adding that there would be no grudges held and no retaliation against the man who once put him behind bars for 15 years.
"Currently, I am a chief minister and U Khin Nyunt is an ordinary citizen. Retaliation is not necessary [for me]. I want to urge [people] to have loving kindness toward every one and to keep striving for reform," he said.
But the chief minister misses the point. Long before his claims on Sunday, many former political prisoners said they would not hold grudges toward those who mistreated them, saying, "We can forgive, but not forget." What has upset these people is the manner in which U Phyo Min Thein paid his respects to the former spy chief—his actions constituted the highest form of respect that one can pay as a Myanmar Buddhist, and were no different from the greeting you would offer a monk.
Ko Mya Aye, an '88 Students Generation leader and former political prisoner, said the chief minister's actions were wrong, adding that he was saddened to see his fellow democracy activist kowtowing to the man who was once in charge of the MI.
"No one has been calling for retaliation against him [U Khin Nyunt]. I don't hate him personally, but the fact can't be denied that he used to run a bad system that ruined the whole country," he said.
This exhibition showcases rubbish transformed into useful, sometimes even beautiful, objects. Visitors can try their own hand at transforming waste "into gold" at several do-it-yourself counters.
Through Jan. 6 | Secretariat Building | Kyauktada Township | Free admission.
Icons of Courage
A photography exhibition about the traditional leg tattoos of men in Karen State by German photographer Jens Uwe Parkitny.
Through Jan. 10 | Goethe-Institute Myanmar | Corner of Kabar Aye Pagoda Road and Nat Mauk Street, Bahan Township
Balance Fashion Night
With a dress code of "dress like you're a model," Balance Fitness' annual party will feature funky beats, food, drink and a lucky draw.
Friday Jan. 4 | 6 p.m. to 10 p.m. | Tipsy | No. 138 C, New University Avenue Road, Bahan Township
Made in Myanmar Exhibition
This exhibition aims spread awareness to purchase local products that are made in Myanmar.
Jan. 4-6 | 11 a.m. to late | Hmawsinkyun, Kandawgyi Gardens, Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township
Carnival at the Zoo
A three-day family-oriented festival will take place at Yangon Zoo and will feature games, magic and music, food and fun and more entertainment.
Jan. 4-6 | 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. | Yangon Zoo | Kan Yeiktha Road, Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township
Yangon Zay
With a new sustainable theme launching in 2019, this market event has food, fashion, homeware and drinks on offer with music and kids' activities for entertainment.
Jan. 5-6 | 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. | The Tea Factory | No.2 Kanyeiktha Road off Kabar Aye Pagoda Road, Mayangone Township | Entry 6,000 kyats (under 12s free)
SamRaz Live Music
SamRaz, a traveling band which plays folk and jazz of Latin American and Middle Eastern variety, will play at Atlas Rooftop this Saturday.
Saturday Jan. 5 | 8 p.m. to 11 p.m. | Atlas Rooftop Bar & Lounge | No. 84, Pan Hlaing Road, Sanchaung Township
Mi Kar Ma Tha (Nominal)
Five up-and-coming artists feature their art for just three days. Participating artists are Zin Min Hlaing, Myo Min Thein, Zar Ni, Kyaw Thu Win and Aung.
Jan. 5-7 | 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. | Gallery 65 | No. 65, Yaw Min Gyi Road, Dagon Township
Mundo Lingo
This popular language exchange event takes place weekly with a sticker system using flags to tell others which language you speak and want to practice.
Tuesday Jan. 8 | 7 p.m. to 10 p.m. | 50th Street Bar & Grill | 9/13 50th Street, Botahtaung Township
YANGON—Arakan Army (AA) spokesperson U Khine Thukha told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that the group is gathering evidence of human rights abuses committed by Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) soldiers and violations of the Geneva Convention during the ongoing skirmishes in northern Rakhine State and Chin State’s Paletwa Township.
The AA spokesperson pointed out that Tatmadaw columns are stationed in Buthidaung Township’s Say Taung Village, camped in a Buddhist monastery situated in an actively contested area in northern Rakhine. According to him, Tatmadaw soldiers are carrying out arbitrary arrests of civilians, are shelling artillery into the village and they have used villagers as human shields in the battlefields.
The AA's online information page announced on Tuesday that they have already collected some evidence connecting the Tatmadaw soldiers with human rights violations and they will submit it to the international organizations. It also urges locals and civil society groups to file complaints with the AA if the Tatmadaw soldiers target civilians in the conflict zone.
On Jan. 1, a police force information Facebook page, Ye Zarni, posted information stating that while unit No. 8 of the border police and a military column were temporarily stationed in a monastery in Say Taung, Buthidaung Township, they were ambushed by 30 AA rebels and one police officer was seriously injured in the chest. After 10 minutes on fighting, the AA rebels retreated and the Tatmadaw column went after them. According to the police information page, no villagers were wounded in the fight.
The post did not elaborate on whether AA fighters fired into the village or the fighting took place at the outskirts of the village.
AA spokesperson U Khine Thukha explained that the fighting had, in fact, erupted in an area between Kan Pyin and Say Taung villages. Say Taung resident U Maung Tun Lin confirmed that fighting broke out near his village and some bullets struck the homes of villagers. According to his explanation, the monastery is situated on a hilltop which is close to a densely forested area with the village located the foot of the hill.
Ma Nwe Ni Win, a resident of Say Taung village, said bullets had struck her home during Tuesday's fighting and that a bullet head was found inside her friend's house. No villagers were wounded during the fighting.
“I saw some holes in my house when I get back home. No one was killed because everyone had already fled to a hillside when we heard gunfire,” said Ma Nwe Ni Win.
The AA spokesperson said, “Whenever the Burmese military come into the village, they always station [themselves] at monasteries and schools. In fact, international laws strictly prohibit an army from encamping in such public places and religious buildings.”
U Khine Thukha accused the Tatmadaw of deliberately firing into Kan Pyin Village during Tuesday's clashes which caused the entire population on Kan Pyin Village to flee to neighboring villages. He said that around 20 heavy artillery shells, fired by the police and government troops stationed in Kun Taung, landed in Say Taung. Similarly, in separate battles in on Wednesday in Kyauktaw Township and Paletwa Township over the Chin State border, Tatmadaw units launched missiles towards the villages. AA information, based on firsthand accounts of displaced locals, says that some locals from Paletwa's Adaung Wa Village were killed by howitzer shells on Wednesday. He urged for the international human rights organizations to look into the alleged crimes against the Rakhine community on the ground.
