Tuesday, August 15, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Karen Women Wary of Return to Myanmar

Posted: 15 Aug 2017 08:23 AM PDT

Naw Kwut was a young Karen woman when she stepped on a landmine and lost her right leg while she was forced to act as a porter for the Myanmar Army 20 years ago.

"We were treated badly. They asked us to do everything for them," she said, recalling her experiences in the jungle. She grew up in a village controlled by the Karen National Union (KNU)'s Brigade 1, in Thaton, Mon State.

Naw Kwut is one of the many women who survived the conflict, along with suffering torture and human rights abuses by Myanmar military troops. She fled to KNU-controlled territory on the Thailand-Myanmar border to seek help after losing a limb.

Now 45 years old, the mother of four children is working to help other disabled people. She worries about her children's safety and education if she is to return to her village.

"I will not go back yet. People say we have peace, but there is neither peace nor tranquility for us," she said, adding that many disabled people and their families share her concerns.

'No Peace in the Jungle'

Even though there has been no engagement between the KNU and the government army in KNU-controlled territory for a few years, the women in those areas feel that there is no security for them to be able to return to their homes.

The KNU signed a bilateral ceasefire agreement with the government in 2012 and the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) in late 2015. It is a leading ethnic armed group – along with NCA-signatory the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) – negotiating with the government and the Myanmar Army to build federalism through the peace process.

The KNU has been conducting pilot surveys in areas where displaced persons and refugees are slated to return. But demining efforts have yet to start and land redistribution remains a challenge.

"It may be true that there is peace for those who live in the cities, but there has never been peace for people in the jungle and remote villages," said Naw Kwut.

Naw Myaing Poe, the chief justice of the KNU, echoed her concerns. She said the area is not safe and that it is important that women look out for themselves.

KNU Chief Justice Naw Myaing Poe, Aug. 12, 2017. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy)

Helping Others

Many women are no longer hoping that men will provide security and are preparing themselves. Some have joined the KNU in an effort to learn self-defense skills in case of further attacks or conflict.

One such woman is Nan Cho Cho Win, a villager in her young twenties from the Irrawaddy Region. She is a medic trainee in a community health program run by the KNU, where she and other women learn how to provide medical treatment, along with receiving basic military training.

She said it doesn't feel as though there is peace and that the whole country seems to be in a fragile state.

"I joined so that I could help others without access to healthcare. And knowing defense techniques will prepare us in case of future clashes."

The KNU also trains people from other ethnic groups who are keen to learn. Laydeya is an ethnic Naga woman who is training to be a medic. She is preparing to take her knowledge back to Naga territory.

"I came to learn because the Naga region faces many disease outbreaks as well as clashes," she said.

Regarding the current peace process, she is less aware of it, but said she wants "peace between all ethnic groups."

Women, Leadership and Peace

In the past, when Karen men were targeted for persecution under the allegation of supporting the Karen resistance, Karen women served as village heads and protected their people, despite lacking formal security training.

Karen State now has more female village heads than other areas around the country, according to a United Nations Development Program research study in 2015.

But in peace negotiations, men largely outnumber women in delegations representing the government and ethnic armed groups.

Women's views need to be heard during peace negotiations, said Naw Myaing Poe.

"These women village heads would be happy to come to the table if they were invited. It's sad that they aren't, even after putting their lives at risk throughout our struggle," she added.

The post Karen Women Wary of Return to Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

USDP-Led Coalition Calls on Govt to Reject Rohingya Ethnicity

Posted: 15 Aug 2017 07:14 AM PDT

YANGON — A coalition of 20 political parties led by the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) called on the Myanmar government to declare to the international community that there is "no Rohingya ethnicity" in the country.

Party representatives—largely from minor groups currently unrepresented in Parliament, including the Democratic Party Myanmar, National Democratic Force, and the National Development Party—discussed issues in northern Rakhine State on Monday at the USDP head office in Yangon. After the talks, they signed the statement, which contained four demands: improve general security in the region, provide increased security for government staff, enforce the 2014 counter-terrorism law, and reject the term "Rohingya" to describe a population of more than 1 million Muslims.

