Saturday, January 19, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Is China Deliberately Sowing Discord over the Myitsone Dam?

Posted: 18 Jan 2019 11:24 PM PST

Kyaw Kha: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss Irrawaddy Myitsone, the lifeblood of Myanmar. I'm The Irrawaddy chief reporter Kyaw Kha and I'm joined by environmentalist Dr. Myint Zaw and Khon Ja of the Kachin Peace Network.

Chinese Ambassador to Myanmar Hong Liang recently visited Kachin State and claimed that some Kachin leaders support the Myitsone Dam project. In particular, the Chinese Embassy's statement [about the dam project] aroused controversy. How much has it impacted upon and caused concerns among the Kachin community?

Khon Ja: It has caused serious concerns. For example, Rev. Hkalam Samson [president of the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC)] is one of the senior Kachin leaders. He was quoted in the [Chinese Embassy's] statement as supporting the dam project. This could seriously heighten concerns among not only the Kachin community, but also people elsewhere in Myanmar. Before the Chinese Embassy released its statement, we'd already read in The Irrawaddy about Rev. Hkalam Samson's stance on the dam project. That the Chinese Embassy has said the opposite made me very worried. Why did it issue a misstatement? It caused controversy not only among the Kachin community but also among the Bamar community. And [Bamars] were really concerned that the Kachin had approved the project. They assume that [the government's] decision about the dam project will change if the Kachin approve it, because the majority of the people residing in Myitsone are Kachin.

Kyaw Kha: Dr. Myint Zaw, could you recap the reasons that people are so bitterly opposed to the Myitsone Dam project?  

Myint Zaw: This project will decide whether The Irrawaddy River survives or dies. The river is of vital importance to the entire Myanmar population. As it played a fundamental part in the birth of the nation, the possibility of sowing the seeds of its destruction makes the whole country worried. Secondly, our country has the longest-running civil war in the world. [Construction of the dam] will only deepen the hatred and grievances between Kachin and Bamar people who reside downstream. It will only contribute to perpetuating the civil war and conflict. So, the Myanmar people strongly reject it out of consideration for the future of the Irrawaddy River and for the sake of the country's future peace.

KK: So, Daw Khon Ja, you say China has not been honest in its approach regarding the Myitsone Dam project.

KJ: That's right—China has been dishonest. When the Chinese ambassador visited Kachin State in July 2016, we presented him with printouts of statements by civil society organizations [opposing the projects]. [Leaders of] political parties including U Awng Hkam [president of the Kachin Democratic Party (KDP)] staged a demonstration in front of the hotel where the Chinese ambassador was staying. But the Chinese Embassy has said the opposite about those who have publicly opposed the project. This is even more dangerous, we believe. We are worried about [China's] motives for saying this so assertively. I think it is worse than a divide-and-rule approach—I'd call it cunning. And the Chinese Embassy's statement heightened the concerns of Myitkyina locals. Now an elected government is in office. What Myitkyina residents had expected was total cancellation. But then, based on what they heard from the Chinese ambassador, they assume that the dam project has been approved. And the Myanmar government hasn't released any statement. So locals are in a fog, and this has heightened their concerns.

KK: Can you assess the negative impacts of the dam from a technical perspective?

MZ: In short, the Irrawaddy will die [if the dam is built]. This is not just an assumption; it is a conclusion based on international examples and local surveys. The Myitsone Dam will kill the Irrawaddy, and destroy the social security of millions of people who live along the river. A river flows not just to convey water, but also to preserve the balance of nature. Its ecological balance sustains the lives of the majority of farmers and fishermen in the country. The blocking of the natural flow of the river will cause huge changes in the flow of the entire river downstream. This will affect the agriculture and livestock farming of millions of people, not to mention changes in the waterway, river temperature, and erosion of riverbanks. The changes will be felt right down to the Delta. It has become clearer, according to recent international surveys, that the middle part of the river and the Delta areas will be hit hardest by the downstream impact. So it is a serious cause for concern from a technical point of view.

KK: The Chinese ambassador visited Kachin State from Dec. 28-29 and met leaders of the KBC and Kachin political parties. Before his visit, the British and U.S. ambassadors visited Kachin State. It seems that China is concerned about their visit. It seems that China doesn't want Western countries to come close to the Myanmar-China border. The Chinese ambassador reproached the leaders of the KBC and Kachin political parties regarding the visits of the ambassadors of Western countries. So, do you think Kachin State is a buffer zone in tensions between China and Western countries?

KJ: China has not provided help for displaced persons in Kachin State. There are more than 120,000 displaced persons and it is the U.K. government that has provided the most help. So, our understanding is that the British ambassador has come to review an aid program funded by his government. And USAID has provided funds regarding human rights, natural resources and the livelihoods of people across the country, including in Kachin State. China has not provided assistance in those areas. Those ambassadors do not have offices in those areas, but their aid programs are in operation there. While people are only talking about displaced persons in Rakhine State, those ambassadors came to monitor their aid programs in Kachin State. This is how we understand [their visits]. But there may be many other reasons behind their visits. At present, China seems to have total control over the formal peace process led by the government. But the U.K. and U.S. governments play no role in the process. So, we wonder if they visited Kachin State in order to adjust the balance. But it seems China will not let anyone—not only Western countries including the European Union but also international non-governmental organizations and UN agencies—affect the position it has already established. I say this because staffers of [humanitarian agencies] can't get close to the border.

MZ: As an ordinary citizen, I'd like to question the role played by China. While it says it wishes to facilitate Myanmar's peace process, what its ambassador to Myanmar has done amounts to sowing discord between the Kachin and Bamar peoples. It is not an ethical act. While the country is faced with a crisis due to the Rakhine issue, China is aggressively attempting to take advantage of it, and it is acting unethically. This is how I see it as a citizen.

KJ: [China] also sows discord between the government and the people. We have read [the Chinese side's] presentation that the economic corridor [section] of the Belt and Road Initiative [BRI] is a Myanmar government plan—that Myanmar needs it and it has to rely on China for its development and technology transfer; that the leader of the ruling party is Daw Aung San Suu Kyi; that the BRI is being implemented for the development of Myanmar; and that opposing the BRI amounts to opposing the government. This seems to be an attempt to present any opposition—for example, over the Kyaukphyu [deep-sea port] or the railroad project [that will link Kunming in China's Yunnan province with Kyaukphyu]—as an act of rebellion, forcing [the Myanmar government] to take action. And [China's] action amounts to sowing discord between party chairwoman Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the people.

KK: The previous government led by U Thein Sein suspended the dam project in response to public. People want to know whether or not Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will shelve the project. What is your assessment of this? Do you think she has changed her mind, as the Chinese ambassador has suggested?

MZ: I don't think she has changed her mind, because she also opposed the project together with the people under the U Thein Sein government. Before her first visit to China, she established an investigation commission [to assess the impact of the dam project]. The commission has not yet made an official report, but my understanding is that the commission has found more disadvantages in the project [than advantages]. We assume that the disadvantages of the dam have been presented to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. And it has become clearer according to scientific surveys that the project has more disadvantages; that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as a leader would think about how to terminate it rather than how to resume it.

KK: The Irrawaddy River is the lifeblood of Myanmar and is vital not only for the Kachin but also for the entire country. People won't accept the dam project, as it would kill the river. For a leader, accepting the dam would be political suicide. Don't you think the government should release a clear statement about it? Public concerns have grown as the government has kept silent about it. I think some people will take to the streets if the government stays silent.  

KJ: There are many causes for concern at present [in Myanmar], and this is one of the most serious. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in her election campaign, promised to disclose information about Myitsone. But she failed to do so after she came to power. People expect the complete cancellation of the Myitsone Dam project. People understand that Myanmar is heavily in debt, and are extremely concerned about how [the government] is addressing it behind the scenes. If there is no answer, those over the age of 18 will blame themselves [for having voted for the NLD]. Under U Thein Sein's government, everyone raised objections to the Myitsone Dam in unison. The majority of the people felt that the government was a quasi-government, and they therefore seriously opposed it. So, the people were more united [in their opposition to the dam project]. But now, there are many blind supporters of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We have seen people start to disagree over Myitsone. This is a real cause for concern. There may be individuals and organizations who would exploit the circumstances for political gain. And foreign countries would exploit the circumstances. This is a cause for concern to us.

KK: Myitsone was sold under the military regime. But the current government has to bear its legacy. What will be the consequences if [the government] tries to settle the issue discreetly, as Daw Khon Ja has said?

MZ: Due to opposition from the people and environmentalists, U Thein Sein's government suspended the dam project. In other words, his government protected our natural resources and national heritage by halting the project. The current government has a responsibility to protect our national landmark by terminating the project. We people have elected the current government. Even if it can't achieve much, we will forgive it, presumably. We will forgive it if it can't do a lot for national development, because we are used to struggling along the way. But, if it agrees to destroy the resources and landmarks of the country, its historical legacy will be a negative one. As it is an elected government, I hope it will leave behind a [good] legacy for the country.

KK: Thank you for your contributions!

The post Is China Deliberately Sowing Discord over the Myitsone Dam? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Education System and National Reconciliation

Posted: 18 Jan 2019 06:00 PM PST

A couple of years ago, I took an IELTS test in Yangon. The test was challenging for me, as someone who grew up in an ethnic state in which there was—and still is—little access to either formal or non-formal English-language education opportunities. By the time the test had finished, it was pouring outside, and I decided to take a taxi. The driver engaged me in conversation, but after we had exchanged just a few words, he interrupted me and said, "You have an accent. Are you an ethnic minority [tineyinthar]?" Feeling indignant, I confronted him the way any non-Burman would have. This is just a minor example of what life is like on a daily basis for non-Burman ethnic people. Such discrimination extends to every aspect of life, and yet many Burmans fail to recognize it exists, let alone actively denounce it.

To examine the root causes of the above anecdote, we need to go back to education; language and religion are embedded in the education system in Myanmar, and education contributes to identity development among students.

There exist over 130 official ethnic groups across the country. Yet the language of instruction in classrooms is Burmese, spoken by the ethnic majority Burmans. The vast majority of teachers are also Burman. As children learn better in the language they speak, the education system clearly favors ethnic Burman students, starting from kindergarten. During one of my monitoring trips to one of the northernmost townships, in which children don't hear or speak Burmese every day, I was told that a group of schoolchildren ran away from their school and homes after being disciplined and charged 200 kyats whenever they were caught speaking their own language at school. Usually, non-Burman ethnic children in rural areas do not speak Burmese well until they are in middle school. This is just one example of many showing that imposing the Burmese language on them can, even if unintentionally, result in animosity toward the Burmese language and Burmans as a whole. In the worst-case scenario, such enforcement may also be viewed as forced linguistic assimilation.

Religion is another lingering factor when it comes to education and national identity. To discuss one example, many people born in the 1980s and early '90s will remember memorizing the lesson Two Parrot Brothers [Kyay Nyi Naung] among their other primary school lessons. In the story, two parrot brothers caught in a storm end up in the hands of different people: a thief and a hermit. The moral lesson is beautiful and sincere, but it is worth asking why moral lessons derived from stories from other ethnic groups and religious communities are not found in the school curriculum. The Two Parrot Brothers asserts the moral legitimacy of Buddhism; thus, it may also imply the illegitimacy of other religions in the country, framing students' perspectives from a young age through a Buddhist Burman worldview.

In their study Language, Education and the Peace Process in Myanmar, South and Lall (2016) note that the curriculum is used as a "political tool to shape identities", and that "in fact, many young Bamar think that in order to become a citizen of Myanmar (Burmese), you have to be a Buddhist." This is sad and alarming, and it shows how fertile the ground is for religious and ethnic conflicts. The Rohingya issue serves as a glaring example of what happens when such notions are embedded in the curriculum. Islam is not the only religion that—if not today—may potentially be viewed as a threat to "Myanmar identity or citizenship" in the future. For example, Denis D. Gray wrote in a news report for The Associated Press on March 16, 2018 that Kachin State, where the Kachin community is over 90 percent Christian, has one of the most dense distributions of Buddhist pagodas in Myanmar. Similarly, Chin State, 90% of whose native population believe in Christianity, is also facing "state-sponsored" pressure to abandon the religion.

When it comes to social issues such as education and poverty, one of the most clichéd responses from ethnic Burmans is that they too are suffering and being denied their rights, just as other minority groups are. This the most obvious form one encounters of the denial of the institutionalized discrimination non-Burmans have been experiencing since independence from the British in 1948.