“They intentionally target civilians. It could even be said to be racially targeting the Rakhine. So my question is, what if there were Burmese villages in the conflict zone? Would they also fire shots in that way? Deliberately targeting civilians is obviously indicating the fact that, despite repeatedly citing union spirit, their actions show a lack of union spirit.”
As the AA and police information pages issue updates, both sides remain silent on causality numbers. Some locals claim that dozens of Tatmadaw soldiers were killed in recent clashes. When The Irrawaddy phoned a brigadier general from the military's commander-in-chief's office for clarification on Wednesday, he declined to comment on the matter and denied the allegations of abuses over the phone.
“As is the nature of fighting, there will surely be casualties. I cannot provide details,” said the brigadier general.
Video footage which was captured by a resident of Sin Khone Taing, a Rohingya village close to Yae Gaung Chaung and Say Taung villages, includes commentary in the Rohingya language describing the Tatmadaw troops passing through their village. Translations of the commentary says the military column briefly came into Sin Khone Taing village carrying five wounded soldiers.
The video was posted to Facebook on Tuesday on the profile named Sayad Hussin alongside text stating that the soldiers said they were hungry and requested food from the Rohingya villagers. It says the military soldiers admitted that some of their troops were killed during the fighting.
Last December, the Tatmadaw's commander-in-chief Sen-Gen Min Aung Hlaing promised members of the Myanmar Press Council that he will ask border affairs ministers to be more open with the media. Despite this, when The Irrawaddy attempted multiple times to contact Col. Phone Tint, the Rakhine State border affairs minister, he did not answer calls. In addition, Western Command’s Col. Win Zaw Oo's phone was switched off during repeated attempts by The Irrawaddy to contact him.
The AA has said they have no plans to reveal the number of government military causalities in order not to defend the massive offensives of the army. He declined to provide the number of government battalions and light infantries that the AA has been facing in northern Rakhine since the end of monsoon season.
“Although I cannot say the number of battalions, I’m pretty sure that they have halted operations in northern Shan recently in order to pour [more troops] into northern Rakhine. Surprisingly, they are also bringing ordinary police and border police into the battlefield for security reasons. This is an attempt to complicate the situation.” said U Khine Thukha.
Based on updates from the AA, The Irrawaddy has learned that the conflict zone is broadening, as AA and government troops continue to fight in at least five townships—Rathedaung, Buthidaung, Kyauktaw, Ponnagyun and Chin State’s Paletwa. The AA updates have made no mention of the mine attack on Rakhine State's chief minister's convoy on the Yangon-Sittwe highway in Mrauk U Township on Tuesday.
According to local non-profit organizations, more than 4,000 people in four townships are currently displaced and local relief groups are giving humanitarian assistance to the IDPs (internally displaced persons). Some members of relief groups operating in Paletwa Township told The Irrawaddy that military officers are not allowing aid in the form of rice bags into the area.
MANDALAY—Myanmar melon exporters are suffering serious losses following authorities' closure of a key border gate for fruit exports at the Mile 105 Muse border trade zone on the Myanmar-China border, traders told The Irrawaddy.
According to the Muse-based border traders, the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) closed the Jin San Jiao Gate on the evening of Dec. 26 for security reasons.
Border traders and growers have sent a letter to authorities asking about the closure, but have had no response after one week, Ko Sai Min Thu Naing, director of the Kwa Nyo fruit brokerage in Muse, told The Irrawaddy.
"So far, we have not seen the government releasing a formal statement regarding this. We have sent a letter of request [for information] to the Commerce Ministry. But there has been no response," U Ko Sai Min Thu Naing said.
The Irrawaddy was unable to contact the Commerce Ministry for comment about the gate closure.
Demand for melons and cantaloupes is currently at its peak level, and melon growers in Shan State are worried as their next harvest is due in February.
Over 1,000 trucks loaded with melons and cantaloupes transported to Muse from various parts of the country have been stranded on the Myanmar side since Dec. 27 following the closure of the gate.
Fruit trucks have been using the Pansai gate, which Chinese authorities re-opened on Dec. 28. However, the 10-mile road from Muse to the Pansai gate is just 8 feet wide, and is not suitable for 12-wheeled trucks.
Previously, around 500 trucks ferrying watermelons and cantaloupes traded at the Jin San Jiao gate daily. But the number has declined to around 200 now, as Chinese officials take longer to inspect Myanmar's exports, Mandalay-Muse cargo transporters said.
"The government should in fact facilitate the smooth operation of such gates, which are important for the national economy. But it has been shut down and authorities have not explained the reason," fleet manager U Zaw Myint Oo of Saw Yan Naing Mandalay-Muse cargo transport company told The Irrawaddy.
Due to the delays caused by traffic congestion at the border gate, growers' losses are mounting.
"I feel like the government has ignored growers, though Myanmar's economy is said to be based on agriculture. The government loses taxes and our losses increase daily," said Ko Sai Min Thu Naing of Kwa Nyo fruit brokerage in Muse.
A fully loaded 12-wheeled truck of watermelons fetches around 7 million kyats, and the same amount of cantaloupe fetches over 10 million kyats at present market rates. Merchants complain that up to 75 percent of the fruit has spoiled due to the delays at the gate.
"The losses will only increase as time goes by. Some growers have taken loans from lenders to grow melons. They are having trouble repaying their loans. The growers have to shoulder the consequences alone," melon grower Ko Khaing Zaw of Mandalay's TadaU Township told The Irrawaddy.
YANGON—A senior Home Affairs Ministry official who served as director general of the General Administration Department (GAD) was appointed as deputy minister for the Ministry of the Office of the Union Government on Wednesday, as part of the process of transferring authority over the formerly military-run department to the government.
The move comes one week after the GAD was officially transferred to the civilian-controlled Ministry of the Office of the Union Government, one of the major reforms implemented by the National League for Democracy-led government in its two-and-a-half years in office.
New Deputy Minister U Tin Myint, who has been promoted from his position as permanent secretary of the Ministry of Home Affairs (MOHA), is a former captain in the Myanmar Armed Forces. He has held several positions in the GAD.
The department was formerly overseen by MOHA. Under the 2008 Constitution, the ministry is one of the three led by major-generals appointed by the commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
U Tin Myint, the new deputy minister for the Office of the Union Government / Screenshot from GAD video
For more than 30 years, the GAD has formed the backbone of Myanmar's public administration. Under the 2008 Constitution it serves as the primary link between the national and lower levels of government, and has direct control of district and township authorities, the country's key administrative institutions.
