Shan Herald Agency for News

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• Will Chinese charm offensive be met with Burma's rapprochement?
• Pre-Panglong high level meeting with EAOs in the offing
• Family opposes turning Yawnghwe Palace into marketplace
• The Peace Process: Taking a chance on the State Counselor
• Naypyitaw okays to secessions from Shan State

Will Chinese charm offensive be met with Burma's rapprochement? Posted: 16 Aug 2016 03:14 AM PDT  Lately the Chinese charm offensive in the new era of  Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD regime has been visibly in full swing. Starting with the Chinese envoy fact-finding and lobbying tour to Kachin State in June to the recent   Minister of the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Song Tao paying courtesy call to the former military strongman General Than Shwe on the side lines, while presumably on official undertaking to prepare for State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi visit to China. A series of lobbying and opinion-making measures were already been undertaken as outlined by the VOA, in one of its analysis recently. On 4 June, Chinese Ambassador Hong Liang visited Kachin State to lobby for the restarting of stalled Myitsone Dam. On 8 June, China-Myanmar Swe Myo Pauk Phaw Friendship Foundation was formed. On 11 June, China-Myanmar motor-caravan scheduled journey was announced to promote friendship between the two nations, which would take place the following October. On 18 June, Union Minister U Ohn Win, who was on his way to attend energy related workshop in China, was briefed by a Chinese diplomat that China would help build up intensified human resources development, according to Xinhua news of 25 June. Though speculations  were rife that the Chinese are keen to continue the Myitsone dam project  that was disrupted due to its pending since 2011, the actual intention might be a lot more than this just particular project. While the Chinese undoubtedly would have a host of other businesses and political interest in mind, other than just this pending dam project, the National League for Democracy (NLD) regime's main and immediate concern is on how to make use of the Chinese influence on the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) along the two countries' border, so that peace could be achieved. Suu Kyi's unmistakable and explicit message on Monday at the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) meeting was that although peace is the most essential for the country, economic development won't be neglected. "While peace is important, we're not going to neglect economic development. Because one reason for not achieving peace is the physical and mental necessities (well-being) of the people still could not be fulfilled," said Suu Kyi, who is also Chairwoman of the UPDJC. She added: "In the long run, without (enduring) peace, we can't maintain any kind of economic development. No matter how much economic progress (we make), once peace is eroded, the progress made would be also be shattered". Regarding the matter Ye Htut, the former information minister and also spokesperson of the then president Thein Sein said that the widespread and heightened armed conflict occurred after the pending of Myitsone dam, even this might be a coincidence. In his interview with the RFA, aired on 13 August, he said: "Finally, as nearly all non-signatory EAOs that have not yet signed the ceasefire, with the exception of two groups in the south, are based along the Chinese border, China's role as being utmost important is being accepted by all of us". He stressed: "The second point is that whatever it is, the escalation of armed conflict and the beginning of it happened after the stoppage of the Myitsone Dam project, although could be taken as coincidence is the reality. I believe, finding an answer acceptable to all would support (foster) peace and also relationship with China". "I'm of the opinion that this should be done in a speedy manner," he added. Daw Doi Bu, a leader of The Unity and Democracy Party of Kachin State and former MP, also said although she welcomed the forming and investigation of the commission, the people are against the project. When asked By the RFA , on 13 August, what she thought about the possible referendum of the issue she replied that " there is no need to do that as it is clear the people – not only the Kachin but also the rest of the country – are against the project". A day earlier, on 12 August, a 20-member commission will review and scrutinise the projects to assess the likely benefits for Myanmar citizens, and to make recommendations on whether they should proceed. Accordingly, Deputy Pyithu Hluttaw Speaker U T Khun Myat will chair the commission, and the minister for the Office of the State Counsellor, U Kyaw Tint Swe, will serve as vice chair. The commission's first report to the president is due on November 11. Meanwhile, Suu Kyi will be paying an official visit to China from August 17 to 21 at the invitation of Chinese Premier Li Keqiang, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lu Kang announced on Monday. Given such a backdrop, with the Chinese opinion-making movement, in high gear, advocating for the resumption of the Myitsone dam, coupled with the head of state reception status being prepared for Suu Kyi, the issue's controversial clout has reached a critical stage. A lot of questions like:  whether it is really the case that the suspension of Myitsone dam has a direct effect on the widespread armed conflict in Kachin and northern Shan States; what will the consequence be if NLD regime is to permanently scrub the agreement; will NLD be able to withstand the public pressure, if it is pressured to comply to its contractual obligation literally; whether China will be ready to accept the likely to be adjusted agreement terms of either the complete stoppage of the project, in exchange for other supports like one China policy, South China Sea dispute and its one belt one road global undertaking, or not, among others. All these long lines of concern might become clearer, once Suu Kyi has wrapped up her China's visit and talked over the outstanding issues that she has inherited from the previous Thein Sein regime. But for the time being, we just have to cross our fingers and hope for the best, for the people of Burma.

Pre-Panglong high level meeting with EAOs in the offing Posted: 16 Aug 2016 03:09 AM PDT The first JICM meeting, 16 October 2015. (Photo: burmalibrary.org) In response to the 8 signatory ethnic armed organization (EAO)s' formal request on 11 August, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will soon be calling the long-neglected Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM) into session, according to reports form Naypyitaw yesterday. The Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) that will oversee political dialogues at state, region and local levels as well as the upcoming Union Peace Conference (21st Century Panglong) has been holding a 2-day meeting since yesterday. "Although the date for the meeting is yet to be disclosed," said an EAO leader in Naypyitaw, "it is understood that it will take place right after her return from the China trip (17-21 August)." The letter, signed by Gen Mutu Saypoe, leader of the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST) formed in March by the NCA signatory EAOs, has proposed 4 issues to be discussed when they meet: ·         Implementation of the NCA ·         Holding of JICM ·         Holding of Political Dialogues ·         Holding of the Union Peace Conference (21 Century Panglong) The main issue, say sources, is that the JICM has not been convened since December. According to its Terms of Reference (TOR), it must be convened every three months. The NCA has also conferred on it the following powers: Article 21:            To form the Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee (JMC) responsible for military matters and the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) responsible for political matters as well as "other necessary committees" Article 29:            To resolve any issues faced during the implementation of the NCA in its "regularly held" meetings "It would be like putting the cart before the horse to call a meeting of the JMC and the UPDJC first," PaO leader Hkun Okker had commented in April. The JICM is formed by 8 leaders from the government side with corresponding 8 leaders from the EAO side. 75% of them must be present to achieve a quorum at each meeting and two thirds of votes from each side to pass a resolution.