When generating a solution to a problem, the key is to recognize the problem as it is. While ethnic minorities fear the loss of their cultural, linguistic and religious identities, which are under serious threat from Burmese culture, language and Buddhism expansion, Burmans have never, since independence, experienced such fear. For non-Burmans, it is a matter of cultural and linguistic survival. It is undeniable that Burmans are also fighting against oppression and all kinds of political injustices in Burman-dominated areas. However, while Burmans are struggling for greater political justice, non-Burmans are struggling for survival—survival versus greater political justice. In other words, while ethnic minorities lack and demand basic rights as citizens of Myanmar, Burmans, whose culture, language, and religion are dominating others, have paid little attention to the cries of the ethnic minorities, whose rights have been constantly denied by the government and neglected by the Burmans.

It is worth noting that it is because of the non-Burman ethnic people that the Union was founded in the first place. Often, Burmans understand little about "the realities experienced by their ethnic minority brethren" (South and Lall, 2016). Thus, it may be unwise for Burmans to oversimplify non-Burmans' struggle for survival.

In brief, the identities, languages and religious beliefs of non-Burman ethnic groups are subjected to serious challenges and threats every day. Through public education and the enforced expansion of Buddhism into ethnic areas, Burmans are being conditioned to devalue the existence, rights and legitimacy of ethnic minorities. With such Burman values imposed on ethnic minority groups, and until the Burman-dominated education system is reformed to recognize the existence of other ethnic groups' existence, rights and legitimacy, national reconciliation will be next to impossible. If true national reconciliation is to be achieved, the necessary first step is for educated Burmans to recognize the lived experiences of ethnic minorities and to proactively start to speak out against those injustices stated above. This may serve as a first step toward discovering a "silver bullet" for resolving national reconciliation issues.

Kyaw Htut Aung is a pseudonym for a Kachin analyst doing his master's degree in education abroad. He has worked as a volunteer in the educational field in remote areas of Shan and Kachin states.

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Friday, January 18, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

AA Must Give Up Goal of Confederation: Myanmar Military

Posted: 18 Jan 2019 06:37 AM PST

The Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) said peace talks with the Arakan Army would be able to move forward only when the AA changes its political view and gives up its goal of Rakhine becoming part of a confederation of states.

Tatmadaw leaders held a press conference regarding the current situation in Rakhine State and the ongoing peace process in Naypyitaw on Friday.

"It depends on the AA whether they join the path of political negotiation," said Major-General Soe Naing Oo, the chairman of the Tatmadaw's True News Information Team, on whether the Tatmadaw would hold political negotiations with the group.

"We will think about whether to move forward, depending on the AA's actions," he said. "They have spoken of a confederation [as their preferred political system], but that is the opposite direction from the current path to building a democratic federal union that the government, Tatmadaw and the people have agreed upon."

He reiterated the Tatmadaw's stance that the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA)—agreement on which was achieved after many hurdles had been overcome—has all the elements needed to build a democratic federal union.

The Tatmadaw announced a unilateral ceasefire applying to its five Military Commands in the north and northeast of Myanmar on Dec. 21 after three ethnic armed groups (EAOs) released a statement claiming they would give up armed struggle and seek a political settlement. The groups were the Ta'ang Nationalities Liberation Army (TNLA), the AA and Kokang-based Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA).

However, fighting between the Tatmadaw and AA troops continues in western Myanmar. Tensions mounted after the AA attacked police outposts in Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township on Jan. 4.

There were more than 170 clashes between the AA and the Tatmadaw's troops between March 2015 and Jan. 16 of this year. Some 60 AA soldiers and undisclosed numbers of Tatmadaw soldiers have died in the clashes, and the Tatmadaw has seized weapons and ammunitions from the AA, according to Major -General Tun Tun Nyi, the vice chair of the Tatmadaw's True News Information Team.

He declined to reveal the number of casualties sustained by the Tatmadaw, saying the Tatmadaw "does not release such data on casualties unnecessarily" while operations are ongoing.

The AA has consistently published information on captured soldiers or police and seized ammunition and weaponry over the past four years, releasing pictures and videos. According to the group, dozens of Myanmar military soldiers have been killed.

On Friday, Tatmadaw generals justified the exclusion of the Western Military Command from their truce by saying that Rakhine is still under threat from the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, adding that they do not consider the AA to be based in Rakhine.

"The AA was initiated in the Laiza area" in the Kachin Independence Army's stronghold "and still based there, thus the truce was intended for the northern and northeast based EAOs," said Maj-Gen. Tun Tun Nyi.

He said the Tatmadaw is acting to prevent further attacks by ARSA in the west, particularly in the
Mayu mountains, near Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships, where ARSA launched coordinated attacks against Border Guard Police outposts in October 2016 and August 2017.

The Army would "completely destroy ARSA, if they happen to enter into these areas," he said.

Another spokesperson, Brigadier-General Zaw Min Tun, added that engagements between the Tatmadaw and troops belonging to EAOs are between combatants, which are different from attacks upon police.

"Police are not combatants. Thus the AA took advantage, like ARSA, by attacking outposts with less security [in Rakhine State]… and it is an attack on the government mechanism," he added

Thus, the generals said they were following instruction by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to destroy the insurgency, as the AA were regarded as insurgents.

The Army quoted Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, saying that, "State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said the AA is an insurgent group at a meeting on Jan. 7 at the Presidential House. She instructed us to effectively crush the AA and if not, there will be finger-pointing that [the Tatmadaw] does not crush the AA as it is an ethnic group, but it crushed ARSA, who practice a different religion."

It added "The President's Office order on Jan. 4 instructed the Tatmadaw to coordinate with the police and to use more military force and to use military aircraft to crack down on the AA."

The generals said that while the Tatmadaw has the right to act independently under Chapter 7 of the Constitution (which confers upon the Commander in Chief the right to exercise absolute power to safeguard the country), they would work together with the government when important matters come up.

Article 339 of Chapter 7 states that "The Defense Services shall lead in safeguarding the Union against all internal and external dangers."

Seven and a half years of fighting between the Tatmadaw and EAOs in the northeast, north and west have left some 180,000 internally displaced people sheltering in some 167 camps in government-controlled areas, according to the Tatmadaw. There are another more than 37,000 IDPs are taking shelter in EAO-controlled areas.

The officers also talked about the Tatmadaw's stance on the current peace process. Regarding the issues of a single army and self-determination, Maj-Gen. Soe Naing Oo added that the Tatmadaw stands firmly by its policy that there can be only one Army, as in any other country. It said the issue of self-determination would have to be resolved in accordance with the NCA.

In addition, the general reiterated the Tatmadaw's policy towards the EAOs by saying that, "We want to officially tell the EAOs that if they want to take part in politics, they must disown armed struggle and form political parties; if they want to enter business, they must establish a company, and if they want to protect the country—join the Army."

The generals reaffirmed that the Tatmadaw firmly intends to achieve peace for the people by 2020, as the Army chief envisioned one-and-a-half years ago.

However, fighting continues between EAOs based in Shan State despite the announcement of a four-month truce. There was one engagement between the Tatmadaw and the RCSS near Mong Pan on Dec. 27; the Tatmadaw accused the RCSS of attacking one of its military columns.

The generals added that they had fulfilled the demands of the ethnic groups that the Tatmadaw initiate a unilateral ceasefire, which had started with five military commands, but added, "look what is happening now" in the northeast, citing that the inter-ethnic fighting.

The Army said troop movements by almost every EAO in the region—RCSS, SSPP, KIA, TNLA, MNDAA and UWSA—continued. They accused some EAOs of conducting new recruitment of local residents and extorting money.

The Tatmadaw added that it had been wrongly blamed for the interethnic fighting in Shan State, where the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and the Ta'ang Nationalities Liberation Army (TNLA), Shan State Progressive Party/Shan State Army North (SSPP/SSAN) are fighting, as well as the Pa'O National Liberation Organization.

EAOs often accuse the Tatmadaw of using a divide and rule policy in states with different EAOs and local militia groups.

Citing the continuous clashes in Shan State, the Tatmadaw warned the EAOs that if any of the groups violated section 5, 6 and 7 of its truce, they would take the necessary actions.

Section 5 urges all EAOs to "comply with four of its policies: to respect the ceasefire agreements, not to exploit the peace agreements, not to burden local residents, and to abide by existing laws. In section 6, the Tatmadaw urges "the EAOs not to have interethnic fighting and not to cause a burden to the local residents." In section 7, the Tatmadaw says, "EAOs must take responsibility not to destroy the government's administrative mechanism, not to damage the livelihoods of the people and to ensure safety in road transport."

"The Army won't tolerate any violations of these section 5, 6 and 7," added Maj-Gen. Soe Naing Oo.

As regards the rise of demands for a confederation and having their own states made by some minority ethnic groups like the AA and Kachin groups based in exile, the Tatmadaw made it clear that it "won't tolerate damaging the Three National Causes."

The post AA Must Give Up Goal of Confederation: Myanmar Military appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Four Years on, Justice Yet to be Found for Kachin Teachers Raped and Murdered 

Posted: 18 Jan 2019 05:14 AM PST

Justice is yet to be found in the case of the two Kachin schoolteachers who were raped and killed in their hut in Kaung Kha Village of Kutkai Township, Shan State as the police continue to investigate the case four years on.

But the case is not forgotten in the hearts of the Kachin community. The families, mentors and colleagues of the victims will hold a memorial service for the two volunteer teachers, Maran Lu Ra and Tangbau Hkawn Nan Tsin, in Kaung Kha on Saturday to mark four years since their murder.

Both women were 20 years old and worked with the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) to provide education to children in the region, when they were murdered on Jan. 19, 2015.

At the time of the incident, soldiers from the Myanmar Army's Infantry Battalion 503 were present in the small village and 28 soldiers were suspected of involvement in the double murder. But the KBC was since told that each of the soldiers' DNA had been tested and that they did not match that found on the bodies.

Brang Dee, a lawyer from the Kachin Lawyers Network which provides legal advice to the KBC, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that the case is "still in the investigation stage as the culprits have not yet been identified and it is not able to bring charges."

The KBC has been consistently calling for justice for these two Kachin women, but have not yet been able find get it.

"Even though it has been four years, we feel like it was yesterday. It was an act against our whole ethnic community," said Rev. Hkalam Sam Sun, chairman of the KBC in a message to the public on Tuesday.

He added, "I was told to forget about these volunteer teachers' cases by a [Myanmar Military] commander last year. I told him that as Christians, we know well about forgiveness and having patience and letting go of pain, but we must work to get the truth. We want to reveal who the culprits are."

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Police Investigate Suspected Burglary of Ancient Pagoda in Bago Region

Posted: 18 Jan 2019 04:49 AM PST

PROME, Bago Region — Police in Bago Region are investigating the suspected burglary of an ancient pagoda in the World Heritage site of Sri Ksetra but say nothing was stolen.

Sri Ksetra was one of three walled and moated cities of the Pyu Kingdom — which flourished for more than 1,000 years between 200 BC and A.D. 900 — inscribed on the World Heritage List in 2014. The pagoda in question is believed to have been built between A.D. 4 and 9.

"The security guard reported to us after he spotted broken bricks on the top of the Lay Myet Hnar pagoda while patrolling along the heritage zone yesterday," Lieutenant Zeya Lin, of Prome Township’s Police Station No. 3, told The Irrawaddy on Friday.

"So we have opened a case under Section 26 of the Protection and Preservation of Cultural Regions Law. We will identify the vandals," he added.

U Soe Min, assistant director of the Department of Archaeology, National Museum and Library for Sri Ksetra, told The Irrawaddy that there was nothing valuable inside the temple.

Lay Myet Hnar pagoda, in Bago Region, as seen from the top. / Kaung Myat Min / The Irrawaddy

"It must be connected with smuggling of artefacts in the zone," he said of the suspected burglary, adding that his department has received reports of artefact trafficking in the area but yet to catch anyone.

"We are cooperating with police to prevent this," he said.

A waterproof concrete layer on top of the pagoda was damaged, but it is not part of the original structure, said U Soe Min.

"The temple is ancient heritage, but the waterproof concrete layer is not. It was done before [Sri Ksetra] was inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List. It is not original concrete. But [damaging it] is still an offence under the law," he said.