The GAD is authorized to support government security efforts like imposing bans on any activities that threaten the rule of law and stability, and to sue a person who commits arms-related crimes while reporting relevant information back to Naypyitaw. Its duties also include reporting on population movements, security incidents and basic demographic data. Moreover, the GAD has the power to enforce some civil laws.
The Ministry of the Office of the Union Government was created by the current administration. In November, a former Air Force pilot, retired Colonel U Min Thu, was appointed as its minister.
YANGON—Over 300 locals from four villages in Namtu Township, northern Shan State are taking refuge at the nearby village of Mansan due to the interethnic fighting between armed groups based in the area this week.
Amid fighting which has been taking place some 16 kilometers (10 miles) away from Namtu since Dec. 31, 316 people fled to Mansan Village on Jan. 1 and 2 and they are now taking shelter at the monastery, said U Khin Maung Kyi, Mansan's village administrator.
The fighting broke out between troops of Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army South (RCSS/SSAS) and the combined forces of Shan State Progressive Party/ Shan State Army North (SSPP/SSAN) and Ta'ang Nationalities Liberation Army (TNLA), according to the local residents.
Shan State is one of the regions covered by the Myanmar Army's four-month truce announced Dec. 22, but the residents of villages in Namtu Township are unable to enjoy safety or peace during the ceasefire period. For the past few years, they have frequently had to flee from their homes while clashes took place near their villages, returning only after the troops left.
The people lack security and protection as always, said Nang Kham Aye, the Lower House lawmaker representing Namtu Township.
"I got calls from the people of Manwah Village where the fighting was happening on Wednesday, and they said they were hiding in their own bunkers. They have not yet arrived to a safe place," she told The Irrawaddy.
Villagers from a number of other villages where a few dozen locals live in Namtu Township have not yet left their homes.
RCSS spokesman Sai Meng said the brief skirmish between their troops and the alliance troops in the area did not cause any casualties.
YANGON— The Ministry of Planning and Finance (MOPF) announced on Wednesday that they are ready to grant permission to foreign companies wishing to operate businesses offering life and non-life insurance in Myanmar.
The move comes amid efforts to "accumulate the investment needed for the country's economic development, and to develop the non-banking financial sector," according to the official statement released by the ministry.
The ministry said it is now inviting expressions of interest and request for proposals from companies looking to operate here which will be assessed by Myanmar's Financial Regulatory Department.
The MOPF has specified that insurance companies must fall into one of two categories—life insurance and non-life insurance entities.
The ministry will allow up to three fully foreign-owned life insurance companies to operate here while life insurance companies with representative offices here are being encouraged to partner with local life insurers.
Meanwhile, only companies offering non-life insurance with representative offices in Myanmar may partner with local insurance companies. No fully foreign-owned non-life insurers will be granted permission to operate in Myanmar.
"The local composite insurers have been mandated by the MOPF to operate as separate life insurance and non-life insurance entities paving the way for foreign entities to associate or partner with local insurers as applicable," the statement says.
In 2013, the government granted 11 licenses to local insurance companies in a bid to develop the sector in Myanmar.
NAYPYITAW—A total of 103 people were killed on the Yangon-Mandalay Highway last year, Highway Police said.
Speeding remained the main cause of road accidents. Along with the 103 people killed, 877 were injured in 473 traffic accidents last year.
Tire blowouts were another major cause of fatal road accidents, police said.
The numbers of accidents and casualties declined from 2017, when 116 people died and 863 were injured in 555 road accidents. In 2016, 774 road accidents killed 170 people and injured 1,304.
The majority of accidents last year involved private vehicles, most of them light trucks, police said.
Since June 1 last year, drivers and passengers of private vehicles and express buses have been required to wear seatbelts while driving on the highway.
Highway Police impose a fine of 50,000 kyats on drivers caught speeding, while people who fail to wear seatbelts are fined 30,000 kyats. Last year, police pulled over more than 1,000 vehicles due to occupants' failure to wear seatbelts.
The number of road accidents has declined since police began enforcing speed limits and seatbelt laws, said lawmaker U Than Soe Aung, a member of the Lower House Transportation, Communication and Construction Committee.
"It is called a highway, but it's still an ordinary road. There is a need to improve the road signage and surface," he told The Irrawaddy.
Every day, more than 20,000 vehicles use the some 400-mile highway, which sees around seven road accidents a day, according to police.
"Road signs have improved lately," said road user U Win Zaw Oo. "And the presence of police patrols make me feel safe should I have a flat tire while driving late at night. But there is a need to brighten the yellow lines [separating lanes] for late-night driving."
The highway, which connects commercial hub Yangon with the country's administrative capital Naypyitaw and second-largest city Mandalay, came into service in 2009. It has been dubbed the "death highway" by local road users due to the high number of accidents.
KOCHI/NEW DELHI—Two women defied a centuries-old ban on entering a Hindu temple in the Indian state of Kerala on Wednesday, sparking protests and calls for a strike by conservative Hindu groups outraged by their visit.
Police fired teargas and used water cannons to disperse a large crowd of protesters in the state capital of Thiruvananthapuram, television news channels showed.
There were protests in several other cities in the state, media reported.
India’s Supreme Court in September ordered the lifting of the ban on women or girls of menstruating age from entering the Sabarimala temple, which draws millions of worshippers a year.
But the temple refused to abide by the ruling and subsequent attempts by women to visit it had been blocked by thousands of devotees.
The Kerala state government is run by left-wing parties and it has sought to allow women into the temple–a position that has drawn the criticism of both of India’s main political parties, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
The uproar has put the issue of religion, which can be highly contentious in India, squarely on the political agenda months before a general election, which is due by May.
The possibility of more confrontations was raised by a call from an umbrella group of right-wing Hindu groups in Kerala, the Sabarimala Karma Samithi, which is supported by the BJP, for a state-wide protest strike on Thursday.
The BJP called for protesters to be peaceful.
Communists blamed
Earlier, the Kerala state president of the BJP described the women’s visit as “a conspiracy by the atheist rulers to destroy the Hindu temples.”
The party’s state president, P.S. Sreedharan Pillai, told TV channels the BJP would “support the struggles against the destruction of faith by the Communists.”
“Let all the devotees come forward and protest this,” he said.
Officials from the main opposition Congress party in the state, in a rare alignment with their main rival for power at the national level, the BJP, also called for protests.
“This is treachery … The government will have to pay the price for the violation of the custom,” K. Sudhakaran, vice-president of the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee, said in a statement.