The self-identifying Rohingya are widely labeled throughout Myanmar as "Bengali," implying that they are immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh, rather than belonging to Rakhine State.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees estimated in May that 168,000 Rohingya had fled violence and persecution Myanmar in the last five years, mostly seeking refuge in Bangladesh and Malaysia. Most recently, following militant attacks on police outposts in October 2016, Myanmar security forces carried out clearance operations in Rakhine State, displacing nearly 70,000 Rohingya to Bangladesh.

Myanmar State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been criticized for not speaking out on behalf of the group, and has previously labeled both the terms "Rohingya" and "Bengali" as "emotive." She told UN Special Envoy for Human Rights in Myanmar Yanghee Lee in June 2016 that these "controversial terms should be avoided."

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, USDP central executive committee member U Hla Thein chastised the international community for "complaining about human rights violations to the government" while "ethnic Rakhine and members of the security forces are being killed by militant terrorists."

In early August, seven ethnic Mro—a sub-ethnicity of the Buddhist Arakanese in the region—were found dead of gunshot and machete wounds in the Mayu mountains of Maungdaw Township in northern Rakhine State. While no one has been arrested for the murders, local sources have said they suspect militants active in the borderlands of committing the murders.

Hundreds of troops were deployed to Rakhine State last week after a meeting between military commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and a seven-member delegation from the Arakan National Party (ANP) in Naypyitaw.

The Irrawaddy reported on Monday that the Myanmar military gave a verbal order to villagers in the state's northern townships to avoid entering the Mayu mountains for any reason, in order to "avoid fatalities" while they conduct clearance operations in the area.

U Hla Thein told The Irrawaddy that the recent mission "was not enough, if further attacks potentially happen in the area."

The post USDP-Led Coalition Calls on Govt to Reject Rohingya Ethnicity appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Chief Minister Files Complaint Against Reuters

Posted: 15 Aug 2017 04:35 AM PDT

YANGON — Yangon Region Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein filed a complaint against wire news agency Reuters on Monday over an article about his regional government's deal to import buses from China, Myanmar Press Council told The Irrawaddy.

The article, published on August 6 under the headline "Suu Kyi's man in Yangon under fire over transit deal with China," questioned the transparency and accountability behind two deals, estimated at more than US$100 million, according to the report.

U Aung Hla Tun, one of the two vice chairpersons of the Myanmar Press Council, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the council received the complaint letter from the chief minister on Monday and would inform Reuters about the complaint on Tuesday in order to mediate the case.

The chief minister told the council the article was factually incorrect and Reuters had failed to verify the article's information with him, said U Aung Hla Tun, adding that the council could not disclose any further details about the complaint.

Reuters, however, stated in its report that U Phyo Min Thein "declined several interview requests from Reuters" regarding the story.

The move will be the second incident in which the Yangon chief minister has filed complaint against a news organization. In November of last year, U Phyo Min Thein filed a case with the Tamwe Township police station and a complaint to the Press Council against Eleven Media Group and its chief executive officer Dr. Than Htut Aung, for an alleged accusation in the paper's editorial that he had accepted a bribe.

The article quoted Yangon National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker U Kyaw Zay Ya as saying U Phyo Min Thein's government lacks transparency and the "image of the government would be damaged if he doesn't change."

In late April, Yangon planning and finance minister U Myint Thaung said at the regional legislature that Yangon Bus Public Company (YBPC) purchased 1,000 buses from two Chinese companies selected and endorsed by the Chinese ambassador to Myanmar at a total cost of US$56 million.

New Chinese-made buses at People’s Square in front of Shwedagon Pagoda in Yangon. / Photo: Thet Tun Naing / The Irrawaddy

Another 1,000 buses were bought from Beiqi Foton Motor Co. Ltd., another Chinese state-owned company, in a private deal by businessman Kyaw Ne Win, a grandson of former junta leader Ne Win, reported Reuters.

There was no public tender or debate in the regional legislature before the deals were agreed, added the report.