In November, signboards and a bridge in the zone were vandalized, a visitor’s motorbike was stolen, and a couple was robbed by a group of men. The vandalism was the first of its kind in a decade, prompting the Archeology Department to start nighttime patrols.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Exile Group Declares ‘Independence’ for Kachin State

Posted: 18 Jan 2019 03:42 AM PST

The Kachin National Organization (KNO), a Kachin exile group, ended its conference in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand early this week with an announcement declaring Kachin to be an independent country.

Over 200 Kachin community leaders including rights activists and representatives of political parities and literary and cultural organizations attended the three-day conference from Jan. 12-14. The delegates unanimously decided to declare independence for Kachin.

Naw Latt, a spokesperson for the KNO, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that, "When we look at the situation in Kachin State, including political conflicts, armed conflicts and Kachin refugees, we are not happy about it."

He added: "The central government has not delivered the political rights sought by the Kachin people. The Army has even blocked humanitarian aid to our refugees. We made this decision to announce our independence after analyzing the situation in Kachin State. All representatives at the meeting agreed to declare Kachin an independent country," he said.

Most ethnic Kachin live in northern Myanmar near the Chinese border. Under British rule before independence, the Kachin were to allowed to govern their own affairs to a large extent.

"We have a history of ruling our own region. Therefore, the Kachin will have no problem establishing our own independent country," Naw Latt said.

The announcement was met with heavy criticism on Facebook. Kachin residents of Myitkyina reported that Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) helicopters could be seen flying above the town and Laiza yesterday. Some locals interpreted this as a sign that the Tatmadaw and government were displeased by the KNO's announcement.

Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, the chairman of the Kachin Democratic Party (KDP) based in Myitkyina, said his party didn't attend the meeting in Chiang Mai, but he heard that other Kachin political parties had attended.

"They announced independence. But the KNO was acting on its own authority. Personally, I think they should consult ethnic Kachin residing in Kachin State. They should have held a referendum before announcing this. Then it would have a strong impact," Gumgrawng Awng Hkam said.

He did not consider Kachin to be independent as a result of the announcement, he said.

The KNO's use of the word "independence" in its announcement caught the attention many Kachin in the state, according to Gumgrawng Awng Hkam.

Before the country won independence from the British in 1947, Kachin leaders asked the Union government to let them rule their own region as an independence state, but the central government has never allowed that to happen, Gumgrawng Awng Hkam said.

"It is quite natural for the people. They want independence for their region. But there are those who agree with the KNO statement and those who disagree," he said.

Kachin State did not yet have the structures required for independence, Naw Latt said, though he added that Kachin leaders could learn the necessary procedures from the international community.

In the past, when Shan groups announced independence for Shan State, it prompted the Myanmar government and Army to take action against them.

Instead of taking similar action, Naw Latt said, the government should consider its response to the KNO announcement carefully because the Kachin living in Kachin State itself are suffering. The government needs to find the best solution for the Kachin issue, he said, otherwise, the people will take matters into their own hands.

On his Facebook account, General Gun Maw from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) posted a comment by Khin Zaw Oo, a former Myanmar Army general who serves as the Myanmar Peace Commission's secretary, in which he asked the KIO for its view on the KNO's announcement. Gen. Gun Maw responded that Khin Zaw Oo should ask the KNO directly.

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Irrawaddy Region Deputy Speaker Submits Resignation

Posted: 18 Jan 2019 12:30 AM PST

PATHEIN—The deputy speaker of the Irrawaddy regional parliament has handed his resignation to parliament following his expulsion from the National League for Democracy (NLD) for the alleged misappropriation of funds.

"He has verbally asked to me to allow him to resign, but I haven't approved his resignation," Irrawaddy Region parliamentary speaker U Aung Kyaw Khaing told The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy regional chapter of the ruling party will hold a meeting with U San Min Aung which will also be attended by U Myo Nyunt, a member of the NLD's central. A decision on U San Min Aung's resignation will be made during the meeting, said U Aung Kyaw Khaing.

The Irrawaddy has not been able to contact U San Min Aung for his comments.

Following the filing of a complaint by a Pathein resident against deputy speaker U San Min Aung, who allegedly embezzled government funds in the purchase of five vehicles for the regional parliament, the NLD party launched an internal investigation into the case in December, leading to his dismissal following a meeting of the party's central executive committee on Jan. 13.

U Myo Nyunt, who is also a spokesperson for the NLD, said that the ruling party would inform the Irrawaddy regional parliament and the national anti-graft body of the financial matters of U San Min Aung so that necessary action can be taken against him.

"They may take necessary action according to their procedures depending on our report," U Myo Nyunt told The Irrawaddy.

U San Min Aung, 38, worked as a lawyer before his success in the 2015 election in Bogale Township, Irrawaddy Region after which he was appointed deputy parliamentary speaker.

The post Irrawaddy Region Deputy Speaker Submits Resignation appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Sets Date For Municipal Elections

Posted: 17 Jan 2019 10:33 PM PST

YANGON — Municipal elections will be held in Yangon on March 31, according to the city’s Municipal Election Commission.

The elections will be held under the new Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC) Law, which came into effect on June 28 and supplements the 2013 Municipal Law.

There will be a total of 105 seats up for grabs, 99 at the township level — three seats each in 33 townships — and six for the YCDC's executive board, U Aung Khine, chairman of the Municipal Election Commission, told reporters on Wednesday.

The YCDC's executive board initially consisted of nine members — the mayor, four appointed members and four elected individuals — but has been expanded to add two more elected positions.

One of the six elected members will become the vice mayor, a post created by the new law to ease the workload of the mayor of Myanmar's largest city and commercial capital.

Candidates are to submit applications to contest the elections from Jan. 18 to 28, said U Aung Khine. Candidates for township-level positions are allowed to spend up to 10 million kyats ($6,519) while those running for the executive board may spend twice that, he added.

The list of qualified candidates will be announced in the second week of February. According to eligibility criteria, candidates must have been born to Myanmar citizens, must be more than 25 years old, must have lived for three consecutive years in the township they intend to represent, must not owe taxes to the YCDC, and must be loyal to the country.

Myanmar Army personnel and their family members who live in cantonments, as well as police and their family members who live in police staff quarters, are barred from casting votes in the election, according to the Municipal Election Commission.

Yangon saw its first-ever municipal elections in December 2014.

One month after the National League for Democracy took office in April 2016, the Yangon mayor announced that the YCDC by-laws had been amended so that the elected members' terms coincided with the government’s.

The Yangon chief minister then sent notices of dismissal to the sitting elected members, who had assumed they would serve until the next election.

The new YCDC Law, unlike its previous version, allows for the replacement and recall of appointed and elected members.

According to the new law, the term of the committee coincides with that of the president, and municipal elections must be held within three months of a new government taking office.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Yangon Sets Date For Municipal Elections appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thai Universities Tap into Rising Chinese Demand

Posted: 17 Jan 2019 09:05 PM PST

BANGKOK—Chinese national Cherry He Ting rattles off in fluent Thai as she presents her masters thesis ahead of graduating from a Bangkok university, where she has studied for the past three and a half years.

The 28-year-old history student is among thousands of Chinese who join Thai universities every year, according to Thai government data, which shows their annual enrolment numbers have doubled since 2012.

Hit by years of declining enrolment of Thai students, the institutions are scrambling to meet this recent surge in demand as Chinese students look for alternatives to Western schools.

Chada Triamvithaya, an academic at King Mongkut’s Institute of Technology Ladkrabang who has been researching Chinese migration patterns in Thailand, said universities currently make twice the amount in tuition fees from Chinese students as they do from locals.

“Apart from private universities, state universities, even one for Buddhist monks, are now creating courses aimed at attracting Chinese students. It is all about the money,” she said, adding that the lure of rising Chinese demand in Thai education has already attracted Chinese investment into the sector.

Thai universities offer more affordable overseas study for Chinese students, compared with more popular destinations like Australia, the United States and Britain, Diane Hu, assistant professor at Beijing Foreign Studies University told Reuters.

Many of these Chinese students come from the largely rural, southern provinces, hoping to escape a highly competitive but poor education system back home and land well-paying jobs in Southeast Asia’s second biggest economy.

“Further interest in southern provinces can be attributed to heightened trade ties between the two countries and Belt and Road-driven initiatives,” Hu said.

China’s Belt and Road program promotes expanding land and sea links between Asia, Africa and Europe, with billions of dollars pledged for infrastructure development.

Chinese students say Thailand offers better prospects because of lower tuition fees and friendlier visa rules than in the West.

Studying for an undergraduate business degree costs up to 120,000 baht ($3,700) a year in Thailand, while tuition fees for a similar course can range from $8,000 in Singapore to over $60,000 a year at some US universities.

Chinese students are also facing greater scrutiny in countries like the United States, where the Trump administration is considering new background checks and other restrictions over growing espionage concerns.

“If I work here I will have more opportunities than where I came from,” said Cherry, who first arrived in Chiang Rai in northern Thailand almost eight years ago as an exchange student.

She said she arrived by boat on the Mekong River from her hometown of Jinghong in southern China. She first studied tourism management at a university in Bangkok before doing a master degree in history at another university.

As many as 8,455 Chinese students enrolled in Thai universities in 2017, twice that in 2012. The total is as high as 30,000 across the country, according to research by the AsiaResearch Center for Migration at Chualongkorn University.

'Soft power'

Thai universities rank well below those in neighbors like Singapore and Malaysia, according to the Times Higher Education World University Ranking, both those countries have schools among Asia’s top 50 whereas Thailand’s top institution, Mahidol University, has slipped nearly 30 places in recent years to rank near 100 out of 400 schools across Asia.

Chinese demand has risen in spite of this, and both private and state universities now hope that rising foreign enrolment will help bring in more revenue and improve the quality of education.

“Chinese students are part of the soft power assertion of China into Thailand,” said Chada at King Mongkut’s Institute of Technology, adding the rising number of students has been followed by a rise in Chinese teachers, translators, and academics getting more jobs in the Thai education sector.

Woraphong Dechasasawat, the vice president of one of the country’s largest Chinese-language business schools, says the institution aims to find students from among the roughly three million Chinese who would struggle to find university placement back home each year.

“There will always be demand when you talk about China, it is about how ready are we in adapting to it,” he said.

Part of Dhurakij Pundit, one of the country’s largest private universities, the school started with 23 Chinese students in 2010 and now hosts about 3,700.

Some Chinese investors have even invested in private universities like Bangkok’s Krirk university, with plans to introduce more courses aimed at the Chinese market, according to media.

Many researchers believe this trend will continue as China looks to expand its influence across Southeast Asia and beyond.

“The Belt and Road initiative has led to more Chinese students going to study along its corridors in the past year through government scholarships,” Aksornsri Phanishsarn, an economist at Thammasat University told Reuters.

“But Thailand has seen its own surge as well due to large trade and tourism between the two countries,” said Aksornsri.

The post Thai Universities Tap into Rising Chinese Demand appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Vietnam Prepares for Kim Jong Un Visit Amid Talk of Second Summit With Trump

Posted: 17 Jan 2019 09:01 PM PST

HANOI — Hanoi is preparing to receive North Korean leader Kim Jong Un for a state visit, two sources told Reuters, while officials and diplomats said Vietnam is keen to host a second summit between Kim and U.S. President Donald Trump.

A source familiar with the matter said Kim will travel to Vietnam for an official state visit after the Feb. 4-8 Lunar New Year. A separate source confirmed Kim’s visit but did not give any dates.

The United States and North Korea are holding high-level talks in Washington this week to discuss a second meeting between Trump and Kim to seek an “interim” deal to revitalize nuclear talks, U.S. and South Korean media have said.

Communist-ruled Vietnam, which has good relations with both the United States and North Korea, has been widely touted as the most likely venue for a second meeting.

The Southeast Asian country is keen to host the summit as a demonstration of its normalized ties with the United States, its foe during the Vietnam War, a Vietnamese government official and two diplomatic sources told Reuters.

The Vietnamese source did not confirm if a state visit by Kim would be combined with a U.S.-North Korean summit.

Media is heavily censored in Vietnam and the ruling Communist Party retains a tight control on information. The officials who spoke to Reuters did so on the strict condition of anonymity, citing the sensitivity of the situation.

Vietnam’s foreign ministry did not respond to a request from Reuters for comment.