Family opposes turning Yawnghwe Palace into marketplace Posted: 16 Aug 2016 02:56 AM PDT Sao Haymar Thaike, the daughter of Burma's first president, Sao Shwe Thaike, has spoken out against a plan to convert Yawnghwe Palace compound into a marketplace. Photo by SHAN- Yawnghwe Palace entrance She told Shan Heraldthat she was unhappy with the scheduled project, which was laid out by the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism. "I heard the news that they are preparing to create a market in our palace compound," she said. "I am so worried that they will reduce our historical property to such a level. I totally disagree with this plan." According to Nay Myo, a National League for Democracy MP representing Yawnghwe Township, no building operations have yet taken place, and his party would seek to prevent the conversion from happening. "If the plan persists, we will have to object to it," he said. Yawnghwe Palace, or Yawnghwe Haw, was the residence of Sao Shwe Thaike, an ethnic Shan prince who became the first president of the Union of Burma in 1948 on the day that the country gained independence from Britain. He was deposed and arrested when Ne Win seized power in 1962, and died in prison soon after.  Since then, Yawnghwe Palace, situated in Nyaungshwe near Inle Lake, has stood as a museum, and is popular with tourists. Sao Haymar Thaike said that her mother, Sao Nang Mya Win, the first wife of Sao Shwe Thaike, requested the Burmese government to return the palace to the family, however they had never received a response.    During the era of Burmese military dictatorship, many historical Shan buildings were destroyed; others crumbled under decades of neglect. Arguably the grandest Shan palace of all, Kengtung Palace, which was built in 1903, was demolished in 1991.  By Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

The Peace Process: Taking a chance on the State Counselor Posted: 15 Aug 2016 08:43 PM PDT Take calculated risks. That is quite different from being rash. General George S.Patton (1885-1945) Myanmar's State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi (C)  holds talks with leaders from the United Nationalities Federal Counci l at the National Reconciliation and Peace Center in Yangon,  July 17, 2016. (Photo: RFA) "Please take a chance on the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement signed by 8 of the 21 recognized Ethnic Armed Organizations). Please take a chance on the (Union Peace) Conference (aka 21stCentury Panglong)," State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi had urged top non-signatory EAO leaders who came to meet her on 17 July, using the phrase "calculated risk" no less than 7 times. The reason why she is right where she is now, as she told them, is because she had herself taken just that: a calculated risk, the word meaning, according to Cambridge, one that you consider worth taking, because the result, if it is successful, will be so good. The Business Dictionary, however, has a rather different definition: A chance of exposure to loss or injury that might be undertaken after its advantages and disadvantages have been carefully weighted and considered. "Had this particular government official given assurances of 100% success, I wouldn't have taken a chance on the 2012 by elections," she informed the leaders. "But he on the contrary had suggested taking a calculated risk, which made me think it over and revise my plans. Now I would urge you to do the same." Since the meeting, the EAOs, both signatories and non-signatories, have met twice to consider her advice. Two of which have declared attending the UPC#2 aka 21st Century Panglong: United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA). On the other hand, Naypyitaw has so far failed to reach a compromised press release acceptable to both sides with 3 EAOs: Arakan Army (AA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and Ta-ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). And the rest led by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) continue to negotiate with the government at the time of this reporting on how they can join the UPC. But, according to the reports coming out of the meetings held last week in Chiangmai, the EAOs now exert less leverage than they did during the tenure of the Thein Sein government (2011-16). "In those days, we had an almost level playing field, because the government was facing a crucial legitimacy issue," one participant commented. "And if there was a fight, few found fault with us. Now things are different." The NLD, at least in the eyes of the democratic world outside, they reasoned, doesn't have any legitimacy issue. "Now it seems we may have to beg for everything we want from it, despite the fact that both have since early days adopted democracy and federalism as their avowed aims." One other participant suggested, "Maybe the government now needs the Tatmadaw (military) more than us (EAOs)." So are the EAOs, especially those who have signed the NCA, at the mercy of the NLD-cum-military regime? Should they choose to be satisfied with whatever the government is ready to hand out? No, the meeting concluded. They still have the NCA which was signed by the President and the Commander-in-Chief, and ratified by the Union Legislature. Therefore, as long as both the government and the military (plus the EAOs) swear by it, a chance, however slim it may seem now, still exists. And the balance, depending on how proactive the EAOs are, may change in their favor. As Sun Zi of the Art of War said: To see victory only when it is within the ken of the common herd is not the acme of excellence Being able to lift a hair isn't a sign of great strength Being able to see the sun and moon of having sharp eyes Being able to hear a thunderclap of having quick ears But at least one thing is certain: We will all know by 31 August how many EAOs have taken calculated risk.

Naypyitaw okays to secessions from Shan State Posted: 15 Aug 2016 08:33 PM PDT Dear Sirs, I am worried the Shan State and Shan population are shrinking fast unfairly. Racism is not a solution for peace. Racial regions were granted to those groups, bowing to Burmese centralization, practically blocking a Union formation. Shan State secession was treated like a criminal case, now they are cutting the Shan State by racial divisions, like Wa, PaO, Ta-ang. Why is this kind of secession not regarded as a criminal case? And they will be governed directly by the central government. This is totally against federal union (decentralization) formation, and this should not be allowed. Hsay Kham

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Parliament Rejects USDP Lawmaker’s Proposal to Challenge US Sanctions
• Schools Closed and Civilians Displaced as Fighting Between Burma Army and KIA Intensifies
• Myanmar Citizens Bank to Begin Trading on Yangon Stock Exchange
• Confronting Land Confiscation Allegations, Arakan State Chief Minister Orders Halt to Renewed Construction in Industrial Ward
• Eight NCA Signatories Call For Second Meeting With State Counselor
• US-Based Burmese Muslim Group Calls on NLD Govt to End Rohingya Persecution, Restore Rights
• ‘Burma is Already a Game-Changer for Asean’: Kavi Chongkittavorn
• Peace Process, Myitsone Dam on Agenda for Suu Kyi’s China Trip