YBPC is a public-private joint venture majority-owned by the regional government, one of the many companies which services the government's Yangon Bus System (YBS).

The ambassador "guarantees" the quality of products and the price of vehicles are "reasonable," U Myint Thaung told the parliament.

The two chosen firms were Anhui Ankai Automobile Co. Ltd. and privately-owned Zhengzhou Yutong Bus Co. According to the Reuters' report, the former is state-run and the latter is led by a member of China's National People's Congress.

Dr. Maung Aung, secretary of the Yangon Region Transport Authority (YRTA), the regional government body that oversees the bus system, told The Irrawaddy in January that a government-to-government deal would make the process faster as the city was in short supply of buses.

Dr. Maung Aung was not available for further comment at the time of reporting.

In an email to The Irrawaddy regarding the chief minister's complaint, a Reuters' spokesperson said, "Reuters stands by the fairness and accuracy" of the story.

The regional government requested 70 billion kyats in the 2016-2017 fiscal year's re-budgeting process, saying that the large sum was to be spent on public transportation reform in the commercial capital.

The post Yangon Chief Minister Files Complaint Against Reuters appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Khaki Guardians of The NLD

Posted: 15 Aug 2017 04:04 AM PDT

YANGON — When they received an ultimatum from the Union Election Commission (UEC) in December 1991, both the National League for Democracy (NLD) acting chairman U Aung Shwe and secretary U Lwin faced a dilemma. They were told to expel Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from the party or dismantle the NLD. The reason, according to the then military regime, was her connection with armed insurgent groups and the receipt of aid indirectly from abroad.

With Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD chairman U Tin Oo under house arrest at the time, it was a hard choice for U Aung Shwe. He didn't want to see the party shut down under his leadership. So, he followed the UEC order and faced serious criticism from NLD sympathizers at home and abroad. To the junta's delight, party members were divided on the issue, as the chairman also made a series of follow-up expulsions, including U Tin Oo, from a list handed down by military rulers. Mass resignations followed. On the other hand, the party still legally existed, at least. U Aung Shwe said he acted as he did for the party's survival.

U Aung Shwe. / The Irrawaddy

After Daw Aung Suu Kyi and U Tin Oo were released from house arrest in 1995, the pro-democracy icon resumed her position as NLD general secretary while U Tin Oo assumed the role of vice chairman. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi once described U Aung Shwe and U Lwin, a former colonel and the father-in-law of current President U Htin Kyaw, as the "guardians" of the NLD's survival while the party was under fierce pressure and threats from authorities.

With the death of U Aung Shwe, the 99-year-old ex-brigadier general, on Sunday, the party has lost its second to last guardian. U Kyi Maung and U Lwin died in 2004 and 2011, respectively, and only U Tin Oo, the former general, is still alive. But he was admitted to the hospital in May after suffering a stroke. He is now 90.

Ironically, despite its long defiance against military rule in the country, all four of the NLD guardians served in the army. They joined as young men, and some fought against the British and Japanese for the country's independence. They served as general, brigadier and colonel until they were forced to retired by the then dictator Ne Win after he came to power in 1962.

Since the NLD formation after the popular uprising in 1988, they joined the party as members of the Patriotic Old Comrades League—one of three founding factions of the main opposition party. In spite of being initially being regarded as turncoats, history has proved that they were caretakers of the party who managed to keep the NLD going, especially in the 1990s and 2000s when the military regime tried its best to quash the party. They are politically humble NLD supporters and followers of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who never took credit for their actions. The Lady knows this.

When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Tin Oo were first put under house arrest in 1989, U Kyi Maung, a former colonel, took over the leadership of the party and helped steer it to its landslide victory in the 1990 election while empowering the party's youth. But a few years later, he fell out with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and in 1997, he quit politics altogether.

U Tin Oo, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Kyi Maung in Yangon, June 1996. (Photo: Uzo Uda)

The NLD faced another life-or-death situation in 2010 while the Lady was under house arrest again: register for the military-organized general election or face extinction, as the regime would no longer deem the party legally valid.