Conservative Hindu groups say they believe women of menstruating age would defile the temple’s inner shrine. The ban was imposed on all females between the ages of 10 and 50.
News channels reported the chief priest briefly shut the temple for “purification” rituals after the women visited.
Later, media reported it had re-opened.
The two women, identified by police as Bindu Ammini, 42, and Kanaka Durga, 44, had tried to go in on Dec. 24, and later approached police for help, an officer said.
“There was an elaborate arrangement for them to come just after the temple was opened early morning,” said the officer, who declined to be identified fearing reprisals from protesters.
“The darkness gave them, and us, cover.”
Police were guarding the homes of the women after they left the temple and were prepared to let more women enter the temple, he said.
Wall of women
A video from a police official posted online by ANI showed two women in the temple with their heads covered.
Ammini told a television channel about their stealthy trek to the temple in the middle of the night.
"We reached Pampa, the main entry point to the temple at 1.30 a.m. and sought police protection … We walked two hours, entered the temple around 3.30 a.m. and did the darshan,” the woman said, referring to a ritual of standing in front of the temple’s Hindu image.
The state government defended its decision to protect the women as they went into the temple, saying it was a matter of civil rights.
“I had earlier made it clear that the government will provide protection if any women come forward to enter the temple,” said Kerala chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan.
Vijayan told a news conference the women faced no obstruction on Wednesday. It was not immediately clear how they managed to avoid devotees guarding the temple.
On Tuesday, the state government backed a protest by thousands of women, who formed a 620 kilometer (385 mile) human chain, termed the “women’s wall,” in support of “gender equality” and access to the temple.
Modi, in an interview with ANI on Tuesday, indicated he felt that the temple issue was more about a religious tradition than gender equality.
Modi said there were temples where men were barred from entering.
SINGAPORE—When Singapore’s government said it would exhume about 4,000 graves in the defunct Bukit Brown cemetery for an eight-lane highway, an unusually vocal campaign grew quickly to save one of the last remaining artefacts of the past in the modern city.
The cemetery, a rare patch of jungle surrounded by manicured gardens and high rises, has about 100,000 graves, including hundreds of early Chinese immigrants. It is also considered an important relic of the Japanese occupation and World War Two.
Although the cemetery closed for burials nearly 50 years ago, descendants still visit their ancestors’ graves. But that ritual will soon end, as Bukit Brown is scheduled to be cleared for housing by 2030.
“This is a living museum,” said Darren Koh, a volunteer with advocacy group All Things Bukit Brown, which has offered guided walks in the cemetery since 2011, when the exhumations were announced.
“We lost a lot of history and heritage in the other cemeteries that were cleared, so we were galvanized into action to save Bukit Brown,” he said, fighting to be heard above the roar of traffic and construction on the new highway.
With some 5.6 million people in an area three-fifths the size of New York City—and with the population estimated to grow to 6.9 million by 2030—Singapore is running out of space.
The island nation has long reclaimed land from the sea, and plans to move more of its transport, utilities and storage underground to free up space for housing, offices and greenery.
It has also cleared dozens of cemeteries for homes and highways.
“Planning for long-term land use in land-scarce Singapore often requires us to make difficult decisions,” the city’s Urban Redevelopment Authority (URA) and the Land Transport Authority (LTA) said in a statement.
Bukit Brown has been earmarked for residential use since 1991, and while the government is committed to “retaining and protecting our natural and built heritage, we need to also balance it against other needs such as housing,” officials said.
Tomb sweeping
The Chinese have traditionally believed that the dead must be buried, and that without a proper burial the soul will not rest, but will wander about as a “hungry ghost.”
But the burial practice has changed in increasingly crowded cities from Hong Kong to Taiwan to China.
Traditional grave burials gave way to cremation, and the use of columbaria to store urns with ashes. As even columbaria became crowded, city authorities encouraged people to disperse the ashes in the sea, woodlands or parklands.
“The conception of cemeteries as space-wasting activity takes precedence over the idea of cemeteries as sites of leisurely activity,” said Lily Kong, a geographer previously at the National University of Singapore.
“To depart from the practice of grave burial requires a significant cultural shift. In many ways, it may be said that this shift has been made,” she wrote in a 2012 paper on burial rituals.
Singapore in 1998 announced a 15-year burial period, after which bodies are dug up and cremated or interred in smaller plots.
Hong Kong—where even the columbaria are running out of space—has a six-year limit. Taiwan has similar limits, and has long encouraged cremations and eco-burials.
In China, authorities said in 2014 they were targeting a cremation rate of close to 100 percent by the end of 2020.
They also encourage online memorialization, where family members can set up a website for the deceased, and make virtual offerings of flowers, incense and wine, including during the annual Qing Ming “tomb sweeping” festival.
That is when families clean the tombs, bring offerings of food and drink, and burn joss sticks and paper money to give their ancestors a comfortable afterlife.
Following the announcement of the exhumations of 4,153 graves in Bukit Brown, Singaporeans rallied on social media, and showed up in the hundreds for walks in the cemetery.
The cemetery, dotted with headstones bearing fading Chinese inscriptions among the raintrees and thick undergrowth, was added to World Monuments Watch, which lists heritage sites under threat—a first for a Singapore landmark.
The United Nations Special Rapporteur for cultural rights wrote to the government, asking it to preserve Bukit Brown’s “remarkable natural, cultural and historical value.”
But to no avail. The graves were exhumed, and the first section of the new Lornie Highway opened in late October.
“We shouldn’t always have to choose between heritage and development,” said Claire Leow, who also volunteers at All Things Bukit Brown, citing old hawker centers and other landmarks that have disappeared.
“More people are choosing to be cremated; it’s all the more reason to preserve Bukit Brown as a public space for all,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
Unmarked
Much of Singapore is built on old graveyards, including Orchard Road, the city’s main shopping belt.
The Bidadari cemetery was cleared of more than 100,000 Christian and Muslim graves for a new housing estate, while Choa Chu Kang—Singapore’s biggest and only active cemetery—will be cleared of more than 80,000 graves for an expanded air base.
At Bukit Brown, the graves were exhumed individually and the remains cremated. The ashes were put in urns that were placed in a columbarium.
But authorities first consulted with clan members and historians to agree on a way to document the graves.
“Without such documentation and research, it is difficult to assess the heritage value that is at stake, and make informed decisions,” said Hui Yew-Foong, a fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, who led the effort.