A U.S. Embassy spokeswoman in Hanoi said the embassy did not have anything to announce regarding the summit location, and referred questions to the White House.

Trump told reporters in Washington on Jan. 6 that the United States and North Korea were “negotiating a location” for a second summit and that “it will be announced probably in the not too distant future.” White House officials have declined to comment further.

Kim and Trump met for a historic summit in Singapore in June, but have since struggled to make progress towards denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.

Top North Korean officials, including former spy chief Kim Yong Chol, were seen at Beijing airport on Thursday and are believed to be headed to the United States for meetings with Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and possibly Trump.

Asked about a possible high-level meeting this week, a State Department spokesman said: “We have no meetings to announce.”

“A1 visit” in Danang

Both Hanoi and the central Vietnam city of Danang have been viewed by analysts as possible locations for a second summit.

A senior Danang-based official said the city had not been asked to host such an event, but had received instructions to prepare for a possible “A1” visit, referring to a high-profile foreign leader.

A senior South Korean official earlier told Reuters that the United States has “various options” on the location, which would be decided after consultations with North Korea, while another official said that Vietnam is only one of the countries keen to host the summit.

Vietnam, which rose from the ashes of a victorious but costly war with the United States and transformed itself into one of Asia’s fastest-growing economies, has developed close strategic ties with Washington.

In 2016, Washington ended a decades-old arms embargo on Vietnam, and last year a U.S. aircraft carrier visited Vietnam for the first time since the end of the Vietnam War.

Vietnam’s exports to the United States, its largest export market, rose 14.3 percent last year to $47.53 billion, accounting for nearly 20 percent of Vietnam’s total exports.

North Korea can learn from Vietnam’s experience in building ties with the United States, said Le Dang Doanh, a Vietnamese economist and former government adviser who has given lectures to North Korean delegations visiting Vietnam.

“They asked a lot about how Vietnam can normalize relations with the United States after losing so many Vietnamese lives during the war,” Doanh said. “I told them we never forget the past, but we also look to the future.”

The post Vietnam Prepares for Kim Jong Un Visit Amid Talk of Second Summit With Trump appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Job Jitters Mount as China’s Factories Sputter Ahead of Lunar New Year

Posted: 17 Jan 2019 08:42 PM PST

DONGGUAN/HONG KONG — Wang Zhishen was thrilled when Danish shipper A.P. Moller-Maersk gave him two months’ paid leave, relishing the chance to spend time with his wife and daughters in China’s remote northwestern Gansu Province.

But his euphoria over what he thought was an unexpected bonus quickly turned to despair when Maersk fired Wang on Jan. 3, less than a month after he packed his bags in the southern Chinese manufacturing center of Dongguan.

Wang said he was one of 2,000 workers laid off at the company’s Dongguan transport container factory, which has been idle since early December, as the impact of a trade war between Washington and Beijing ripples through industries from logistics to autos and technology.

“I was sure it was a holiday,” said Wang, 35, who said he worked as a painter at Maersk for nearly six years until he was sacked two weeks ago via China’s WeChat messaging service.

Maersk, the world’s biggest container shipper, confirmed in an email to Reuters it had laid off 2,000 workers through “one-on-one” phone calls and WeChat messages.

In November, the company warned the trade war between China and the United States would hit demand for container shipping as the volume of goods shipped slides.

Two subsidiaries of China’s COSCO Shipping, in a direct response to the trade war, have reduced the number of vessels in Guangdong, causing a plunge in regional shipping freight turnover, according to Guangdong’s statistics bureau.

“I heard most container factories started letting people go on leave early this year, so I felt it was normal for us to have a few more days off as well,” said Wang, who earned a base salary of 3,900 yuan ($574) per month.

Around the Lunar New Year holiday, this year scheduled for early February, millions of Chinese, including tens of thousands of migrant workers, travel back home for family reunions in what is the world’s largest annual human migration.

While many factories traditionally close ahead of China’s most important holiday, Reuters interviews with more than a dozen workers, business owners, labor activists and trade lawyers revealed businesses are shutting earlier than usual this year as the prolonged trade war curtails orders.

A recent Reuters visit to three once-thriving towns in Dongguan in Guangdong Province showed clear signs of a slowdown. Scores of shops and restaurants were shuttered, some factories idled and many up for rent.

Danny Lau, a Hong Kong factory owner in Dongguan, said some businesses had closed around 40 days ahead of Lunar New Year.

“Dongguan used to be bursting with factory workers but now with factories gone, people are gone as well,” one taxi driver told Reuters.

“This complex used to be full of workers, eating and chatting when they got off work. Now look at this,” he said, pointing to empty dark alleys in an open air dining place one recent weekday evening.

Exports fall

The slowdown comes as data on Monday showed China’s exports unexpectedly fell the most in two years in December and imports also contracted, pointing to further weakness in the world’s second-largest economy in 2019.

Policy sources told Reuters last week China plans to set a lower economic growth target of 6-6.5 percent this year compared with last year’s target of “around” 6.5 percent.

A recent UBS China survey of 200 manufacturing companies with significant export business or supply to exporters revealed the trade war has had a negative impact on 63 percent of those businesses.

A quarter of those affected have cut jobs, 37 percent have moved production out of China in the past 12 months, while 33 percent plan to move in the next six to 12 months.

China’s giant manufacturing sector was already under pressure from rising labor costs, tighter regulations and a shift towards higher-end production and domestic consumption. But the risk of more and higher U.S. tariffs on Chinese goods has seen the trend rapidly accelerate as more companies look to move supply chains away from China.

U.S. President Donald Trump has vowed to increase tariffs on $200 billion worth of Chinese imports on March 2 if Beijing fails to take steps to protect U.S. intellectual property and allow more market access for U.S. businesses, among other steps.

The two sides held face-to-face talks last week, with Trump hailing “tremendous success” and Chinese officials noting “progress,” but few details have been made public.

Slowdown building

Guangdong, home to more than 100 million people, is China’s biggest provincial economy, with its $1.3 trillion GDP comparable to that of Australia or Spain. A slowdown in Guangdong bodes ill for other export-oriented provinces along the Chinese coast, and would also drag on national growth should the trade war persist.

“As a major export province, Guangdong’s economy has been greatly affected by the trade war,” said Shenzhen-based independent economist Song Qinghui. “Many enterprises have suffered from bleak business, orders have fallen sharply, and the number of factories deciding to shut down their business is not in minority.”

Determining the scale of the slowdown through data is difficult, however, given Guangdong Province recently stopped publishing a monthly economic indicator that gauges manufacturing growth momentum.

Other data shows Guangdong’s manufacturing workforce dropped more than 6 percent in the third quarter of last year to 12.71 million from a year earlier.

In a further bearish sign, the value of export orders to the United States signed in November at China’s largest trade fair in Guangdong dropped 30.3 percent on the year.

“If you are servicing a U.S. brand, U.S. market, then of course the company will be in very deep trouble,” said Sunny Tan, deputy chairman of the Federation of Hong Kong Industries, which represents more than 30,000 Hong Kong-owned factories in China’s Pearl River Delta.

While some may not be hurting badly financially right now, “they know it’s going south,” he added.

Runaway bosses

As orders trickle in and some production lines grind to a halt, many businesses have cut hours and done away with overtime.

“Without overtime, we don’t have much salary left if you deduct social security and food. All we care about is the tangible money that we can see,” said Ye Minghua, 25, a worker at Kam Pin Industrial Ltd, which has a metal-coating factory in Dongguan.

Around a fifth of the factory’s 200 employees have already left for the holidays, while some production lines have been suspended, said King Lau, assistant to the managing director at Kam Pin.

New orders were expected to fall by 30 percent if tariffs are increased to 25 percent in March, he added.

More factories are likely to shutter their gates for good over the next few weeks, with industry watchers forecasting some owners, unable to bear the hefty cost of bankruptcy, will simply disappear.

“It’s tough to close down a manufacturing factory in China these days … it’s easier to bail,” said trade lawyer Sally Peng of Sandler, Travis & Rosenberg. “After Chinese New Year, when all the workers go, they may not come back.”

The post Job Jitters Mount as China’s Factories Sputter Ahead of Lunar New Year appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China’s Envoy to Canada Says Huawei 5G Ban Would Have Repercussions

Posted: 17 Jan 2019 08:39 PM PST

OTTAWA—China’s envoy to Canada on Thursday warned Ottawa there would be repercussions if it banned technology firm Huawei Technologies Co Ltd from supplying equipment to Canadian 5G networks, the latest blast in a deepening bilateral dispute.

Ambassador Lu Shaye, speaking at a news conference, did not give details. Canada is currently studying the security implications of 5G networks, but unlike some allies has not announced Huawei equipment will be excluded.

“If the Canadian government does ban Huawei from participating in the 5G network, then as for what kind of repercussion there will be, I'm not sure, but I believe there will be repercussions,” Lu said through an interpreter, urging Ottawa to “make a wise decision on this issue.”

Relations between China and Canada turned frosty last month after Canadian authorities arrested Meng Wanzhou, chief financial officer of Huawei, on a US extradition request.

China subsequently detained two Canadian citizens, and this month a court retried a Canadian man who previously had been found guilty of drug smuggling, and sentenced him to death.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau accused Beijing of arbitrarily using the death penalty and called world leaders to solicit their support.

Lu said when Canadian Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland goes to the World Economic Forum in Davos next week she should avoid “microphone diplomacy” and not try to rally support.

“If Canada has a sincerity of resolving these issues, then Canada will not do such things. We hope Canada thinks twice before making any actions,” he said.

In response, Freeland said Canada had no intention of changing its approach.

“We will continue to speak every day with our allies about this situation,” she told reporters on the sidelines of a cabinet retreat in Sherbrooke, Quebec.

She declined to give details about the review into 5G technology. A Canadian source directly familiar with the case said the study would not be released in the immediate future.

Huawei has a relatively small Canadian operation, employing just shy of 1,000 people. But the company said early this year it had become the 25th largest research and development funder in Canada, thanks to partnerships with local universities.

On Wednesday, a bipartisan group of US lawmakers introduced bills that would ban the sale of US chips or other components to Huawei, ZTE Corp or other Chinese firms that violate US sanctions or export control laws.

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Thursday, January 17, 2019

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Commerce Ministry Director General Dismissal Not Over Corruption

Posted: 17 Jan 2019 04:43 AM PST

NAYPYITAW—Deputy Commerce Minister U Aung Htoo said the dismissal of a director-general from his ministry on the orders of President U Win Myint earlier this week was not connected with corruption.

U Yan Naing Tun, the director-general of the Trade Department overseen by the Commerce Ministry, was sacked on Monday and rumors have since been spreading that he was dismissed for corruption.

He was transferred from the military—where he served as a lieutenant-colonel—to the government, spending a number of years in charge of the border trade department in Muse, a key border trade zone on the Myanmar-China border. He later became director-general of the Trade Department under the government of the National League for Democracy (NLD).

"Somebody made a complaint against him over the lack of transparency in his supplying of sugar [to private companies] for industrial purposes. An internal investigation was launched in response. When we submitted our findings to the President's Office, it dismissed him according to the law," U Aung Htoo told The Irrawaddy on Thursday.

"But it was nothing to do with corruption. He violated the code of conduct for civil servants. We presented our findings to the President's Office and it took action," he added.

The Ministry of Commerce, the Internal Revenues Department under the Ministry of Planning and Finance, and the Directorate of Industrial Supervision and Inspection under the Ministry of Industry are responsible for carrying out field inspections in order to supply sugar for local factories.

Based on the report of the combined inspection team, the Ministry of Commerce decides the amount of sugar to supply to each factory.

"There was a complaint in November about that process, so we launched an internal investigation and reported to the President's Office," said U Aung Htoo.

The Irrawaddy was not able to contact U Yan Naing Tun for his comments on the issue.

According to a member of the national anti-graft body, U Han Nyunt, they have not received any complaint against U Yan Naing Tun.

The NLD last week expelled from its party the deputy speaker of the Irrawaddy regional parliament for alleged misappropriation of funds.

The NLD government has sacked a number of deputy ministers and chief ministers, but none of them were charged with corruption. However, the government has been known to take action against director-generals under corruption charges.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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A Feast to Welcome the Year of the Pig

Posted: 17 Jan 2019 04:37 AM PST

Sedona Hotel Yangon is welcoming the Chinese Year of the Pig. Its Chinese restaurant, Dufu, will host a Spring Festival offering special set menus created to bring diners luck, health and prosperity.