U Tin Oo, the vice chairman, decided against taking part in the election, citing the election laws as unjust. When a vote was held on whether or not to join, his faction won. The election turned out to be rigged and the NLD still enjoyed popular support despite its refusal to register for the polls.

U Tin Oo.

Controversial Figures

For all of their top positions since the formation of the NLD, the guardians didn't easily win the hearts and minds of the majority of party members.  Their military backgrounds didn't impress the party's young membership, as they had joined the NLD out of hate after their bitter experiences during the army's bloody crackdown in the 88 Uprising.

"We only thought of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as our leader. For us, they were from the Patriotic Old Comrades League. We didn't see them as among us," recalled Ko Zaw Aung, who was then a member of the NLD Central Youth Working Committee.

He remembered that their youth members were rarely patient with the older members at meetings as "they always took everything into consideration."

When U Kyi Maung became the chairman in 1989, they welcomed him cautiously. They once frustrated their new leader at a meeting by calling him a turncoat. The ex-colonel was mad enough to slam the table in front of him, the former youth member said.

"But later, he built trust among young people by empowering them—which led to the NLD's victory in the 1990 election," he explained.

Monywa Aung Shin, the editor of the party's newspaper D-Wave, called U Aung Shwe a good leader despite controversies around him for expelling Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

"He took a flexible, defensive line that kept our party alive amid the junta's oppression. He knew when to move forward and when to retreat," he said.

"Both U Aung Shwe and U Lwin calmly managed to move the party forward," he added.

Chairman U Aung Shwe, Secretary U Lwin,  and other NLD Central Executive Committee members (R to L) at the 59th Anniversary of their Independence Day at the party headquarters in Yangon in Jan, 2007. / REUTERS

Ko Zaw Aung couldn't agree more with what Monywa Aung Shin said. The 48-year-old social researcher told The Irrawaddy that when he learned about the expulsion, he was upset and thought, "How dare they do that."

But later, he realized it was for the party's survival. And there was good reason to believe so.

When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Tin Oo were released in 1995, many thought U Aung Shwe would be punished for the expulsions.

But on their first meeting, the ex-brigadier general told the Lady: "Suu Suu, I hand the party back to you."

To many people's surprise, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi replied, "It's OK, Uncle. Let's work together as we did before."

The junta's plan to divide the NLD proved to be fruitless.

Setting Good Examples

Despite the initial controversies that they brought, nobody can deny the fact that the guardians were men of vision who understood what they needed to do to move the party forward while standing at the forefront of Myanmar's struggle to democracy.

"The current military leaders should learn how their seniors led toward the country's democracy movement," Ko Zaw Aung said.

He added, apart from learning, they should collaborate more with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for democratic transition.

"If they do, the army will go down in history for their graceful participation in the country's reform."

The post The Khaki Guardians of The NLD appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Govt to Send Special Envoy to UN

Posted: 15 Aug 2017 02:47 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Myanmar government will dispatch a special envoy to be stationed in New York where the UN is headquartered to explain the Rakhine issue to the international community, said U Kyaw Zeya, permanent secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

He mentioned the plan in response to The Irrawaddy's question during the Asean 50th anniversary celebration in Naypyitaw on Monday.

"We met concerned directors-general and explored ideas. We've made proper preparations to assign a separate body," said U Kyaw Zeya.

The Rakhine issue calls for cooperation and coordination among all ministries to find an answer, he said.

"We can't shift the responsibility to each other. We have difficulties handling this issue but we'll try to achieve success by working together. Not only our foreign ministry, but other agencies are also working to find a solution," said U Kyaw Zeya.

On July 24, Daw Thandar, a well-known human rights activist and National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker, submitted an emergency proposal to the Lower House to condemn UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Myanmar Yanghee Lee's end-of-mission statement after concluding her recent visit to the country on July 21.

Lee said she was "disappointed to see the tactics applied by the previous government still being used," and that she would "strongly urge the government" to allow an international independent body to investigate allegations of rights abuses particularly in Rakhine State, and in conflict regions in Myanmar at large.