“And if the government does make the decision to clear the cemeteries, at least a good record is made for posterity.”
More than two-thirds of the exhumed graves were not claimed because relatives had died or forgotten, Leow said.
But others are still claimed.
One such grave “stood unmarked and forgotten” for six decades before being identified.
“Finally, I can place a name to the grave that is my grandfather’s and be a dutiful grandson,” Norman Cho, a 40-year-old Singaporean, wrote in a blog on All Things Bukit Brown.
It is these moments that give Leow hope.
“Cemeteries should not be seen as a waste of space, but as a part of our history and culture,” she said.
“In losing them, we lose little bits of ourselves.”
BEIJING/TAIPEI—China reserves the right to use force to bring Taiwan under its control but will strive to achieve peaceful “reunification” with the self-ruled island that has a bright future under any future Chinese rule, President Xi Jinping said on Wednesday.
Taiwan is China’s most sensitive issue and is claimed by Beijing as its sacred territory. Xi has stepped up pressure on the democratic island since Tsai Ing-wen from the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party became president in 2016.
Tsai rejected Xi’s call and instead urged China to embrace democracy.
Xi has set great personal store in resolving what the Communist Party calls the “Taiwan issue,” holding a landmark meeting with Taiwan's then-president Ma Ying-jeou in Singapore in late 2015, just before Tsai was elected.
Xi spoke at Beijing’s Great Hall of the People on the 40th anniversary of a landmark Taiwan policy statement.
He said “reunification” must come under a one-China principle that accepts Taiwan as part of China, anathema to supporters of Taiwan independence, adding that the “one country, two systems” model of autonomy, with which China governs Hong Kong, was the best way for Taiwan.
China translates the word “tong yi” as “reunification,” but it can also be translated as “unification,” a term in English preferred by supporters of Taiwan independence who point out the Communist government has never ruled Taiwan and so it cannot be “reunified.”
The vast majority of Taiwan’s people are clearly aware that Taiwan independence would lead to a “grave disaster,” Xi told an audience that included Taiwan business people and senior party officials.
“Chinese people don’t attack other Chinese people. We are willing to use the greatest sincerity and expend the greatest hard work to strive for the prospect of peaceful reunification,” Xi said.
“We do not promise to renounce the use of force and reserve the option to use all necessary measures” to achieve this goal and prevent Taiwan independence, he said.
This, though, was aimed at foreign forces who sought to interfere and the tiny minority of Taiwan independence forces and their activities, Xi said without elaborating in what was likely a reference to the United States, Taiwan’s strongest backer.
Speaking to reporters, Tsai said Taiwan would never accept “one country, two systems” and was proud of its democratic way of life.
“The vast majority in Taiwan resolutely oppose ‘one country, two systems.’ This is the ‘Taiwan consensus’,” she said.
“We call on China to bravely step forward for democracy, for only by doing so can it truly understand the people of Taiwan’s thinking and insistence.”
Xi reiterated that China was willing to talk with any party in Taiwan to push the political process—stalled by China since Tsai took office—as long as they accept the “one China” principle.
Underscoring China’s nervousness about US support in particular for Taiwan, US President Donald Trump on Monday signed into law the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act, which reaffirms the US commitment to Taiwan, including arms sales.
'Lasting peace'
Xi sought to reassure people in Taiwan that there was nothing to fear from Chinese rule, even though most people there have shown no interest in being run by autocratic Beijing.
“After peaceful reunification, Taiwan will have lasting peace and the people will enjoy good and prosperous lives. With the great motherland’s support, Taiwan compatriots’ welfare will be even better, their development space will be even greater,” Xi said.
Tsai, who says she wants to maintain the status quo with China, said on Tuesday China must use peaceful means to resolve its differences with Taiwan and respect its democratic values.
Beijing has regularly sent military aircraft and ships to circle the island on drills in the past few years and has heaped pressure on the island internationally, including whittling down its few remaining diplomatic allies.
Taiwan is gearing up for presidential elections in a year. Tsai’s party suffered stinging losses to the China-friendly Kuomintang in mayoral and local elections in November.
Xi was speaking on the anniversary of the “Message to Compatriots in Taiwan” on Jan. 1, 1979, when China declared an end to what had been routine artillery bombardment of Taiwan-controlled offshore islands and offered to open up communication between the two sides.
However, the offer was rebuffed by Taiwan’s then-president Chiang Ching-kuo, who in April that year came out with a “three nos” policy of no contact, no compromise and no negotiation with China.
Chiang only relaxed that in 1987, allowing people in Taiwan to visit China for family reunions. His father, Chiang Kai-shek, fled with defeated Nationalist forces to Taiwan in December 1949 after losing a civil war to the Communists.
Kayah State in eastern Myanmar is a state lagging behind others in Myanmar in terms of education, health and living standards as a legacy of the flames of civil war which burst along with independence in 1948.
Pascal Khoo Thwe, born in Phekon, a small town on the border of Shan State and Kayah State, is famed as the author of "From the Land of the Green Ghosts, A Burmese Odyssey." He is a member of the Kayan Padaung ethnic group whose women are known around the world for their tradition of wearing brass coils around their necks.
In his autobiography, Pascal Khoo Thwe narrated his life, the customs and traditions of his ethnic group to the backdrop of civil war and amid the social fabric of Myanmar. The book won the 2002 Kiriyama Pacific Rim Book Prize for non-fiction and it has since been translated into many languages.
Pascal Khoo Thwe is currently serving as an advisor to the International Trade Centre in the development of all-inclusive tourism in Kayah State.
Recently, he spoke with The Irrawaddy reporter Thazin Hlaing about his views on the development of Kayah State and the tourism industry there.
When was community-based tourism (CBT) initiated in Kayah State?
It started in 2014 as a three-year project funded by the government of the Netherlands. The project provided basic training in tourism to villages and networked tour guides, hotels and tour operators. Training was also provided regarding preparing safe and clean food and in improving the quality of souvenirs.
We linked large local tour companies with international companies—mainly those based in London and Berlin. The three-year project has ended now and [a new three-year project is now] being implemented in Tanintharyi Region now but there will be continued support for Kayah while the project is being implemented in Tanintharyi.
Providing assistance for the tourism industry doesn't end with giving training. There is a need to provide technical support for sustainability. We especially focus on providing training for villages that want to engage in CBT. We also provide management training for villages that already offer CBT.
Have there been any improvements in Kayah State's tourism sector compared to previous years?