Parliament Rejects USDP Lawmaker’s Proposal to Challenge US Sanctions Posted: 15 Aug 2016 08:53 AM PDT Members of Parliament attend a meeting in the Lower House in Naypyidaw in March 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — In a vote in the Lower House of Parliament on Monday, MPs opted out of discussing a Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) member's proposal related to a review of US sanctions. Mandalay Division's Thazi Township lawmaker Than Soe of the USDP had proposed that the government attempt to pressure the US to lift sanctions; the request comes three months after the United States Department of the Treasury again expanded its annual sanction term for Burma in May. "There is no change to the US sanctions on Myanmar even though the country is now changing. That's why I urged the government to address this issue," he said in Parliament. American sanctions on Burma were initiated in 1997. In 2012, the US restored diplomatic ties with Burma; one year after ex-President Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government came to power. Than Soe repeatedly emphasized that the US sanctions' aim was to place pressure on the country to adopt a more democratic political system; it was right to do so when Burma was under military rule, he argued, but he said the country is currently changing and if sanctions remain, they could harm Burma's development. "US sanctions could delay the country's development. That's why the government should try to get sanctions lifted," he said. After Than Soe put forward his proposal, Lower House Speaker Win Myint called on lawmakers to vote whether a further discussion should be held on the issue. The proposal was rejected after 219 lawmakers voted it down, and a minority of 151 lawmakers supported it. Mi Kon Chan, a National League for Democracy (NLD) Lower House lawmaker representing Paung Township in Mon State, said that parliamentarians will only agree to discuss issues which support the people's and the country's interests. "We won't agree to a proposal if it only focuses on a minority of people. This means the US sanctions only impact a few people here," she said. Many businesspeople in Burma—particularly those with connections to the ex-miltiary elite—remain on the US treasury department's Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) list of people with whom American citizens are barred from doing business. In February, at a meeting of Southeast Asian leaders in California, Burma's former vice president Nyan Tun requested that US sanctions on Burma be lifted, arguing that, due to sanctions, Burma had received comparatively less developmental assistance from the US than other Asean countries. The post Parliament Rejects USDP Lawmaker's Proposal to Challenge US Sanctions appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Schools Closed and Civilians Displaced as Fighting Between Burma Army and KIA Intensifies Posted: 15 Aug 2016 08:49 AM PDT Kachin Independence Army soldiers are pictured in northern Burma. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Fighting has been ongoing for nearly a week between members of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Burma Army, leading to school closures and civilians fleeing their villages along the highway connecting Kachin State's Tanai and Hpakant townships. Clashes have increased in the Shahtu Zup village area in Tanai Township between members of the KIA Battalion 14 and government troops. Tang Sen, a KIA lieutenant colonel, spoke to The Irrawaddy from the front line on Monday. "We just returned from the fighting area on foot; there was just one hour of fighting today," he said. Tang Sen is also the commander of the KIA's Battalion 6, based nearby in Tanai Township. Fighting has often broken out in that area as well, he added, from August 4-7. "Our troops have had a lot of movement. We went up and down the highway, and fighting broke out as our troops met their troops," he said. He added that there have been two clashes between members of KIA's Battalion 14 and the Burma Army; one occurred between the two villages of Nan Yar Nar and Tamadawsu, and another happened near the site of a local bridge, named Datha Nyi Noung. "The first clash took one-and-a-half hours of fighting," Tang Sen said. The Kachin News Group reported on August 13 that all schools in the KIA-controlled area near Shahtu Zup had been closed. Miners in the area and around 1,000 villagers sought refuge in a safe area as fighting in the area intensified. The military-owned Myawady Daily reported on Sunday that one villager in Shahtu Zup was wounded by a landmine on August 10, and accused the KIA of planting the mine so that it would maim the villager. According to another report from the Myawady Daily, Burma Army troops found the bodies of two members of the KIA after fighting broke out near the town of Kamaing in Hpakant Township on August 8. The Irrawaddy previously reported that on August 8, KIA soldiers from Battalion 6 ambushed a convoy of Burma Army trucks using the road highway the highway connecting Mogaung and Hpakant townships, destroying two vehicles—one near the village of Nam Sheng, and one near Gauri, where some police were also wounded. The post Schools Closed and Civilians Displaced as Fighting Between Burma Army and KIA Intensifies appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Citizens Bank to Begin Trading on Yangon Stock Exchange Posted: 15 Aug 2016 07:15 AM PDT People wait at Yangon Stock Exchange (YSE) in Yangon, Myanmar March 25, 2016. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun RANGOON — Myanmar Citizens Bank (MCB), in which the Ministry of Commerce holds a minority stake, is scheduled to begin trading on the Yangon Stock Exchange (YSX) on Aug. 26, after approval was issued on Aug. 12, Thet Tun Oo, senior executive officer of the YSX, told the Irrawaddy. MCB has been listed since December, when the YSX opened. Its base share price will be announced on the YSX website the day before trading begins. The bank was founded in 1991, initially to process foreign exchange for exporters, at a time when this service was limited to two state banks in Burma. The Ministry of Commerce held a 55 percent share till 2011 —when the foreign exchange market was liberalize. Thereafter, its share lessened year by year. The ministry's stake in MCB now stands at only 10 percent, although Toe Aung Myint, permanent secretary of the Ministry of Commerce, chairs the bank. Maung Aung, senior economist and independent director at MCB, said that, although the base price has yet to be decided, he expected it would be less than other listed companies' prices. "I expect that the base price would be less than 20,000 kyats per share (US$17)—potentially 18,000 kyats ($15)—but we still need to discuss it with the YSX," he said. "Because MCB has been semi-government owned, it is strong for investors," he said. He mentioned that shares were sold for 5,000 kyats when the MCB was founded in 1991. At that time, its capital was 1 billion kyats. MCB's authorized share capital is now 75 billion kyats ($63 million), with 52 billion kyats ($43.7 million) in paid-up capital: 5.12 billion kyats ($4.3 million) from the Ministry of Commerce and 46.88 billion kyats ($39.4 million) from the public, according to MCB's website. Five companies have been listed on the YSX since December: First Myanmar Investment (FMI), Myanmar Citizens Bank, Myanmar Thilawa SEZ Holdings Public Limited (MTSH), First Private Bank and Great Hor Kham. However, only FMI and MTSH have traded since then. As of August 15, the YSX has a shares volume of 4,099, with a total value of 116 million kyats ($97,522). YSX's market capitalization is now at 633,102 million kyats ($532.3 million), according to its website. The post Myanmar Citizens Bank to Begin Trading on Yangon Stock Exchange appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Confronting Land Confiscation Allegations, Arakan State Chief Minister Orders Halt to Renewed Construction in Industrial Ward Posted: 15 Aug 2016 06:00 AM PDT Land—reportedly confiscated from local farmers—is fenced off for an industrial ward outside of the Arakan State capital of Sittwe, and pictured on Sunday, August 14, 