The Spring Festival will be available for the whole of February and will include "Longevity", "Prosperity" and "Fortune" set menus created by the executive chef and his team of local chefs. The sets start at US$138 net per table of five persons.

The Irrawaddy was invited to a special tasting event for members of the media at the Sedona Hotel Yangon on Jan. 16.

To begin, the hotel served up the traditional Lunar New Year main dish Yee Sang (Prosperity Toss), which symbolizes wealth, prosperity and health, and is commonly shared with the family.

A staff member prepares the Salmon Yee Sang for diners. / Htet Wai/ The Irrawaddy

The colorful salad included strips of salmon mixed with shredded vegetables such as radishes, carrots, ginger and onion slices, crushed peanuts, pomelo, pepper, pickled ginger, and a variety of sauces and ingredients. Every ingredient in the dish has a symbolic meaning.

After the final preparation, all the diners toss the salad as high as possible, shouting sayings like "Good luck!", "More income!", "Good health!" and "Wealth!". It is the fun part of the meal, and Chinese people believe that the higher and more vigorous the toss, the better the coming year will be.

The salad is a delicious, crunchy mix of sweet and tangy flavors.

Within the three set menus, highlights include authentic Chinese dishes such as Fried Sea Bass in Spicy Bean Sauce, Braised Sea Cucumber with Dried Seafood and Fat Choy, Longevity Hong Kong Noodles with Char Siew, Wok-fried Tiger Prawn with Salted Egg, and Curry Chili.

The authentic Chinese dish Fried Sea Bass in Spicy Bean Sauce / Htet Wai/ The Irrawaddy

The Fried Sea Bass in Spicy Bean Sauce is a sweet and crunchy dish, and not really spicy at all. The chef deep-fried a whole sea bass, giving it a crunchy exterior, while the meat was tender. The spicy bean sauce was not very hot. This dish was really good.

My next favorite was the Longevity Hong Kong Noodles with Char Siew; this was just fried noodles topped with slices of crispy pork neck; the long noodles symbolize longevity.

The fried noodles were quite juicy and tasty. The outside of the slices of pork neck were crispy but the meat was very tender and sweet. The portions were large and of course—this is a Chinese New Year special menu, after all—most of the dishes were sweet.

This is a good chance for Chinese people looking for a special way to reunite with family members or other relatives, and for foodies who just want to try some authentic traditional Chinese dishes.

One of the highlights of the Spring Festival, Longevity Hong Kong Noodles with Char Siew / Htet Wai/ The Irrawaddy

The hotel offers a deluxe red hamper for US$88 net. It includes premium items such as gold ingo Chinese cake, homemade peanut cookies, house wine, pu-er tea, and Pacific clams. On Chinese New Year, Feb. 5, the hotel will host activities including a Chinese dragon dance and many others.

The post A Feast to Welcome the Year of the Pig appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Nationalists Subject Journalist to Devastating Legal Ordeal

Posted: 17 Jan 2019 03:54 AM PST

YANGON—This week, Ko Swe Win, the editor of Yangon-based news outlet Myanmar Now, made his 52nd journey to Mandalay Division's Mahar Aung Myay Township Court, which is hearing a defamation case opened against him in March 2017 by a supporter of ultranationalist monk U Wirathu.

The 780-mile round trip takes at least 16 hours, meaning Ko Swe Win has traveled more than 37,000 miles, and spent some 1,500 hours on the road, in the past year and nine months. That's the equivalent of traveling from Yangon to San Francisco and back again—twice.

Such cases are normally heard in the township in which the defendant resides. The absurdity of Ko Swe Win's ordeal—being forced to make the trek, at least twice a month, to a courtroom hundreds of miles from his home month after month—underscores the hostility of the environment that Myanmar journalists now operate in. In the course of doing their jobs, they now face the threat of prosecution from virtually all sides, including the government, the Army, supporters of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) and other groups.

The huge cost the defamation suit is imposing on Ko Swe Win in terms of energy, time and financial resources can only be seen as a form of punishment in itself. As the case drags on, it is taking its toll on him and his family.

Considerable attention has been paid in the press to the use of Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law—which prescribes jail terms for those found guilty of using the media to defame someone—by lawmakers and the Army against their critics. Despite a recent reform of the law, defamation cases under the controversial legislation have actually increased under the current government. Less often talked about is the use of the law by ultranationalist monks and their supporters to silence journalists. Few cases illustrate that effort better than Ko Swe Win's.

After Muslim lawyer U Ko Ni, a legal adviser to the NLD, was gunned down in January 2017, U Wirathu publicly praised Kyi Lin, who shot U Ko Ni dead in broad daylight at Yangon International Airport, and his conspirators. Myanmar Now published an article accusing U Wirathu of committing a grave sin by cheering on the perpetrators, saying he had essentially nullified his status as a monk. Ko Swe Win shared the article on his Facebook account.

In response, a follower of U Wirathu, Mandalay-based nationalist Kyaw Myo Shwe, opened a case against Ko Swe Win under the Telecommunications Law at Mahar Aung Myay Mandalay Police Station. Four months later, on July 30, 2017, in an apparent breach of standard police procedure, Mandalay police arrested the Myanmar Now editor at Yangon airport as he was preparing to travel abroad. The following day, he was granted bail after signing a note in front of the judge promising to appear in court for every hearing in the case. Since then, Ko Swe Win has become all too familiar with the route from Yangon to Mandalay.

Time consuming, costly ordeal

Each round trip costs Ko Swe Win more than 500,000 kyats (about US$330). His total expenses so far including lawyers' fees and contracts, exceed 25 million kyats (about US$16,415). He had previously hired several lawyers and legal advisers but parted ways with them as he was unsatisfied with their performance. Currently, he has contracted with lawyer U Thein Aung, who is also an Upper House lawmaker for the NLD. The lawyer's rate was set at 6 million kyats (nearly US$4,000). Lawyer Daw Ywet Nu Aung, who is part of the same legal team, has been assigned as Ko Swe Win's defense lawyer.

Plaintiff Kyaw Myo Shwe arrives at Mandalay’s Maha Aung May Court in a wheelchair in February 2018. / Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy

The financial burden and the time involved pose a huge problem for the Myanmar Now chief editor. Each trip takes at least two days, whether or not the plaintiff appears in court.

“If the hearing is set for a weekday, my work week is reduced to two or three days. I have no free time because I end up working on Saturdays and Sundays to make up for the lost time,” he said.

Despite this, Ko Swe Win has not missed a single court appearance. On the other hand, the plaintiff’s witness, U Wirathu himself, is based at a monastery just a 10-minute drive from the courtroom. This didn't prevent him from failing to show up for the 48th hearing, in December. Despite the failure of the monk to present oral testimony to the judge and submit to the defense's cross-examination, four or five novices came to listen to the hearing, arriving in a car belonging to Ma Ba Tha, the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion.

Ko Swe Win has been verbally threatened by a Ma Ba Tha follower in the courtroom, and on another occasion his then lawyer, U Myo Min Zaw, was interrupted by a group of nationalists while he attempted to question the plaintiff. The nationalists challenged the lawyer with questions like, "Aren't you a Buddhist?" Whenever there is a hearing in Ko Swe Win's case, the court is crowded with monks and nationalists, along with ordinary observers.

“I really thank the observers," Ko Swe Win said with a laugh, referring to U Wirathu's followers, "for not behaving with hostility toward me whenever I come here, especially on monk U Wirathu's Mahar Aung Myay territory.”

Almost two years of hearings, verbal threats and financial hardship have taken a toll on Ko Swe Win's family. His wife has even asked him to consider a career change.

Legal irregularities

In December, The Irrawaddy attended Mahar Aung Myay Court and witnessed police officer Naing Moe Aye's testimony and cross-examination by defense lawyer Daw Ywet Nu Aung at Ko Swe Win's 48th hearing. Daw Ywet Nu Aung asked the investigating officer whether he was aware that monk U Wirathu had praised the murderers of U Ko Ni, and that this praise was the basis for Myanmar Now's article, which its editor shared on his Facebook account.

The police officer simply answered that he "did not know that.” The Irrawaddy has learned from the Mandalay court's records that the plaintiff left out of the complaint the fact that Ko Swe Win shared the article. Ko Swe Win said he had in fact discovered numerous legal irregularities in the prosecution of his case.

Nationalist monk U Wirathu takes part in a pro-military demonstration in Yangon in October 2018 to condemn international attempts to refer Myanmar military leaders to the International Criminal Court over their alleged atrocities against the Rohingya. / Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy

“For instance, my lawyer asked a very important question of the police witness during the hearing: Why did police accept the case in Mandalay instead of where [the alleged defamation] took place—in Yangon? Would a court summon an accused who lives in Tanintharyi Division's Dawei to appear in Kachin State's Putao? If the accused failed to attend the court hearing, would he be jailed?" asked Ko Swe Win.

If a plaintiff fails to appear in court, the defendant's lawyer can request to appear on behalf of his client in a default hearing. Ko Swe Win's lawyer made such a request, but the court rejected it on Wednesday.

Ko Swe Win also claims police failed to follow proper procedure in his case. According to procedure, police from the jurisdiction in which the alleged offense took place are authorized to arrest the suspect. But, in his case, police from Mandalay came down to Yangon and arrested him at the airport.

“These points contradict police procedure as well,” Ko Swe Win said.

Lawyer Daw Ywet Nu Aung said, "Actually, this case is very simple. We have properly examined the case and found many weak points during the hearings. I hope these points will be taken into consideration in the final judgment."

She said the hearings could drag on for two years if the plaintiff's witnesses continue to intentionally fail to show up in court. Out of 13 witnesses, three are due to testify in court in the coming weeks. Even monk U Wirathu asked the judge to hold the hearings at the Sangha authority building, instead of in a courtroom. The court rejected the request on Wednesday.

Destined to be behind bars

Ko Swe Win's case is not unique. In 2018 alone, 12 journalists were sued under the Telecommunications Law for defaming the state, or prosecuted under the Official Secrets Act. In the highest-profile case, two Reuters journalists, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, were imprisoned for seven years after a one-year trial. A judge rejected their first appeal to the Yangon Divisional Court last Friday.

Despite the fact that his lawyer has poked significant holes in the case brought by the plaintiff, as well as the legal procedures and investigative officers' report, Ko Swe Win does not have high hopes of success, as his case has implications both politically and for police independence. He said police should strictly follow established procedures and work with the court.

To improve the judicial system, he urged that independent police investigations be introduced under the supervision of the judiciary. The adoption of such a mechanism appears unlikely, however, as long as the Ministry of Home Affairs remains under the control of the Army.

Ko Swe Win said, "Everyone knows why I am being sued. My lawyer asked the police officer whether he was aware that my comments meant that monk U Wirathu committed a cardinal sin, as he publicly supported the murderers of prominent lawyer U Ko Ni at Yangon International Airport. He testified that he did not know. So, to me, the independence of the police is very questionable at this point."

He also questioned the reliability of evidence submitted by police and the plaintiff. The police's lack of impartiality, he said, could sway the final outcome, as the judge takes into consideration the evidence and testimony of the police officer.

Asked by The Irrawaddy whether he expected to be acquitted, Ko Swe Win chuckled softly and said, "I do not expect to win this case. My fate lies in a cell."

The post Nationalists Subject Journalist to Devastating Legal Ordeal appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Border Guard Police Wounded in Rakhine Rebel Ambush: Myanmar Army

Posted: 17 Jan 2019 03:40 AM PST

SITTWE, Rakhine State — Six border guard police officers were wounded in an ambush by the Arakan Army (AA) on Wednesday in northern Rakhine State, according to Myanmar Army spokesman Brigadier General Zaw Lin Tun.

He said the AA ambushed a vehicle with border guard police on board at around noon north of Maungdaw Township’s Kyee Kan Pyin Village, where the board guard police have a base.

"One was seriously wounded and the rest sustained minor injuries," Brig. Gen. Zaw Lin Tun told The Irrawaddy. "It happened in the north of Kyee Kan Pyin, not near the [border] fence. It was closer to the motor road. As far as I know, they were ambushed, which was followed by an exchange of fire."

All the six wounded officers have been sent to Yangon for medical treatment, he added.

Khine Thu Kha, a spokesman for the AA, claimed that there was no clash in Maungdaw on Wednesday.