Previously, visitors mostly visited Pan Pet [a village in Loikaw Township] because there are Kayan [women] who wear neck rings. But at that time the villagers didn't get any benefits. [Visitors] took photos and left, and only those who had their photos taken got some [money].
Thanks to the CBT supported by the ITC, villagers can now participate. They can work as tour guides and cook [and sell] meals [to travelers]. They can also sell souvenirs to them. There are direct benefits as well as indirect benefits.
What do you mean by indirect benefits?
What is good for the villagers is that they can now promote their customs and culture. This greatly benefits them. We can't measure it in terms of financial benefits. As our culture is on the verge of extinction, doing this [CBT] makes [Kayan] youths understand [the importance of maintaining own culture]. Foreigners can also provide greater help and have a deeper understanding thanks to CBT.
What should be conserved during tourism development in Myanmar, including in Kayah State?
There are many things. Particularly, we need to conserve the natural beauty and we should be careful with littering. We need to conserve the flora and fauna. The most important thing is we need to conserve culture and traditions. We can do this, but it is a long-term commitment.
Myanmar is lagging behind other countries in terms of the tourism industry. What is the main cause of this?
This can be mainly attributed to the government. The previous government didn't work seriously [on tourism] and the current government can't do it properly. This is the very reason. There are policies in place for tourism development, but no [government] can put them into proper practice. The previous government couldn't and the current government can't, though it tries. It is mainly because of the system.
We can't blame the people for this. Places which have real potential for tourism development should be utilized. For example, there are islands but as the government and military have occupied them, they can't be used for tourism purposes. There are many areas where foreigners are restricted from travelling too.
Have the villages that engage in CBT seen significant development?
Development is not that tangible. They need equitable development rather than financial benefits. For example, because of their educational levels, they can't use the provided facilities properly. But there are certain improvements—roads have become better; locals have access to electricity and better health care services.
What are the major hurdles in implementing the CBT projects?
It is mainly about technique. There is a need to manage things so visitors are able to come. As villagers lack experience, the most difficult thing is to convince them that they can offer CBT without compromising their culture.
Which places are major attractions in Kayah State?
Foreign travelers mainly visit Pan Pet and Hta Nee La Leh. Both local and foreign travelers visit Pan Pet, Hta Nee La Leh, Htee Koh, Htee Se Kha, and Kyet Gu Cave. It can be said that places that are allowed for visiting are mostly visited. There are also [potential] tourist spots in southern Kayah State, but they may not be accessed.
Do you think the tourism industry will improve further if travel restrictions are lifted?
There may be an increase in the number of visitors, however local visitors tend to litter a lot. It is better not to lift restrictions unless local residents can control the situation. Some of the places are very clean and unspoiled. I don't want to see some visitors littering with beer cans and plastic bottles there. It is important that local residents can properly control the places which are allowed for visiting. Otherwise, it is not fair for them—it is just like allowing other people to litter at their homes.
There are concerns that cultures and traditions will vanish as the tourism sector develops. What can be done to prevent this?
Rather than suggesting this or that, it should be accepted that the people will act on their own according to the wish of the majority. It is better that the government doesn't intervene.
With tourism booming in southern Myanmar, residents of Myeik in Tannitharyi Region are finding ways to benefit by filling niches in the industry. Ko Thein Zaw Min, managing director of Mergui Dolphins, one of 40 tour companies in the area, has found a way to do this by opening a boat-making workshop.
The number of travel and tour agencies in the Myeik (or Mergui) Archipelago has increased since 2015 as growing numbers of domestic and foreign tourists visit some of the area's more than 800 beautiful islands.
Tourists board a new speedboat as they return to Myeik from Marcus Island (or Lay Kyun) in December 2018. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy
Ko Thein Zaw Min, 38, is confident that his new boats, which are created from his own designs with the help of experienced engineers and boat builders, will slowly replace the second-hand vessels that operators are currently using to provide package tours of the islands.
He has been repairing old boats since 2016, building several smaller ones himself. His first effort was a wooden cruise boat built for political candidates to use in the by-election campaign in 2012. After that, he gradually got involved in the travel industry after being encouraged to do so by friends.
His 18-foot fiberglass boats (those used for fishing are 20 ft) are more expensive than local wooden fishing boats, but Ko Thein Zaw Min claims they last for nearly 30 years, compared to three to four years for the wooden variety.
Last year he made his first 27-ft speedboat and he plans to make more.
Mergui Dolphins' new speedboat is under construction at the workshop in December 2018. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy
Producing his own boats is more cost-effective than restoring old ones. "[When fixing up old boats]we have to buy second-hand boats from Thailand at fixed prices. And we have to pay 25 percent tax to the customs office. They take time to repair. I decided to make my own, so that we could use new boats, and at a lower cost," he explained to The Irrawaddy.
A secondhand speedboat used for island tours in the Mergui Archipelago is anchored near an island in December 2018. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy
Friends and engineers in Yangon and local boat-making experts helped Ko Thein Zaw Min realize his dream.
Imported fiberglass is used to make the boats, partly because timber is becoming scarce, he said.
"All the materials and engines are bought from Thailand and Japan, and as we use good materials, our finished products are of high quality," explained chief boat maker U Soe from Dawei. U Soe, who worked in Thailand's fishery industry for nearly two decades as a wage laborer, is leading the team that is building the speedboat.
Ko Thein Zaw Min's interest in boats and designing them led him to open this small business, but a lack of capital has limited the scale of his efforts.
"We have limited capital and hope to get a small and medium-sized enterprise loan from the government, if possible," he added.
Ko Thein Zaw Min's first, 27-ft. speedboat is on sale for 35 million kyats (approximately US$22,800), including licenses. He said if there is no buyer, he will use it for his company and make more.
When Yangon Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein paid respect to former military spy chief ex-general U Khin Nyunt during a ceremony last weekend, his action quickly drew the ire of many politicians, lawmakers and democracy activists who were at some time in their lives detained and interrogated by military intelligence units for their activism. Under his command, nearly 200 people were mistreated and died in torture chambers and prisons across the country, according to the non-profit Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Despite everything, the former general has never pleaded guilty to the crimes. In the wake of the recent flow of criticism, The Irrawaddy revisits a commentary about the spy chief's arrogance towards atrocities committed by him and his compatriots against Myanmar democracy activists. This story was first published five years ago this month.
"Who should I apologize to?" This was the question that U Khin Nyunt, Myanmar's former spy chief, barked at a reporter who asked him if he was responsible for the treatment of thousands of dissidents by units of his Military Intelligence (MI) after the armed forces seized power in 1988. Rather than countering any suggestion that he was guilty of crimes against Myanmar's citizens, the ex-general insisted that the real criminals were those opposed to military rule. "They were guilty and that's why they were punished according to the law at that time," he said.