2016. (Photo: Min Aung Khine / Sittwe-based Journalist) RANGOON – After meeting with local farmers on Saturday, Arakan State Chief Minister Nyi Pu has ordered a halt to fencing around the perimeter of an industrial ward located outside Set Yoe Kya village near the state capital of Sittwe. According to a post from Nyi Pu's official Facebook page, farmers told the Chief Minister that their lands had been confiscated 15 years earlier, and that they had been informed the area was under the ownership of senior and former government officials. Nyi Pu said that the National League for Democracy-led (NLD) government would investigate the allegations of land grabbing, and uncover whether land could have been taken legally in the interest of development, or seized for personal gain. "If they confiscated land for personal benefit, we will take action against them according to the existing laws. If the land was grabbed in the public [interest] we will address the farmers' losses in line with current laws," Nyi Pu stated. According to Nyi Pu, since 2001, the Industrial Land Committee has designed 466 estates and sold just over 400 yards of land at the price of 250,000 kyats (US$210) in 2015. Another 65 estates were used as camps for displaced communities in the region. Arakan National Party lawmaker Kyaw Zaw Oo submitted a question to the regional parliament last Wednesday, inquiring whether the Arakan State government's quick allocation of the land to develop an industrial zone near Set Yoe Kya's creek was enacted legally. He told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that the previous Arakan State chief minister, Mya Aung, the Border and Security Affairs Minister Htein Lin, as well as around 50 high-ranking bureaucrats were implicated in the alleged confiscation of 515 acres of land in Sittwe District. Minister Kyaw Lwin, the NLD appointee for mining, agriculture and livestock within the Arakan State cabinet, explained that the shift in land ownership was carried out legally by the previous government. When he spoke with The Irrawaddy by phone last week, he described the problem as "complicated" and not easy to solve, as people had constructed houses on the farmland. He declined to comment on whether action has been taken against those involved in the reported land grabbing, or if the land is required to be returned to the original owners or if compensation will be allocated. In a letter to parliamentarian Kyaw Zaw Oo, Minister Kyaw Lin explained that before former president Thein Sein transferred administrative power to NLD, in March he ordered the transformation of the contested land into residence quarters in Sittwe, specifying the names of owners. According to articles 29, 30 and 31 of 2012's farmland laws enacted by Thein Sein, confiscated land for a project must be developed within six months of the proposal's specifications. If it fails to be carried out during the project's timeframe, the applicants must return the land to the original owners. In the case of the contested land in Arakan State, it has been 15 years since the land was reportedly taken and it still lacks any basic infrastructure, said MP Kyaw Zaw Oo. He pointed out that since there had been no fence around the land, the farmers from Set Yoe Kya had continued cultivating their rice paddies there until 2015, and regularly registered with the government's land department until 2012. Kyaw Zaw Oo suggested that since the new government is planning to construct a bridge connecting Set Yoe Kya and Sittwe, the land price had risen; thus, he alleged that the previous Arakan State government had exploited the unused land confiscation order to avoid returning it to farmers before the administrative handover to the civilian-led government earlier this year. When The Irrawaddy spoke with MP Kyaw Zaw Oo, he said that some influential figures in Sittwe had been named in the list of beneficiaries of the confiscated land, including known Arakanese nationalists, former members of the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party and a former Sittwe District administrator now serving in the office of the state government. Maung Htun Thein, a farmer from Set Yoe Kya village who has had 12 acres of his land confiscated since the early 1990s, confirmed that he and up to 16 other villagers and some from the surrounding area had not received any compensation from the government. He recalled that one acre was valued at approximately 150 kyats—or $0.13—and now each acre is priced at up to 15 million kyats ($12,600). "I want my land back if they continue to construct an industrial zone," he said, demanding that the government should "compensate in line with the local real estate market price." The post Confronting Land Confiscation Allegations, Arakan State Chief Minister Orders Halt to Renewed Construction in Industrial Ward appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Eight NCA Signatories Call For Second Meeting With State Counselor Posted: 15 Aug 2016 05:38 AM PDT Leaders of eight NCA signatory groups met in Chiang Mai, Thailand on August 10, 2016. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) The Peace Process Steering Team (PPST) has called for a second meeting with State Counselor and chair of the National Reconciliation and Peace Center Aung San Suu Kyi to negotiate its terms for the peace process, especially regarding the joint implementation of a nationwide ceasefire pact. The PPST provides leadership during peace talks to the eight non-state armed groups that signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) with the former administration in 2015. The group met in Chiang Mai Thailand for two days last week and drafted a letter to Suu Kyi. The letter was sent to Suu Kyi—who is also the chairwoman of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC)—on August 11 and requested another meeting prior to the Union Peace Conference, scheduled to commence on August 31. The letter stated that the team would like to "discuss coordination based on mutual respect in accordance with the NCA," which was signed last October. Since the announcement of the Union Peace Conference in May, the government, Burma Army and ethnic armed organizations have all held a series of talks in order to include their voices in the dialogue framework. Hla Maung Shwe, secretary of the UPDJC, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that Suu Kyi had replied verbally to the PPST and would meet with the group prior to the conference but a date for a meeting had not yet been set. Suu Kyi's schedule is tough to pin down with a visit planned to China this week and the United States next month. She led a UPDJC meeting on Monday to review the framework for political dialogue, which will provide a structure for the peace conference. In January, a peace conference held under a framework set by former President Thein Sein allowed NCA signatories full participation [regarding discussion and decision-making] while non-signatories were only invited as observers. It is unclear whether all ethnic armed oganizations, both NCA signatories and non-signatories, will be granted equal status in the national level talks, and all groups have yet to pledge their participation. Many ethnic leaders have expressed concern at the rush to hold the conference later this month, without clarity regarding the number of delegates or the role of ethnic minority representatives in the national dialogue. De-facto leader of the new National League for Democracy (NLD) government, Suu Kyi—who heads the peace talks—has already held closed door meetings with the Burma Army and ethnic armed organizations. She met with leaders of the eight NCA signatories in June and the UNFC non-signatories, Wa and Mongla groups in July, respectively. Little is known to the public regarding these meetings and whether key issues for the individual stakeholders have been addressed. Some meetings have reportedly focused on the principles of federalism and all-inclusion in the peace process, while others have centered on regional security, livelihood development and economic opportunity. The post Eight NCA Signatories Call For Second Meeting With State Counselor appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