"There was no clash with us in Maungdaw the entire day of Jan. 16. But I heard there was friendly fire between the Bamar army and border guard police in Maungdaw. I heard it was friendly fire between reinforcements for the Bamar army and border police on patrol," he said.

Also on Wednesday, two brothers, aged 12 and 18, were injured by an artillery shell that fell on their house in Maungdaw’s Yan Aung Myin Village, near the site of the reported gunfire.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Border Guard Police Wounded in Rakhine Rebel Ambush: Myanmar Army appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shan State’s ‘Coffee Lady’ Moves up the Value Chain

Posted: 17 Jan 2019 02:43 AM PST

As a young girl, Daw Su Su Aung picked and collected coffee beans to help her mother and grandmother, who were coffee growers and traders in Ywangan Township, southern Shan State.

As an adult, she continues the family business, both growing coffee and buying beans from local farmers and selling them to markets outside of town.

Now in her mid-40s, she has started to produce her own brand of coffee powder, Amara Arabica, which is made without the use of chemicals at any stage of production.

Both Amara coffee beans and powder yield a strongly aromatic coffee, and the brand has become well known locally since its launch in 2017. The products are not yet widely available in shops throughout the country, however. As more orders are received, the family-run business has plans to expand.

Daw Su Su Aung, the producer of Arama Arabica Coffee from Ywangan. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy

Daw Su Su Aung recalled, "I first made the coffee powder for home use and to give to friends and relatives as gifts. My specialty beans are exported; I roasted these fine quality beans for grinding, as I wanted my friends and relatives to enjoy the taste."

She has received positive feedback, encouraging her to produce more for Myanmar's growing coffee-lovers' market. "That's how this family business started," she told The Irrawaddy recently.

Amara Coffee products / Amara Coffee / Facebook

Until three years ago, the smallholder coffee farmers in Ywangan mostly sold their raw green coffee beans at local markets in Shan State's Aungban Township, or in Mandalay, as they lacked any means of processing the beans into high-quality products.

This has changed in the past three years, thanks to the US-funded Value Chains for Rural Development project, which focuses on the coffee industry and works closely with the Myanmar Coffee Association. The project provides training for coffee growers in the techniques used to produce high-quality beans.

Myanmar's coffee industry has also developed thanks to the advocacy efforts of coffee lovers. The Ywangan Coffee Cluster is one of seven that comprise the Myanmar Coffee Association, and has more than 10,000 coffee growers producing high-grade Arabica beans.

Coffee farmers' increased access to the processing know-how required to produce quality beans, and to coffee markets, has made it possible for them to export thousands of tons of coffee to Europe and the U.S., in addition to Asian markets including Japan, South Korea, Thailand and China. From fiscal 2015-16 to October 2018, total coffee exports, including border trade, amounted to more than 1,500 metric tons (MT) valued at over US$5.2 million, according to U Ye Myint, the chairman of the Myanmar Coffee Association. In fiscal 2017-18 alone, exports exceeded 477 MT.

Women select coffee beans at the Amara Coffee processing factory. / Amayar Coffee Women Producer Group / Facebook

At the end of 2015, Daw Su Su Aung started learning to produce high-quality beans through a U.S.-funded training program run by WinRock International, an INGO helping coffee growers and processors in Myanmar. Six months later, she brought together other coffee farmers, mostly women, from about five villages in her town, and applied for a USAID grant.

The value chain project helped her to start building the Amara Coffee Processing Factory. The facility processes the beans of every farmer in her network, and hosts training programs related to coffee "cupping" (the process of evaluating the aroma and taste of coffee) and quality control.

When this reporter met Ywangan's "Coffee Lady" at the Amara Coffee processing facility in the township last year, she was attending a quality assessment training session hosted by her facility.

Coffee dries in the sun at the Amara Coffee processing factory compound. / Amayar Coffee Women Producer Group / Facebook

"We use the natural, or 'dry', system of processing as taught by WinRock, which produces better quality beans. In 2015-16, our specialty coffee developed a reputation in the area. We launched Ywangan Coffee as a specialty brand and it debuted in the U.S. market [in 2016]," Daw Su Su Aung said.

The Amara Coffee processing factory now benefits some 300 families in 20 villages in Ywangan, whose coffee beans are processed into quality products. The factory produced 20 tons of specialty coffee in 2017, double the amount produce a year earlier.

She also leads the Amayar Women's Coffee Producer Group, which provides alternative employment opportunities to women in nearby villages by producing specialty coffee.

Now that growers have gained access to the new and more valuable international markets in the U.S., "Their incomes have increased too, because the price of raw beans has risen. Workers now earn at least 100,000 kyats per month," she said.

However, as with other types of farming, coffee growing requires extra labor during the harvest season, despite the fact that many local coffee farmers in Ywangan work on their own plantations.

In December and January, when the coffee cherry beans are ready to be picked, finding enough workers can be tough, Daw Su Su Aung said.

The post Shan State's 'Coffee Lady' Moves up the Value Chain appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Timeout

Posted: 17 Jan 2019 01:30 AM PST

Releasing the Power of Dialogue

Goethe Institute is hosting its first forum on dialogue, where it will be discussed as an art, a skill and a method of communication as the only non-violent way of managing conflicts. Six Myanmar panelists of varied backgrounds will be under the moderation of Dr. Thomas Henschel, founder of the Mediation Academy in Berlin. Panelists include '88 leader U Ko Ko Gyi, performance artist Ma Ei, activist and musician Darko C and journalist Wai Yan Hpone.

Thursday Jan. 17 | 7 p.m. | Goethe-Institute Myanmar | Corner of Kabar Aye Pagoda Road and Nat Mauk Street, Bahan Township

Digital Natives, The Last Episode

The last event in the Digital Natives series organized by Impact Hub Yaw Min Gyi in partnership with Grab Myanmar will have panelists discussing growing up as a digital native, becoming a digital entrepreneur and creating an innovative product by using digital innovations which will be followed by a networking session.

Thursday Jan. 17 | 6 p.m. to 9 p.m. | Impact Hub Yaw Min Gyi | Royal Towers, C8, Room 202, Dagon Township

Aung Myint: 17 A.M.

Respected multi-disciplinary artist Aung Myint will exhibit a collection of his most recent paintings at Myanm/art gallery. Sticking to a red, white and black color theme, Aung Myint is considered a pioneer in experimental art, rejecting traditional romanticism and confronting social and other critical issues. The exhibition opening—with coffee and mohinga—will take place at 10 a.m. on Friday Jan. 18.

Jan. 18—24 | 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. | Myanm/art | 3FL, 98 Bogalayzay Street, Botahtaung Township

Annual Floral Show and Competition

This five-day event is organized by Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC) in collaboration with the Myanmar Floriculturist Association. There will be 18 showrooms and 13 competition categories for a wide variety of flowers and plant species with cash prizes for the top three in each group.

Jan. 18—22 |Kandawgyi Nature Park, Yangon, Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township

Myanmar National Symphony Orchestra with Japan Concert 2019

This concert is presented by MRTV, the Embassy of Japan and The Japan Foundation as part of the Mekong-Japan Exchange Year 2019 and to celebrate the opening of The Japan Foundation, Yangon. Famous Japanese musicians playing their country's unique, traditional instruments will be accompanied by Myanmar's spectacular National Symphony Orchestra.

Friday Jan. 18 | 6 p.m. | National Theater | Myoma Kyaung Street, Dagon Township | Free admission

Myanmar Tourism: Challenges and Opportunities

A roundtable discussion will take place with Prof. Robert H. Lieberman a novelist, filmmaker and Professor at Cornell University alongside Myanmar tourism advocates including Yin Myo Su, founder of Inle Heritage Foundation, May Myat Mon Win of Myanmar Tourism Marketing, Suki Singh, MD of GCP Hospitality and Thaung Su Nyein, CEO of Information Matrix as organized by the Myanmar Tourism Federation.

Friday Jan. 18 | 4 p.m. to 6 p.m. | Pullman Yangon Centerpoint | Corner of Sule Pagoda Road and Merchant Road | RSVP, Free admission

Film Screening and Discussion Night

The seventh edition of Pansuriya's monthly film screening and discussion events will have a countryside theme. Five short films by independent Myanmar filmmakers will be screened, namely Buffalo Boat, Crocodile Pond, Big Boy, Flower Valley and Buffalo Boy, Myanmar's first Palaung-language short film.

Friday Jan. 18 | 7 p.m. | Pansuriya | 100 Bogalayzay Street, Botahtaung Township

Big Bad Wolf Book Sale

Claiming to be the world's biggest book sale, the traveling Big Bad Wolf Book Sale has arrived in Myanmar with a selection of 1 million titles for sale and many at discounted prices. This is a 24-hour event offering English-language books of a wide variety of genres.

Jan. 18—28 | Myanmar Event Park | Shin Saw Pu Road, Dagon Township

Concept Context Contestation

This exhibition examining "art and the collective in Southeast Asia" is organized in collaboration between the Goethe-Institut and Bangkok Art and Culture Centre (BACC) and features contemporary art by talent from across Southeast Asia. The Yangon edition of this traveling exhibition is curated by Myanm/art's Nathalie Johnston and features 10 local artists. The opening event will take place at 2 p.m. on Saturday.

Jan. 19—Feb. 10 | 10:30 a.m. to 4.30 p.m. | The Secretariat | Middle Block, Thein Phyu Road, Botahtaung Township

No Commitments

Three top DJs in Yangon will play the tunes to make you move and keep you dancing late into the night. Yu KT, Hour Late and Seeger will team up for a set of fresh techno and house music at Level 2. This is the first event of 2019 for the ongoing No Commitments club night.

Saturday Jan. 19 | 11 p.m. to 4 a.m. | Level 2 | Yangon International Hotel compound, Dagon Township

EuroCham Construction Forum 2019

This forum will focus on three topics specific to the Myanmar context—infrastructure development, heritage preservation and building technology. Leading European construction companies will be represented by professionals with a variety of backgrounds.

Tuesday Jan. 22 | 8:30 a.m. to 6 p.m. | Grand Mercure Yangon Golden Empire |Corner of Myittar and Tha Khin Phoe Hla Gyi roads, South Okkalapa Township

The post Yangon Timeout appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Brothers Injured by Artillery Shell in Northern Rakhine

Posted: 17 Jan 2019 01:21 AM PST

SITTWE, Rakhine State — Two brothers were injured by an artillery shell that fell on their house in the north of Rakhine State’s Maungdaw Township on Wednesday, according to their father and a local aid group.

Maung Kyaw Hla, 18, and Maung Kyaw Naing, 12, were sent to Maungdaw Hospital to be treated for their wounds, said Ko Chit Htoo Khaing, chairman of the Maungdaw-based Garuna Network humanitarian aid organization.

"One was hit in the right side of the head and the other in his left shoulder," he told The Irrawaddy.

People carry a boy injured by an artillery shell in Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State, on Wednesday. / Garuna Network

Like most of the more than 100 households in Yan Aung Myin village, both victims are members of the Daingnet, a tribe of the Arakanese ethnic group.

U Htwee Maung, their father, was with his sons when the shell exploded but was not injured.

A man holds an IV bag over a boy injured by an artillery shell in Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State, on Wednesday. / Garuna Network

"One of my sons was inside the house and the other was outside when it happened at about 1 p.m.,” he said. "I don't know where the shell came from. I just heard a sound like stones being thrown onto the roof. Then it exploded and our house was on fire."

There were reports of a clash between the Arakan Army (AA) and border guard police near the village on Wednesday afternoon.

The remains of a house that caught fire after being hit by an artillery shell in Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State, on Wednesday. / Garuna Network

"I heard that the AA troops attacked a border guard police vehicle near the village, but I don't know exactly," Maungdaw Township Administrator U Myint Khaing told The Irrawaddy.

The Myanmar Army and the AA have been fighting in Kyauktaw, Rathaedaung, Ponnagyn, Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships in recent weeks. More than 5,000 locals have been displaced.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Brothers Injured by Artillery Shell in Northern Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

YBS to Launch Card Payment System

Posted: 16 Jan 2019 11:39 PM PST

YANGON—Yangon Bus Service (YBS) will be installing a card payment system in its buses within six months, Naw Pan Thinzar Myo, Karen ethnic affairs minister of Yangon Region, said at the two-year anniversary of the launch of the bus service on Wednesday.