Who, then, should answer for all those thousands of political activists who spent years languishing behind bars? Who was responsible for their torture in interrogation centers and the deaths of so many who succumbed to mistreatment and neglect in Myanmar's primitive prisons? Who was it that created and controlled a vast information-gathering apparatus that made every citizen feel like a prisoner?
Of course, the whole system that was in place during the long years of military rule was oppressive. But if we confine ourselves to answering just these few questions, the number of people who can be held culpable will be relatively small.
Dozens of MI units harassed, intimidated and detained opposition activists and others regarded with suspicion by the former junta. All of these units reported directly to the Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence (DDSI). And the head of this feared organization was Gen. Khin Nyunt, who rapidly rose to prominence after the 1988 coup, becoming the third-most powerful member of the ruling military council.
From 1988 until his purge in 2004, Gen. Khin Nyunt oversaw the arrest of around 10,000 people. Many were subjected to torture and farcical trials that resulted in decades-long prison sentences. Both military and civilian courts were forced to do the bidding of the DDSI.
MI units infiltrated almost every organization in the country and maintained networks of spies in almost every neighborhood. Their agents were placed in customs, immigration and police departments, and MI officers even monitored other senior military officials, including top generals.
But the main targets of the police state within a state that Gen. Khin Nyunt created were the country's dissidents. "Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt was trying to destroy the [National League for Democracy] by having local authorities intimidate party members, harass their families, and incarcerate those who refused to resign. The intention was to isolate Aung San Suu Kyi and reduce her party's legitimacy," anthropologist Christina Fink wrote in her book "Living Silence," published in 2001.
Now a civilian who regards himself as a victim of the former regime—he was sentenced to house arrest after his ousting in October 2004, and released in January 2012—U Khin Nyunt continues to downplay his former role.
Last October, respected dissident U Win Tin met the former general who was once his jailer. "Let bygones be bygones," U Khin Nyunt told the NLD cofounder, who spent nearly 20 years behind bars for advocating a peaceful return to democratic rule.
Recently, I had a chance to speak with U Win Tin about his experiences in prison. He told me that when he was interrogated in July 1989, his captors put a hood over his head and punched him repeatedly in the face. Even after almost all of his teeth fell out and he had trouble eating, he was denied treatment.
"Those guys went overboard," said the 84-year-old, who is still active as a senior member of the NLD.
Asked what he thought about U Khin Nyunt's provocative question, he had no trouble providing an answer: "I'll tell you who he should apologize to. He should apologize to former political prisoners, their families and the whole country."
Since 1988, at least 160 political detainees have died in custody in Myanmar, including 10 who died while being interrogated, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Among the dead are well-known writer U Thaw Ka, veteran politicians U Sein Win and NLD MP-elect U Tin Maung Win, and student activist Ko Thet Win Aung.
U Khin Nyunt's refusal to acknowledge his central role in these and other abuses has complicated efforts to move beyond the pain of the past.
"Some former political prisoners have requested acknowledgement and an apology, but Khin Nyunt has asserted that there is no reason to argue about these cases because all was done according to the laws at the time," said Patrick Pierce of the International Center for Transitional Justice.
But it is completely disingenuous for someone who was once one of the top generals in the country to act as if he was just following orders. As U Win Tin noted, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, the leader of the former ruling junta, was not solely responsible for the many abuses committed under military rule. "Khin Nyunt and his people were more responsible [for the treatment of dissidents]," he said. "It was their intention to let us die."
Indeed, some have argued that U Khin Nyunt was the most powerful member of the ruling regime, at least in the years immediately after it seized power.
One incident in particular demonstrated the extent of his power: the forced retirement of then regime leader Snr-Gen Saw Maung on April 23, 1992, a move that "strengthened [Gen. Khin Nyunt's] position significantly," according to Maung Aung Myoe. Although Snr-Gen Than Shwe assumed the leadership of the regime at that time, he still wielded relatively little actual influence.
Over time, Gen. Khin Nyunt sought to increase his power behind the scenes by using his position as spy chief to keep the other generals in check. Under his leadership, officers in the MI were feared by those in the infantry, and the normal hierarchy was subverted. "A captain in the intelligence corps never cared about a colonel in the infantry. The commanding officer of a local intelligence battalion, a major, behaved as if he was of equal power as the regional commander, a major-general, in that region," wrote Maung Aung Myoe.
When he was in power, Gen. Khin Nyunt was incorrectly regarded by some foreign observers and diplomats as a "moderate," and when he was eventually sacked, this was seen as confirmation that he was a "softliner." Nothing, however, could have been further from the truth.
The reality was that he had spread his tentacles into every corner of the regime's affairs, and was a central player in all of its often brutal activities. He victimized not only dissidents but also any group that he saw as a threat to the junta's hold on power. Thus he was instrumental in shutting down the country's universities, reopening them only after they had been relocated to remote, ill-equipped campuses where students could no longer organize protests, or get a meaningful education.
For all he has done, U Khin Nyunt and his key subordinates deserve to face justice. Unfortunately, under the current delicate political circumstances in Myanmar, that is unlikely to happen. But until he makes amends to all those whose lives he has ruined, U Khin Nyunt will never find the peace he seeks through meditation and donations to pagodas. If justice doesn't extract its due, karma certainly will.
Kyaw Zwa Moe is the editor of the English-language edition of The Irrawaddy.
This story was first published in the January 2014 print edition of The Irrawaddy magazine.
SITTWE—Rakhine State Chief Minister U Nyi Pu has escaped uninjured following an attack on his convoy in which three mines were remotely detonated in northern Rakhine State on Tuesday evening.
The convoy which included a vehicle with the chief minister on board was traveling from Kyaukphyu through Ann when the mine blast occurred near the village of Pi Pin Yin on the outskirts of Mrauk U Township. According to the state information department, no one was injured
"No one was injured, but a vehicle was slightly damaged," U Maung Maung, head of the state's information department told The Irrawaddy.
This is the second attempted attack on U Nyi Pu—in December 2017, a roadside mine exploded not long after his motorcade passed by a spot on the Ann-Myebon Highway in Rakhine State. One army truck from an unidentified unit was hit by the blast, which resulted in four soldiers sustaining minor wounds.
Unconfirmed reports say that three mines exploded one after another as the convoy passed the attack location and one vehicle with a district administrator on board was damaged.