US-Based Burmese Muslim Group Calls on NLD Govt to End Rohingya Persecution, Restore Rights Posted: 15 Aug 2016 04:36 AM PDT A screengrab from the Myanmar Muslims Genocide Awareness Convention 2016 on August 13 in Los Angeles, featuring Shwe Maung, former MP from Buthidaung Township in Arakan State, who spoke at the event. (Photo: Burmese American Muslims Association / YouTube) In a conference held in Los Angeles on Saturday by the Burmese American Muslims Association (BAMA), an international panel of speakers condemned the ongoing persecution of Burma's Rohingya minority, placing it within the framework of genocide, and calling on the country's current government to restore the marginalized group's rights. The event, entitled Myanmar Muslims Genocide Awareness Convention 2016, was broadcast live online and featured speeches by Shwe Maung, a former Rohingya member of Burma's Parliament, civil rights activist Htay Lwin Oo, and Maung Zarni, a scholar and non-resident research fellow with Cambodia's Sleuk Rith Institute. Former United Nations Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana, and president of Genocide Watch, Gregory Stanton, delivered pre-recorded talks. "Many scholars and experts believe that the conditions and elements of a genocide in process have been present in Myanmar against the Rohingya, especially during the military government," said Quintana, who served as rapporteur from 2008-2014. "But they're also saying that those conditions are not changing with this civilian government." "The situation needs to urgently be addressed by the Myanmar government," he continued, citing limitations to an estimated 140,000 displaced Rohingyas' freedom of movement, a lack of food and access to healthcare, and episodes of violence against the community. A screengrab from the live webcast of the Myanmar Muslims Genocide Awareness Convention 2016 on August 13, featuring Tomás Ojea Quintana, former UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma, who delivered a pre-recorded statement. "It has already been 100 days since the new government took over and we haven't seen clear and concrete measures to reverse the trend against the Rohingya," Quintana said, referring to the National League for Democracy (NLD) administration headed by state counselor and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Talks at the conference were marked by heavy criticism of Burma's 1982 Citizenship Law, which defines citizen status along ethnic lines, and does not recognize the Rohingya as one of the country's ethnic groups. In order to be granted even subordinate forms of citizenship, those belonging to "unrecognized" groups are instead forced to prove their family's presence in Burma dating back multiple generations—a near-impossible task since such residency often predates the use of the documentation required for such verification. "The Rohingya are victims of a classification system in Myanmar that literally classifies them out of citizenship," said Gregory Stanton in his talk. In 1996, he created a model for the US State Department identifying eight—and later, ten—stages of genocide, the first of which is "classification" of "us versus them" along ethnic, national, racial or religious lines. "If you stop using the name that the people have chosen, you are trying to classify them out of the system," Stanton added, referring to the widespread use of the term "Bengali," over "Rohingya," which implies that the group—which has an estimated population of 1.3 million in Burma—are migrants from neighboring Bangladesh. The insinuation that Rohingya are Bengali "is absolutely not true," said Shwe Maung, a Rohingya who served as a member of parliament representing Arakan State's Buthidaung Township from 2011 until 2016. He was barred from running for re-election in 2015 after authorities alleged that his parents were not Burmese citizens, a claim which, in a 2015 op-ed for the New York Times, he dismissed as "laughable," considering he had been eligible to represent his constituency in the previous election. "A lot of Myanmar Muslims and Rohingya Muslims have sacrificed for the NLD," Shwe Maung said. "[We] expected a little relief from the NLD…[but] not a single Rohingya was able to vote because they were disenfranchised." The organizers of the convention made public a resolution demanding that the NLD government restore the citizenship rights of the Rohingya, guarantee the security of non-governmental organizations working in Arakan State, facilitate unrestricted access for international investigators to conflict areas, return property to the displaced, and allow the Rohingya the right to self-identify as such. While calling for public support for Yanghee Lee, his successor as the special rapporteur for Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana pointed out that the most recent UN report on the Rohingya "does not refer to the risk of genocide even one time," saying that this was "something we need to consider." The term "genocide" has been contested in Burma; Reuters reported in March that the US State Department had released a report to Congress stating that while the US government remained "concerned" about the persecution of the Rohingya, they "did not determine that it was on the level of genocide." They did, however, call for "comprehensive and just solutions" to abuses against the group, including improved access for aid agencies and the restoration of citizenship rights to stateless populations. A report published in October of last year by the Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic at Yale Law School for the NGO Fortify Rights concluded that both action and inaction from the Burmese government towards the Rohingya satisfied the criteria of genocide as defined by the 1948 Genocide Convention. In his talk at the conference, delivered via video, Stanton drew parallels between the Holocaust—in which 6 million European Jews were killed under Adolf Hitler's Nazi regime during World War II—and the persecution of the Rohingya in Burma.   "The Jews were classified out of their citizenship, their businesses were taken away, their homes were confiscated, their property was confiscated—they were eventually sent to concentration camps. All of these parallels are like what is happening to the Rohingya," Stanton said. "We must make the world pay attention." BAMA was founded in 2013, and has since held annual conventions addressing violence against the Rohingya. Many of this year's speakers also participated in a conference at the University of Oxford in May to address the persecution of the Rohingya in the context of democratization in Burma. A year earlier, in May of 2015, the "Oslo Conference to End Myanmar's Persecution of the Rohingya" was hosted by the Norwegian Nobel Institute; there, the oppression was also described as genocide. The post US-Based Burmese Muslim Group Calls on NLD Govt to End Rohingya Persecution, Restore Rights appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Burma is Already a Game-Changer for Asean’: Kavi Chongkittavorn Posted: 15 Aug 2016 04:21 AM PDT Kavi Chongkittavorn, a senior fellow at the Institute of Security and International Studies, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, Thailand. (Photo: Flickr) A new sense of pragmatism on all sides bodes well for the visit of Aung San Suu Kyi—Burma's state counselor and foreign affairs minister—to China later this week, says Bangkok-based expert on Asean affairs Kavi Chongkittavorn, in an interview with The Irrawaddy's founding editor Aung Zaw. Aung San Suu Kyi is visiting China again. This time she will visit Beijing as the de facto leader of the new NLD government. What can we expect from it?  