Yangon Payment Services Co., owned by the regional government, will soon sign an agreement with Asia Starmar Transport Intelligence Co., which has won the tender to install the card payment system.

The company is due to receive permission to run the service called Yangon Payment System from the Myanmar Investment Commission this month.

The Yangon Region Transport Authority plans to install the system in 2,000 buses within six months after signing the agreement, and expects to install it in 4,000 buses in nine months, according to the minister.

The Asia Starmar Transport Intelligence Co. also plans to introduce a card payment system for other modes of transport if it is successful in the YBS, said the company's chief marketing officer Daw Yi Yi Khin.

Tender for the card payment system was invited in August 2017 and the process took over 18 months. Fifty-six companies made the bid and the transport authority selected 14 finalists.

The Asia Starmar Transport Intelligent Co. was selected over Excel KC Myanmar and AnyPay Payment Services Co as the most qualified candidate to install and operate the payment system.

The Yangon regional government and the Asia Starmar Transport Intelligent Co. will sign a seven-year contract with the possibility of extending it by one more year. The company has invested over $7 million in the payment system, said Daw Yi Yi Khin.

The YBS, launched January 2017, now operates more than 90 bus lines with over 5,000 buses serving over 2 million passengers daily, according to Yangon Region Transport Authority.

At present, passengers put their bus fares into a cash box and, since the transport authority did away with bus conductors shortly after the launch of YBS, those needing change from a larger note have difficulty.

"Sometimes we don't have change, so the card payment system will be more convenient for us," said Ma Yoe Yoe Htet, a resident of Yangon's Hlaing Township who regularly used YBS buses.

Over the past two years, bus operators have reported many cases of passengers giving ripped and damaged banknotes as well as paying less than the fixed fare.

Bus operators loose between 10 and 20 percent of their monthly income from such cases, said the minister.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post YBS to Launch Card Payment System appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Arakan Army Chief Promises Myanmar Military, Govt Eye For an Eye

Posted: 16 Jan 2019 08:30 PM PST

The chief of the Arakan Army (AA), Tun Myat Naing, recently spoke with The Irrawaddy's Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint about his group’s policies and accusations by the President's Office that it has ties to the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA).

What is the situation like in Rakhine State's Buthidaung [Township] after the President's Office instructed the Tatmadaw to use aircraft against the AA?

We predicted this after [the Tatmadaw] declared [a unilateral ceasefire] on Dec. 21. But we didn't expect that the President's Office would also get involved. So we can see that the national reconciliation policy of the National League for Democracy (NLD) government has made great progress. We have seen [Tatmadaw] troop deployments both by air and by road. So it is very likely that future clashes will be fierce.

The government has said that the AA has turned its back on the peace process. Why did the AA launch attacks on four border police outposts when a ceasefire was about to be discussed?

You need to know what happened before our attacks and what role the border police were playing. Before Jan. 4, there were clashes in Rathaedaung, Buthidaung, Kyaktaw and Ponnagyn [townships]. At that time, large numbers of Tatmadaw troops came from Buthidaung and launched large-scale attacks on us in Rathaedaung and Kyauktaw. They cut off all the routes used for delivering food and put intense military pressures on us. They arrested villagers and made them surround their posts, I mean using them as a shield in case they come under attack.

In Paletwa Township, [the Tatmadaw] fired artillery even at night. And artillery fired by Navy vessels fell on places near the forests as well as other places. They fired because it is Rakhine State. But if it were a Bamar State, they would be very worried about killing a [Bamar] civilian in a Bamar village. This shows racial discrimination, the lack of Union spirit and cruelty, we believe. Our wish is that we don't want police in attacks against us. So we warned them. But they were involved in implementing the “four cuts” strategy [cutting off access to food, funds, information and recruitment] on a large scale and in the persecution [of locals] in order to instill them with fear.

According to the structure of the border police, they have about 3,000 troops and are equipped with G3, G4 arms. Even their ammunition is strong. A police outpost has at least tens of thousands of bullets and grenades. And as many as 70 percent of them in each police battalion have combat experiences, and battalions are commanded by those transferred from the military. Their function, organizational structure and chain of command are like that of an army.

Before Jan. 4, Tatmadaw troops were putting pressures on our troops and using helicopters. And border guard police were also involved. So we did what was necessary according to the nature of war. And we believe that we are right in doing so. They said we have turned our back on peace just to put us into a tight political corner.

Why did the AA attack four police outposts?

For one thing, we don't want them [police] to be involved [in military attacks against us]. And we won't tolerate it if our Arakanese people are oppressed. We've recorded the battalions that made artillery strikes on our villages. We've also recorded in detail the police battalions and border guard police. We won't forgive that. We'll retaliate.

For another, it was a tactical decision. If they have gathered their forces in one place, we have to fight where they are absent. We are right tactically.

There are claims that civilians are being used in attacks. Does the AA have records of this?

We are making records in the places we can reach. At first there was no forced labor of local villagers. But recently we have seen cases of local villagers being used as human shields. [Tatmadaw troops] forced civilians to walk ahead of them and stand guard while they slept. [Tatmadaw troops] also opened artillery fire on villages, labeling them rebel villages. Recently there has been increased artillery fire. In Paletwa Township they opened artillery fire whenever they felt unsafe, even at night.

While the government has invited the AA to peace talks, the President's Office has allowed attacks on the AA in Rakhine State. What will the AA do in response?

Peace is a word and a military operation is action. They talk about peace while carrying out military operations. So it can be said that they are saying one thing and doing another. [The Tatmadaw] issued a declaration on Dec. 21 and pretends to have a ceasefire in other places. But it hasn’t ceased fire in Rakhine State. The declaration in fact was a declaration of war on Rakhine State. We don't view it as a declaration of peace. Because [the Tatmadaw] is not honest with its ceasefire declaration, it is unlikely that [the ceasefire] will be successful.

About 5,000 civilians have been displaced in just over a month of clashes. Has the AA made preparations to save civilians from being harmed in future clashes?

The financial status of our Arakanese people is not sufficient to feed the displaced people. We rely on donors and international agencies. We, the United League of Arakan/AA, will try. There are going to be more displaced people. Of course our Arakanese people are suffering. But what else can we do? We, the Arakanese people, have faced hardship for a long time. But this was discovered only after gunshots were heard.

The AA is attempting to establish bases in Rakhine State. If it has to choose between a ceasefire and [establishing] military bases, which will it choose?

We will have to choose both. We have always heard about [the correlation between] peace and development, and we have heard it more recently perhaps because of our revolution. Rakhine has never had them. Rakhine has never been developed. We didn't fight while others [ethnic groups] fought. We will rely on ourselves rather than believe the words of others. This is the lesson we have learned from our experiences. And about the deployment of the AA, what we believe is that the existence of the AA directly relates to the existence and survival of Arakanese people. No one loves Rakhine State as much as the Arakanese do. The Myanmar Army says it loves Rakhine State because of its interests.

Despite the fact that we live in a strategic region, we can't enjoy strategic benefits. But others enjoy them. Therefore, the Arakan Army must exist in Rakhine State. It would be good if there were no fighting. But the potential for such a situation will be strong only after a long series of political talks.

According to the Tatmadaw's ceasefire declaration on Dec. 21, it doesn't accept the presence of AA troops in Rakhine State. But your group is fighting for a base there. So will there be more clashes?

Yes, there will be. It doesn’t want to recognize the Arakan Army. It is natural for it [the Tatmadaw]. It doesn’t want to recognize the Kachin Army, either. It has to talk with us just because the situation forces it to. But its recognition or non-recognition is not important. We just need the recognition by the Arakanese people. It [the Tatmadaw] is stupid not to recognize us. The entire elephant is in the room and it is saying it doesn’t see it. So there is something wrong with it. We will do what we need to do.

Has the AA already built a stronghold in Rakhine State? Has it formed battalions and brigades? People also say that the AA's headquarters have been moved to the Myanmar-India border. Is that true?

Taking lessons from the 70 years of civil war in Myanmar, we have changed our chain of command and our structure to ensure flexibility. I don't want to comment on the location of our headquarters. But we have adopted a flexible command and control system. Some groups announce their battalions and brigades. But we don't want to announce our formation; it could weaken our militarily. It is like giving your information to the enemy. Some time in the future, we will become an organization that can protect the security of Arakanese people. And only we will be able to control the racial conflicts in Rakhine State.

Do you mean your group will occupy a township in Rakhine State?

What I mean is broader than that. Because the Myanmar Army wants to stay in Rakhine State, it sows discord between Arakanese and Muslims. It created conflict. Because the political leadership is not yet strong, people are misled and swayed. It doesn’t just want to sow discord between Arakanese and Muslim in Rakhine State. It also wants to cause ill feelings between Arakanese and Mro, Arakanese and Khami. It paved the way for problems to create an excuse for its rule in certain places. This is what it does.

And I have heard various criticisms [from the Tatmadaw] about our presence [in Rakhine State], citing security issues and so on. It gives various excuses. If we had a big problem with Muslims, it would use it as an excuse with the international community in order to end our existence. But since we didn't have problems with Muslim, it is attempting to label us terrorists who have links to ARSA. We will continue to do what we have to do.

Why has the AA sent warning letters and carried out assassinations in Rakhine State?

Letters packed with bullets are not just meant to be a threat. We mean it for real. We will do it [kill them] if they do not do as they are told. There are traitors and slave-minded people in a liberation movement. It would be good for them to listen to our warnings. If not, we have to do what we have to do.

What do you say to the Myanmar government's accusation that your group has two outposts on the Bangladesh side of the border and that it has held meetings with ARSA?

We don't have outposts in Bangladesh. We sometimes have to seek food supplies at the border. We don’t need to lie. No government would allow a rebel group from another country on its territory. This is just one of its accusations.

There are also allegations that your group has funded its operations through the illegal drug trade over the past nine years. Can you explain how you raise funds?

There are such accusations. Revolutionary groups raise funds by different means. We have many members and some individuals might do it [traffic drugs]. You can see in newspaper reports the arrest of many officers, majors and tactical commanders in connection with drug dealing. Can we say the Myanmar Tatmadaw is involved? And National League for Democracy members are also involved in drug cases in Rakhine State. Can we say the NLD is involved? I have to keep secret how and from where we get funds and arms. This is a matter of life and death. I can't reveal this for the time being. But I will make it public if our revolution is successful and write it down for history.

We have marched on this journey with the support of the [Arakanese] people. Much remains to be done to reach our goal. Because the Tatmadaw has deployed its troops to launch attacks, we have to go through difficult times. We have informed our people that we have to go through the storm in 2019 and 2020. Only after going through the storm will we be able to enjoy the bright sunlight and breeze. We have told the Arakanese people to have mental strength and face the music while we go through the storm.

Can you elaborate on what your group calls the 2020 Arakan Dream?

Each and every Arakanese individual is very proud of his history. We believe we will at some point be free of the yoke of enslavement and of the life in which your destiny is determined by others. That belief is the Arakan Dream, and we have to realize it. We are performing the role that our Arakanese history has assigned to us. We are trying collectively to stop other people from determining our fate. By 2020 our group will be 10 years old, and by that time the political beliefs of the United League of Arakan will have been widely disseminated among the Arakanese people. We have made a clarion call to Arakanese people from all walks of life and all places to rebuild our country with unity and to shoulder the responsibility for the collapsing Arakanese society.

It is not true that we will secede from Myanmar in 2020. We have never said that we would secede from Myanmar.

The Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee [FPNCC] consists of different ethnic groups that have different objectives. Can the FPNCC be productive collectively or will members work separately to achieve their objectives?

Yes, there are some differences within the FPNCC. But we have to work based on our common interests. The FPNCC is interested in the bilateral [truces] proposed by the government, because some of the FPNCC members have signed bilateral ceasefire agreements [with the government] at the Union level. But four groups clashing [with the Tatmadaw] have not signed. This is the cause of the ongoing clashes. Only after signing it, and when there is no more bloody fighting, will the peace [process] be more realistic. We have such hopes.

The FPNCC is not very happy with the way the NCA mingles ceasefires and politics. If there is a strong truce, it will be easier to find a political answer.

Has the AA negotiated with the Tatmadaw to sign a bilateral ceasefire agreement?

Not yet. We have to continue talking with it. But it appears we have to try with great patience in the face of the current crisis and under threats.

Will the Arakanese people see more negative impacts from fighting in the months to come? What are the prospects for peace?