The Mrauk-U Township Police Force and the township administrator confirmed the mine explosions, but said that they still do not know further details.
Northern Rakhine State has been in a state of suspense for a number of weeks as the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) continue to launch attacks against each other, causing hundreds of villagers to flee for their safety and with reports of the Tatmadaw using villagers as human shields.
Late last month, the AA sent warning letters, each accompanied by a bullet round and the official AA stamp, to a local police station and a village administrator in Buthidaung Township, which is one of the armed group's active areas. The letters threatened immediate action against anyone who attempts to disrupt the AA's movement calling for a federal state.
On Wednesday morning, AA spokesperson U Khine Thukha told The Irrawaddy that his group had nothing to do with the mine attack on the chief minister's convoy as the AA has never targeted civilians. He remarked that the attack could have been masterminded by the Myanmar military who may have targeted civilian government members in order to open army front lines in Rakhine State.
"Information about a chief minister's trip is normally not in the knowledge of ordinary people. It is only known by some of those in [the chief ministers'] inner circles and military intelligence units," said U Khine Thukha.
HONG KONG—Thousands of demonstrators marched in Hong Kong on Tuesday to demand full democracy, fundamental rights, and even independence from China in the face of what many see as a marked clampdown by the Communist Party on local freedoms.
Over the past year, countries such as the United States and Britain have expressed concerns about a number of incidents they say have undermined confidence in Hong Kong’s freedoms and autonomy under Chinese rule.
These include the jailing of activists, a ban on a pro-independence political party, the de facto expulsion of a Western journalist and barring democracy activists from contesting local elections.
The New Year’s day march included calls to restart stalled democratic reforms and to fight “political repression” from Beijing.
“Looking back at the year that passed, it was a very bad year… The rule of law in Hong Kong is falling backwards,” said Jimmy Sham, one of the organizers.
Organizers said the march drew 5,500 people, revised down from an earlier estimate of 5,800, while police said 3,200 people were on the streets at the march’s peak.
The former British colony returned to Chinese rule in 1997 under a “one country, two systems” formula, with the promise of a high degree of autonomy and universal suffrage as an “ultimate aim.”
While authorities have clamped down hard on the city’s fringe, pro-independence movement, that didn’t deter around 100 independence activists from joining the march, holding up banners and chanting for the city to split from China.
China considers Hong Kong to be an inalienable part of its territory, and denounces “separatists” as a threat to national sovereignty, even though the movement has not garnered much popular backing in the city.
“There will be continuous suppression on the Hong Kong independence movement, but the movement will grow stronger and stronger,” said Baggio Leung, an independence leader who said several of his members had been harassed by purported “triads” or gangsters, before the march.
Last year, in an unprecedented move, Hong Kong authorities banned a political group, the Hong Kong National Party, for its pro-independence stance on national security grounds.
A western journalist, Victor Mallet, was also effectively expelled from Hong Kong, soon after he hosted a talk at a press club by the head of the National Party.
Mallet’s visa denial, which the government has so far refused to explain, was criticized by some foreign governments and the American Chamber of Commerce.
Some protesters carried “wanted” posters of Hong Kong’s top legal official, Theresa Cheng, criticizing a decision to drop a corruption investigation into Hong Kong’s former pro-Beijing leader Leung Chun-ying, without a satisfactory explanation.
“I’m afraid the pressure will continue,” said Joseph Cheng, a veteran rights campaigner and retired professor who was raising money for a “justice” fund for activists facing hefty legal fees for several trials.
“We’re going to face a few difficult years, but we must stand firm… Unlike in mainland China, at least we can still protest.”
BANGKOK—A Thai man shot and killed six family members, including his two young children, before killing himself after a New Year’s party, Thai police said on Tuesday.
Sucheep Sornsung, 41, came home from the party and started to quarrel with his family before the shootings, the police said. The incident took place in southern Chumphon Province.
The victims included his 6-year-old daughter and a 9-year-old, as well as two men and two women aged between 47 and 71, who were family members of Sucheep’s wife, who survived. One man was injured and survived the shooting.
“The (suspect) went to a party with his friends then came home to see his wife’s family and they started arguing before he used his gun to shoot them,” Police Major General Saharat Saksilapachai, commander of Chumphon provincial police, told Reuters.
“According to witnesses, the man did not drink a lot and we suspect that his rage came from old problems with his wife’s family,” Saharat said.
The police said Sucheep had a drug-related criminal record and had previously been jailed but there was no history of violence against his family.
Thailand has a high rate of gun ownership and gun-related death, but mass shootings are rare.
According to 2016 data from the University of Washington, Thailand had the highest reported rate of gun-related deaths out of 10 countries in Asia. It was about 50 percent higher than the Philippines, which was second on the list.
According to Thailand’s Interior Ministry, there are more than 6 million registered firearms in the country of 69 million people. But there are also many unregistered guns in circulation.
BANGKOK—Thailand’s king will be officially crowned in elaborate ceremonies on May 4-6 as the latest ruler in the centuries-old monarchy, the royal palace said on Tuesday.
King Maha Vajiralongkorn, 66, has been serving since shortly after his father died in 2016 following a 70-year reign.
“His Majesty deems it fit to hold the coronation ceremony per royal traditions for the good fortune of the nation and the kingdom, to be enjoyed by the hopeful people,” a palace statement said.
In the three-day coronation, the king will be officially crowned on May 4 and a celebration procession will be held on May 5. The king will meet the public and foreign dignitaries on May 6, the palace said.
Vajiralongkorn, also known by the title King Rama X, became Thailand’s constitutional monarch two years ago following the death of his revered father, King Bhumibol Adulyadej, on Oct. 13, 2016.
His official coronation has been delayed until after a year-long mourning period for Bhumibol, who was cremated in October 2017 in a grand royal funeral in Bangkok.
King Bhumibol was revered by Thais during his seven decades on the throne and the deep relationship between the monarchy and the military helped facilitate a smooth royal transition following his death.
Since then, Vajiralongkorn has overseen sweeping changes to royal affairs, including the running of palace finances, which were formerly managed by the government.
Thailand has been a constitutional monarchy since 1932, but the king remains supremely regarded as the spiritual protector of its people and culture.
The kingdom is due to hold elections on Feb. 24, and the current election timeline means the coronation will likely take place before a new government is formed.
The elections are meant to restore democracy after a 2014 military coup ousted an elected prime minister, though changes to the constitution in the interim ensure the military will retain a great deal of control.