It will be the most important foreign visit of her government, which will directly impact the future of Myanmar, especially with regards to the peace process and economic development. Suu Kyi knows how to engage China in ways that would not undermine her longstanding relations and personal ties with the West. It will be a win-win situation for her as she has displayed diplomatic finesse and pragmatism with China throughout. It seems China was unprepared for the dramatic political changes in Burma. Now, China is adjusting to the new political environment in Burma and is actively engaging with key figures including Suu Kyi and old regime leaders. How could Asean benefit from this new engagement? Political stability in Myanmar, and good relations with China, would be a big boost to Asean-China relations. With Suu Kyi, Myanmar's relations with China would serve as a standard bearer because her government is an elected one and is widely accepted internally. This is the first time since the U Nu government [deposed by the 1962 military coup] that Myanmar and China can develop relations in good faith, with all options open. As such, future Myanmar-China relations will develop from the calculated strategic interests of both nations. That kind of realism would benefit Asean-China ties, which are on the mend. Burmese leaders, whether civilian or military, have chosen to visit China before going to the West. Suu Kyi does the same. Is it a smart move? Suu Kyi's visit to China is a smart move. No other major power has such a direct impact on her country. Issues related to border trade, security and people-to-people interaction are dependent on good relations. Most importantly, Suu Kyi has given special attention to Xi Jingping's leadership. The motive is simple—to rein in regional authorities, which have a great deal of influence in policy directions and implementation. The National League for Democracy (NLD) government and Aung San Suu Kyi have begun to engage Asean. As Burma's foreign minister, her first trip was to Laos, which is soon playing host to an Asean Summit. Her second official visit was to Thailand. Her visits to both countries were well received and showcased her diplomatic skills. But you have written "dos and don'ts" for Suu Kyi prior to her visit. Do you have doubts about her? Suu Kyi has displayed her diplomatic skills during her trips to Asean capitals. She knows how to carry herself well—she was humble and assumed a low profile in all Asean meetings. She spoke little, and only on important issues, such as respect for human rights, democracy and international rule of law. She learned fast and was adaptive to the Asean environment. During discussions, her English was polished and her points well argued. Many in the region have praised the speed of political change in Burma. But some countries in the region are making U-turns, and one can also see a decline in Asean's influence. At the same time, one sees powerful countries including the US, China and Japan exercising influence in the region. What role will Burma play in the future? Myanmar is already a game changer for ASEAN, with its ongoing political and economic transformation. No other Asean country has undertaken such radical steps to open up. Politically, Myanmar ranks high in Asean as a democracy with a brand-name leader. Her moral authority ranks as the highest in Asean, despite some criticism of her engagement in the communal conflict in Rakhine State. Kavi Chongkittavorn is a senior fellow at the Institute of Security and International Studies, Chulalongkorn University. The post 'Burma is Already a Game-Changer for Asean': Kavi Chongkittavorn appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Peace Process, Myitsone Dam on Agenda for Suu Kyi’s China Trip Posted: 15 Aug 2016 01:35 AM PDT Suu Kyi meets with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing in June 2015. (Photo: Reuters) NAYPYIDAW — Burma's peace process and the controversial Myitsone Dam will be on the agenda when Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's foreign affairs minister, visits China this week and meets with Chinese leaders, according to ministry spokesman Kyaw Zeya. At a Friday press conference in Naypyidaw on the ministry's "100-day plan," Kyaw Zeya, who is also director-general of the Political Department in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, confirmed that these issues would be discussed. He responded vaguely to further questions from reporters about the Myitsone Dam in Kachin State, whose fate remains uncertain after a suspension order from former President Thein Sein in 2011 expired at the end of his term in March this year: "We have been holding seminars to look for possible solutions. We will try our best for a productive discussion." Kyaw Zeya also commented on China's growing interest in Burma's internal peace negotiations, evident in public statements and closer involvement with key actors in the process. Analysts have considered China's roll to be a potential game changer—for better or for worse—given their close relationships with powerful ethnic armed groups based along the border. "A special representative of China's foreign affairs ministry is involved in the peace process of our country. We are prepared to discuss it if further with our Chinese counterparts," said Kyaw Zeya. Burma's President Htin Kyaw on Friday formed a new 20-member commission, chaired by Deputy Lower House Speaker T Khun Myat, to evaluate all proposed hydropower projects on the Irrawaddy River—including the Myitsone Dam. The commission will assess the potential environmental and social effects of proposed projects, their possible impact on foreign investment and the wider economy, and potential losses in water resources set alongside public access to electricity. In early April, Chinese Foreign Affairs Minister Wang Yi was the first foreign dignitary to visit Burma after the installation of the National League for Democracy (NLD) government. However, the press was told afterwards that the Myitsone Dam and other controversial investments in China were not discussed. Suu Kyi made her first official trip to China in June 2015, as head of the opposition NLD, at the invitation of the Communist Party of China. She held talks with Chinese President Xi Jingping, among others; Chinese media described the trip as having deepened "mutual understanding." Suu Kyi intends to visit the US and meet with President Obama on the sidelines of a session of the UN General Assembly in New York in September. "President Obama's term is ending soon. So, he invited her to visit before then," said Kyaw Zeya. Despite an intention to prioritize Asean countries—trips to Laos and Thailand have taken place in recent months—Kyaw Zeya said that Suu Kyi had no current plans to visit Malaysia, which hosts some 100,000 registered (and many more unregistered) Burmese migrant workers. On August 2, The Straits Times reported that Suu Kyi was on a purported Islamic State hit list, along with Malaysian national leaders, that was sent to police in Malaysia. In response, the Burmese government announced that they would be increasing Suu Kyi's personal security. The post Peace Process, Myitsone Dam on Agenda for Suu Kyi's China Trip appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• FM prepares to discuss Myitsone, peace process during China visit
• Myanmar remains country of ‘grave concern’ in US religious freedom report
• NPT allocates K1.9b for road repairs
• Govt wants farmers to diversify with agriculture, livestock
• Pyinmana Aung San statue still undergoing revamp
• Heavy rains flood low-lying townships, roads in Mandalay
• Rising water knocks out new Nay Pyi Taw bridge
• Hydropower projects in Kachin to be reviewed
• Maligned private Malaysian visa centre will not be terminated
• Panglong billed as mere ‘opening ceremony’ for peace process restart