For my part, it is difficult to say. If the government continues its offensive, the clashes will go on. I heard [government and Tatmadaw officials] say that Rakhine will be completely ruined in the next 10 years or so and that Rakhine will meet the same fate as Syria. So I believe that if they want to destroy our land [Rakhine State], we should destroy their [the Bamars'] land. If they offer peace, we will welcome it as warmly as we can. And we will work actively. If they are to tear our land apart militarily, we will have to do the same to them.

Does the AA have plans to establish its own controlled areas, like its allies?

We wish to. But we can do it only when the circumstances allow. Much remains to be done. We have yet to try very much.

Is the political goal of the AA to have a federal state or a confederate status like the United Wa State Army?

We wish to keep the sovereignty of our state in our hands. We prefer [a confederation of states] like Wa State, which has a larger share of power in line with the Constitution. And we think it is more suited to the history of Rakhine State and the hopes of the Arakanese people. If there is sharing of power and Union rights, every race will be happy with the unity of the Union.

Do you mean the AA idolizes the UWSA regarding its political objective?

Yes, I do. It would be better if we had confederate status. It is what we want.

As your group tries to establish strongholds on the border, what have China and India said to your group?

So, they have not told us to do this and not to do that. They want the problem to be solved peacefully. We will be the ones who make the decisions.

What is India’s opinion of the AA's operations on the Myanmar-India border? Has the AA built good ties with the Indian government?

We can't say we have good ties. But we try to make India understand why we are fighting. We said we welcomed its projects. We justified our military objectives and said we are fighting for our rights as an ethnic group and that our cause is just. And we explained that our existence and our stance do not go against its interests.

If the AA were to hold talks on politics and a ceasefire with the government in the future, would it uphold the general policy of the UWSA [of an alternative to the NCA]?

We have decided to stick to that policy in collaboration with our allies in discussing those issues.

It was only recently that [the Tatmadaw] accepted federalism. Do you think the demand for a confederation of states is realistic?

It will take time to build trust. If there are deep doubts between the two sides, it will be difficult to move forward. There must be honesty to build trust. [State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi] once said that ethnic groups should not only make demands but think about what they can give in return. We are not asking for things owned by others. We are just claiming back what is ours. There is a need to see the objective reality. When somebody has borrowed money for so long, he thinks that money is his. This is what we talk about with other ethnic groups.

So you mean the AA will fight until the AA obtains confederate status?

Fighting happens only because the situation forces us. The best approach is for us to keep trying politically as well.

There are countries in which self-determination is obtained only through fighting, and in some countries it is obtained without the need to fight. It would be best if we could achieve self-determination peacefully. We will try.

Does the Northern Alliance support the political goal of the AA to demand confederate status? What is its stance?

We allies have a policy to mutually respect each other’s political objectives and existence. We will acknowledge each other and provide mutual support.

Given the latest developments, can 2019 be a year of peace?

Peace is nowhere in sight considering the current situation.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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US Lawmakers Introduce Bipartisan Bills Targeting China’s Huawei and ZTE

Posted: 16 Jan 2019 08:24 PM PST

WASHINGTON — A bipartisan group of U.S. lawmakers introduced bills on Wednesday that would ban the sale of U.S. chips or other components to Huawei Technologies Co Ltd, ZTE Corp or other Chinese telecommunications companies that violate U.S. sanctions or export control laws.

The proposed law was introduced shortly before the Wall Street Journal reported federal prosecutors were investigating allegations that Huawei stole trade secrets from T-Mobile U.S. Inc and other U.S. businesses.

The Journal said that an indictment could be coming soon on allegations that Huawei stole T-Mobile technology, called Tappy, which mimicked human fingers and was used to test smartphones.

Huawei said in a statement the company and T-Mobile settled their disputes in 2017 following a U.S. jury verdict that found “neither damage, unjust enrichment nor willful and malicious conduct by Huawei in T-Mobile’s trade secret claim.”

The legislation is the latest in a long list of actions taken to fight what some in the Trump administration call China’s cheating through intellectual property theft, illegal corporate subsidies and rules hampering U.S. corporations that want to sell their goods in China.

In November, the U.S. Department of Justice unveiled an initiative to investigate China's trade practices with a goal of bringing trade secret theft cases.

At that time, Washington had announced an indictment against Chinese chipmaker Fujian Jinhua Integrated Circuit Co Ltd for stealing trade secrets from U.S. semiconductor company Micron Technology relating to research and development of memory storage devices.

Jinhua, which has denied any wrongdoing, was put on a list of entities that cannot buy goods from U.S. firms.

On Capitol Hill, Senator Tom Cotton and Representative Mike Gallagher, both Republicans, along with Senator Chris Van Hollen and Representative Ruben Gallego, both Democrats, introduced the bills that would require the president to ban the export of U.S. components to any Chinese telecommunications company that violates U.S. sanctions or export control laws.

The bills specifically cite ZTE and Huawei, both of which are viewed with suspicion in the United States because of fears that their switches and other gear could be used to spy on Americans. Both have also been accused of failing to respect U.S. sanctions on Iran.

“Huawei is effectively an intelligence-gathering arm of the Chinese Communist Party whose founder and CEO was an engineer for the People’s Liberation Army,” Cotton wrote in a statement. “If Chinese telecom companies like Huawei violate our sanctions or export control laws, they should receive nothing less than the death penalty — which this denial order would provide.”

The proposed law and investigation are two of several challenges that Huawei, the world’s biggest telecommunications equipment maker, faces in the U.S. market.

In addition to allegations of sanctions-busting and intellectual property theft, Washington has been pressing allies to refrain from buying Huawei’s switches and other gear because of fears they will be used by Beijing for espionage.

Huawei’s founder, Ren Zhengfei, denied this week that his company was used by the Chinese government to spy.

Canada detained Ren’s daughter, Meng Wanzhou, who is Huawei’s chief financial officer, in December at the request of U.S. authorities investigating an alleged scheme to use the global banking system to evade U.S. sanctions against Iran.

For its part, ZTE agreed last year to pay a $1 billion fine to the United States that had been imposed because the company breached a U.S. embargo on trade with Iran. As part of the agreement, the U.S. lifted a ban in place since April that had prevented ZTE from buying the U.S. components it relies on heavily to make smartphones and other devices.

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China Brushes Off Outrage Over Death Sentence, Canada Fires Back

Posted: 16 Jan 2019 08:23 PM PST

BEIJING/SHERBROOKE, Quebec—China said on Wednesday it was “not worried in the slightest” by mounting international concern over the death sentence handed to a Canadian for drug smuggling.

Monday’s sentence for Robert Schellenberg for smuggling 222 kilograms (489 pounds) of methamphetamines prompted Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to accuse China of “arbitrarily” applying the death penalty.

Trudeau has called several world leaders in recent days to share concerns about the case of Schellenberg and two Canadians that Beijing detained last month after a senior Chinese executive was arrested in Vancouver on a US arrest warrant.

Speaking at a daily news briefing, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying said Canada’s “so-called allies could be counted on ten fingers” and did not represent the views of the wider international community.

“I can very clearly state that we are not worried in the slightest,” Hua said of the mounting outcry, adding that a majority of Chinese supported severe punishment for drug crimes.

Schellenberg’s sentence has further strained relations between China and Canada, already aggravated by the December arrest of Meng Wanzhou, chief financial officer of Huawei Technologies Co. Ltd., on a US extradition request.

Asked about Hua’s remarks, Canadian Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland noted that the 28-nation European Union had offered its backing to Ottawa.

“We’re very pleased to have this support from the EU which…, like Canada, believes in the rule of law,” she told reporters as Trudeau’s cabinet prepared to meet in Sherbrooke, Quebec.

For the second day in a row, however, she stressed that Canada and China enjoyed a broad and deep relationship.

Freeland and US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo spoke on Tuesday and “expressed their concerns about the arbitrary detentions and politically motivated sentencing of Canadian nationals,” the State Department said.

Days after Meng’s arrest, China detained two Canadians on suspicion of endangering state security. One of the men, Michael Kovrig, is a diplomat on leave without pay from Canada’s embassy in Beijing.

John McCallum, Canada’s ambassador to China, told reporters the standoff would not be settled quickly and vowed to enlist the help of foreign allies—especially the United States—and the business community.

“I think we have to engage the senior Chinese leaders and persuade them that what they are doing is not good for China’s image in the world, it’s not good for the image of corporate China,” he said on the sidelines of the retreat.

“It’s difficult, it won’t happen tomorrow.”

Trudeau complained last week that China was not respecting Kovrig’s diplomatic immunity. A source directly familiar with the case said Canada was unhappy because Chinese officials were questioning Kovrig about his work when stationed at the embassy.

The news was first reported by the Globe and Mail newspaper.

McCallum said Kovrig and the other Canadian were being questioned up to four hours a day, had no access to lawyers and were only allowed one consular visit a month.

China has not linked any of the three Canadians’ cases to Meng’s arrest, but has warned of severe consequences if she was not immediately released.

The Global Times, a state-run tabloid with a nationalistic slant, said China “cannot be weak at this time.”

“Canada does not have any special cards that can allow Chinese law to bow its head to it,” the newspaper said in an editorial on Wednesday, adding that Canada’s protests would have no effect.

Freeland said on Tuesday that Ottawa had formally applied for clemency for Schellenberg.

When asked if China typically listened to this type of request, Hua said the judiciary was not subject to “interference from administrative organs.”

“You ask whether China is willing to listen to the Canadian side’s request, but I don’t know if Canada’s leaders or politicians have seriously listened to China’s solemn position,” Hua said.

Schellenberg had appealed against an original 15-year prison sentence issued in November, but the court in Liaoning province sided with prosecutors who argued at a retrial that the punishment was too light.

The post China Brushes Off Outrage Over Death Sentence, Canada Fires Back appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

In Asia’s Space-Starved Cities, Urban Planners Bring ‘Dead’ Land to Life

Posted: 16 Jan 2019 08:00 PM PST

BANGKOK—Urban planners and authorities in fast expanding Asian cities are increasingly turning to unused land underneath bridges, flyovers and viaducts to create much-needed public spaces.

With rapid urbanization, a construction boom in South and Southeast Asian cities is resulting in more offices, houses and apartments, as well as bridges, flyovers and tunnels—which has created so-called dead spaces.

But as land costs soar and public spaces vanish, these areas are being put to use by planners and city authorities.

“There is land—we just need to use it creatively to benefit people and reduce stress on the environment,” said Yossapon Boonsom, a landscape architect at Shma, an architecture firm in Bangkok.

About 40 percent of the 1.8 million square meters (0.69 square mile) of land under Bangkok’s expressways is unused, he said.

Shma has a plan to convert land under the Sirat Expressway into parks and recreational spaces, connected by a 10 kilometer (6.2 mile)-long bicycle path.

Their “10 km Project” won a prize in the smart cities category at the World Architecture Festival in November.

“Bangkok is a very dense city. Opening up these unused spaces to increase connectivity to parks and canals can encourage more people to walk and bicycle,” Yossapon told the Thomson Reuters Foundation on Wednesday.

Other Asian cities show it can be done. In Hong Kong, an architect created micro homes in concrete water pipes that can be stacked under flyovers.

Near Mumbai, a school for street children was created in a container that was placed under a flyover, while in the Indonesian city of Bandung, the space under a flyover was turned into an outdoor cinema.

In Singapore, authorities asked the public for ideas on how to revitalize about 60 hectares of dead land.

The spaces, measuring 3,000-6,000 square meters each, have been converted into sports facilities, urban farms, and even used for markets and birthday parties, according to a report published last year by the Singapore Land Authority (SLA).

“While land is scarce in Singapore, we do have a good number of sites under viaducts and flyovers,” Tan Boon Khai, SLA’s chief executive, said in the report.

“Activating these sterile spaces at a low cost can encourage entrepreneurs and planners to test out new and unconventional ideas,” he added.

But these spaces are often used by the homeless and migrant workers who cannot afford housing, and taking them over would leave them vulnerable, said Shivani Chaudhry, executive director of advocacy group Housing and Land Rights Network in New Delhi.

“When the space under the flyovers is the only available space in the city for the homeless, to displace them from those spaces without providing an alternative is cruel,” she said.

“They have no option then but to sleep on the road side, making them more vulnerable to extreme weather conditions, pollution, and road accidents.”

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