FM prepares to discuss Myitsone, peace process during China visit Posted: 15 Aug 2016 01:02 AM PDT Foreign Minister Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is likely to be poring over her briefing books today as she prepares for what could be a testing visit to China from August 17 to 20. Two issues in particular are likely to be on the agenda: the future of the suspended Myitsone dam project and the peace process, both of more than passing interest to Beijing.

Myanmar remains country of ‘grave concern’ in US religious freedom report Posted: 15 Aug 2016 12:27 AM PDT In its first report since the National League for Democracy took power pledging movement toward greater religious equality, the United States Committee on International Religious Freedom still sees cause for "grave concern" in the country's rights record.

NPT allocates K1.9b for road repairs Posted: 15 Aug 2016 12:18 AM PDT More than K1.8 billion (US$1.5 million) has been earmarked for road and bridge repairs in the 2016-17 fiscal year for the eight townships comprising Nay Pyi Taw, according to U Tun Win, deputy minister for agriculture, livestock and irrigation.

Govt wants farmers to diversify with agriculture, livestock Posted: 15 Aug 2016 12:00 AM PDT A Proposal urging the Union government to assist farmers in running joint agricultural and livestock businesses was submitted to the Pyithu Hluttaw on August 11 by MP U Tin Htwe (NLD; Waw).

Pyinmana Aung San statue still undergoing revamp Posted: 14 Aug 2016 11:46 PM PDT Pyinmana township elders are still refurbishing an Aung San statue which was entrusted to them in July, according to an official from the township's development committee.

Heavy rains flood low-lying townships, roads in Mandalay Posted: 14 Aug 2016 11:23 PM PDT Low-Lying roads and townships within the city of Mandalay flooded after near-record rainfall yesterday, and locals are worried that the rains will continue. The Department of Meteorology and Hydrology recorded 6.26 inches (15.9 centimetres) of rainfall, less than 1 inch shy of the August 24, 1987, record of 6.89 inches.

Rising water knocks out new Nay Pyi Taw bridge Posted: 14 Aug 2016 11:13 PM PDT As monsoon rains drenched the country, a Nay Pyi Taw bridge paid for by locals was knocked out by rising creek water yesterday morning, residents said.

Hydropower projects in Kachin to be reviewed Posted: 14 Aug 2016 11:02 PM PDT On the eve of a visit to China by Foreign Minister Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, President U Htin Kyaw has announced the creation of a commission to look into the country's hydropower projects, including the controversial Myitsone dam on the Ayeyarwady River in Kachin State.

Maligned private Malaysian visa centre will not be terminated Posted: 14 Aug 2016 10:56 PM PDT One Stop Center (OSC), a Malaysian visa application service, will not be terminated unless the Malaysian government comes up with a better plan for handling illegal migrant workers, Malaysian ambassador to Myanmar Mohd Haniff Abd Rahman told The Myanmar Times on August 12.

Panglong billed as mere ‘opening ceremony’ for peace process restart Posted: 14 Aug 2016 10:53 PM PDT Expectations for a major breakthrough at the upcoming 21st-century Panglong Conference are being scaled back, with one individual involved in the peace talks describing the event as merely "the grand opening ceremony" for the government's efforts to end decades of civil war.

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Shan Herald Agency for News

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NLD, SNLD object to new Shan State govt building Posted: 15 Aug 2016 01:06 AM PDT Burma's ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) have objected to a plan to construct a new Shan State government building.  The budget for the new regional parliament in Shan State capital Taunggyi was approved during the tenure of the previous government led by President Thein Sein. Nang Mya Oo, the secretary of SNLD Taunggyi Township, said that the government should use the budget in ways that are useful to people who are in need rather that to design a new assembly building. "The existing office is a historical Shan State building," Nang Myo Oo said. "We still want it to be used as our state government office." But the central government wants the Shan State parliament to be expanded because it believes the current working environment is too restricted in space. According to an August 10 statement by the NLD's Taunggyi office, the ruling party also objects to the new construction plans. Last week, a petition signed by numerous local people and environmental groups called on the Shan State government to reconsider, saying the new location will affect the local environment with some 80 trees slated to be cut down. "If it is not necessary, do not use the state government budget," she said. "These trees [in the area where the new office is scheduled to be built] portray the beauty of Taunggyi city. We do not want them to be cut down." Nang Noon Mo, a resident in Taunggyi and executive member for the Shan Literature and Culture Association, said that they are collecting signatures in order to launch an objection to the project. She said that they will submit a letter outlining their case to President Htin Kyaw, State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, both union and state governments, and environmental groups. By Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

New Panglong will be about “opening” not “substance”: EAO leaders Posted: 14 Aug 2016 11:34 PM PDT According to representatives of ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) who were attending meetings in Chiangmai last week, prior to the meeting with the government today in preparation for the upcoming Union Peace Conference (UPD) #2, also dubbed the 21st Century Panglong, the planned gathering in Naypyitaw on 31 August will be a "grand opening," but no big debates on "substance" are on the radar. One participant reported to the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST), made up of top leaders from the 8 signatory EAOs, that he had met a senior officer from the Inter Mediate, a UK based charity said to be working with the State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. "In response to my protest that the conference was coming up too fast and furious for the EAOs, especially for the non signatories, to have time to prepare, let alone consult with the government, she told me not to worry," he said. "As the conference would be attended by several foreign dignitaries, particularly the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon, its priority would just be the grand opening, with little on substance. Accordingly, great speeches and sweeping statements are expected. It may also open the doors for political dialogues at state, region and ethnic levels, in the run up to the next conference. But that'll be all." So who's getting anything out of it?  "According to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), political dialogue was to begin 90 days after its signing," explained a participant who was one of the negotiators for the document which was signed on 15 October. "However, government representatives requested that we should go around the third step of the roadmap: (Political Dialogue) to do the 4th step (Holding the Union Peace Conference) #1 instead. Afterward, we could then return to the 3rd step. Anyway the 3rdand 4th steps would continuously alternate until the Pyidaungsu (Union) Accord is signed. So why don't we give something for (the outgoing) President to remember for what he had worked so hard? they said. "So in the end, we held the UPC#1 for the glory of President Thein Sein, "he concluded rhetorically. "Now for whose glory will we again be holding the UPC#2 or, if one prefers, the 21stCentury Panglong?" The State Counselor is scheduled to visit the United States next month to meet President Obama as well as deliver an address at the UN General Assembly. Meanwhile, the Inter Mediate, headed by ex UK Prime Minister Tony Blair's former Chief of Staff, Jonathan Powell, is said to have effectively replaced the former government's Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) as its technical support body, according to one informed source. "Not only the MPC has been supplanted," he said, "so are the Union Peacemaking Central Committee (UPCC) and the Union Peacemaking  Work Committee (UPWC). Now we have, in their place, the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) and the Peace Commission (PC)." The UPCC was the policymaking body chaired by President Thein Sein, and the UPWC the implementing body chaired by Vice President Sai Mawk Kham. The Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), made up of representatives from the government, EAOs and political parties, is meeting in Naypyitaw today to discuss preparations for the 21st Century Panglong.

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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‘Countries Evolve in Stages’: Norway’s Outgoing Ambassador to Burma Posted: 13 Aug 2016 07:31 PM PDT Norway's outgoing ambassador to Burma, Ms. Ann Ollestad, at the Norwegian Embassy in Rangoon, on her last day in August 2016. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy) A longtime backer of Burma's pro-democracy movement, Norway has been a high-profile donor to development and peacebuilding programs inside Burma since the launch of political and economic reforms in 2011.  Since 2012, Norway has led the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative and the Peace Donor Support Group, which channels donor funds in support of Burma's ceasefires with ethnic armed groups through development and humanitarian assistance. Norway has also supported women's empowerment and leadership programs in Burma.  In recent years, Norway has also made significant inroads into Burma's private sector. In mid 2013, Norwegian telecom giant Telenor was one of two foreign companies—along with Qatar's Ooredoo—to be awarded 15-year telecom operating licenses in Burma. Norwegian multi-national oil and gas company Statoil was awarded a deep-water exploration block off the Arakan coast.  Irrawaddy senior reporter Nyein Nyein interviewed Norway's outgoing ambassador to Burma, Ms. Ann Ollestad, about her thoughts and her experience of working in the country, before she departed in the first week of August. Norway is known as a donor to development and peace initiatives in Burma. Could you elaborate on what kind of support you are providing? In the three years since I took up the post as the Norwegian Ambassador to Myanmar in October 2013, the relationship between Myanmar and Norway has developed at an incredibly fast pace. Fruitful relations exist on many levels—the political level but also the people-to-people level. For a long time, Norway and Myanmar have had a special, although informal, relationship. In June this year, friends of Myanmar in Norway named a park after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Froland, in the south of Norway, to honor her. This is one example of how longstanding, informal relationships have contributed to creating the trust that today is fundamental to the bilateral relationship. Another example I would like to mention is the historically important state visit made by the Norwegian Royal Couple in 2014, one of the first state visits from a Western country. This visit strengthened the bilateral relationship, and underlined the importance of Myanmar to Norway and to the Norwegian people. To further strengthen the relations between the two countries, which is based on friendship and mutual respect, it was an important milestone when we signed a Memorandum of Understanding on development cooperation with Myanmar in 2014. Norway supports projects in a wide range of sectors where Norway has relevant experience for the development of Myanmar, such as environment, energy, national resource management, fisheries, forestry and petroleum. What has Norway's role been in the current peace process? Norway was requested in 2012 by the Government of Myanmar to establish the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI) and to chair the Peace Support Group (PSG). MPSI initiated and supported 15 pilot projects seeking to build trust and confidence. A number of these projects brought together Union government officials, the Myanmar Army, non-state armed- and political groups, civil society actors and communities for the first time. These pilot projects represented a new situation for communities in ceasefire areas, including seeing the first international presence in their areas. In my farewell calls in Naypyidaw with President U Htin Kyaw, the Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, as well as with the speakers of both houses of Parliament, one of my most important messages was a reiteration of Norway's continued support to the peace process. I am very encouraged to see the preparations for the 21st Century Panglong Conference proceeding. Norway supports an all-inclusive political dialogue to pave a way for a lasting political solution to address the conflict that has been going on for too long. Could you share your experience working in the country as the only female ambassador? To be the only female ambassador to Myanmar has given me a unique role in raising the issues of women's rights and the role of women in the democratic transition and the peace process. As a female ambassador, I have had the privilege to travel to every corner of this country, meeting and interacting with many strong and clever women. Supporting their initiatives gives me great hope for the future of this country. My government has a policy of working systematically to promote women's participation in peace processes, improve training on how women's humanitarian and security needs can be met, and help ensure that women's economic and political status and legal rights are given more emphasis in peace-building processes. The work on women, peace and security in Myanmar is part of broader peace process and peace-building efforts that Norway has actively supported and engaged with for several years. We are convinced that there will be no sustainable peace unless women's needs and views are reflected in the final peace agreement. It is important for us to emphasize that men bear just as much responsibility as women for ensuring that the needs of both genders are met in processes relating to peace and security. The active participation of men and women in society is also important for preventing and combating radicalization. In addition to providing support to our partners, the Embassy is actively promoting women's role in the peace process. One way we do this is by hosting several working dinners and seminars where women and men meet to discuss and exchange experiences and ideas concerning quotas for women's participation in peace and political dialogue processes, and women's involvement in business and in positions of leadership.  Women representation in politics and government is still well under the desired minimum of 30 percent, even though a powerful woman, Aung San Suu Kyi, now effectively leads Burma. What words would you like to share with women activists? Countries evolve in stages. I am sure that as democracy is strengthened in Myanmar, more women will get opportunities to join in decision-making processes. We have already seen more women elected to the current parliament, but we would like to see more in the future. Two women were appointed as chief ministers of states and regions. As you mentioned, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is holding a very important position in the executive wing of the government. To encourage women, and invite more women into all positions in society, and, importantly, into the peace process, is one of Norway's most important messages to Myanmar. It is evident that that when women influence peace processes, the outcomes are more sustainable. In this sense, it is not necessarily the numerical inclusion of women, but the substantive participation and influence of women that is a key element in securing and sustaining peace agreements. Could you comment on trade relations with Burma? What are the successes of the Myanmar-Norway Business Council? How do you ensure your business ventures are responsible? Myanmar needs a strong and vibrant private sector based on the principles of responsible business in order to lift the people out of poverty and into development. At this stage, Norway does not have much bilateral trade, but we look forward to establishing stronger business relations with Myanmar. This is why the Myanmar-Norway Business Council was established last year. The aim is to facilitate growth in trade and investment between Norway and Myanmar, to create a forum for businesses to exchange ideas and experience, and to provide networking opportunities. We believe that Norwegian companies and the private sector can bring in competence, knowledge, technology and responsible business practice that will benefit both Myanmar and Norway. The Norwegian Embassy has therefore played a role in the promotion of responsible business when Norwegian companies have established themselves in Myanmar—to ensure that companies know that they are expected to act as role models, by setting high standards, building capacity, promoting women in the workforce, and improving people's livelihoods. As maritime nations, both countries share a close relation to the resources in the ocean. Norway shares expertise with Myanmar, and builds capacity, through two prominent projects, namely Fish for Development and Oil for Development. Norway believes that by supporting capacity building in the government and in different sectors, Myanmar can benefit from and protect the resources of this rich country in the best possible way. The post 'Countries Evolve in Stages': Norway's Outgoing Ambassador to Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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