Daw Thandar's proposal was unanimously approved by the parliament. Daw Pyone Kaythi Naing, an NLD lawmaker from Shan State's Kalaw, additionally proposed sending a special envoy to the UN to counter international allegations and provide briefings outlining Myanmar's legislative perspective on the situation in Rakhine State.

She told The Irrawaddy that Myanmar's government was only able to respond after international agencies make allegations, and that the government should take the initiative to explain the situation to the UN first.

Daw Pyone Kaythi Naing, who is also a member of the Lower House International Relations Committee, has consistently promoted the idea of sending a special envoy to the UN whenever there has been parliamentary debate on issues in Rakhine State.

"We are in a defensive position, while the other side has disseminated widespread propaganda in the international community," she told The Irrawaddy.

"The government should send a special envoy—a respected figure with diplomatic expertise—to the UN to counter it," she added.

The State Counselor's Office announced on August 11 that it was considering imposing a curfew in certain areas in Rakhine State; and that it would cooperate with the Myanmar Army to counter militancy. Since militants attacked border police posts in Maungdaw last October, 59 people have been killed and 33 went missing as of August 9, according to the State Counselor's Office.

According to sources from Rakhine State, Myanmar Army troops in cooperation with local security forces are conducting clearance operations in the Mayu Mountain Range, where they claim that militants are hiding. "Clearance operations" carried out in the area after the October border guard post attack resulted in widespread accusations of human rights abuses committed by the military.

The Myanmar government should find a long-term solution, spur economic development, and create education and job opportunities in Rakhine State rather than isolating communities, said political analyst U Tin Maung Than.

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Army Defends Kachin State Clearance Operations

Posted: 15 Aug 2017 02:26 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — Military representatives assigned to Parliament argued on Monday that Myanmar Army plans to conduct operations in the contested area of Kachin State's Tanai Township are in line with the military-drafted 2008 Constitution.

Lt-Col Khin Maung Swe told the Lower House that the army was increasing clearance operations in the Kachin Independence Army (KIA)-controlled area in order to support the government.

"According to the mandate given by the Constitution, we are carrying out area clearance operations on our own initiative with a sense of responsibility and also in line with the law to stop the unlawful acts of KIA insurgents without impacting the lives and property of the people," he said.

Two other military representatives also seconded his view. Tanai lawmaker U Lin Lin Oo sparked the discussion with a proposal urging the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation and the Kachin State government to properly handle illegal gold and amber mining in the Kachin townships of Tanai and Hpakant.

The three military representatives said the army would take actions in accordance with the Constitution against those who they deem saboteurs of the country and the people, and who cause damage to the environment.

Lt-Col Soe Myint Aung also told the Parliament that according to the Constitution, the army did not need to seek approval in order to protect the resources and environment of the country.

He claimed the KIA operated unlicensed gold and amber mines in the two townships and earned about 2.8 billion kyats in tax per year, which he said the group used on the procurement of arms and ammunitions rather than the development of the state.

Leaders of the KIA's political wing, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), and their families were lining their pockets, he added.

"They are indulging in that money and the power of arms, and therefore have no desire for peace and have not signed the NCA [Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement]," said Lt-Col Khin Maung Swe.

"There is illegal mining in those areas because there is no rule of law," he added.

He also accused the KIA of planning to use locals and migrant workers as human shields to deter Myanmar Army operations.

Lawmaker U Lin Lin Oo does "not want clashes" in the region, he told The Irrawaddy.

"I only want to negotiate between the two sides to avoid clashes. But the army said it would conduct clearance operations, and as it is in the KIA-controlled area, it seems that clashes are unavoidable," he said.

The KIA conducted mining in the area under the Than Shwe regime, when a truce was in effect, but after 2011, clashes broke out with the KIA expanding its operations to amber mines, according to U Lin Lin Oo of the National League for Democracy (NLD).

Myanmar Army helicopters dropped leaflets in the second week of June, asking people in the mining areas to leave by June 15 or else be recognized as insurgents supporting the KIA. The drop was followed by military operations.

Earlier this month, military representatives submitted a proposal to Kachin State Parliament to designate Hukawng Valley, which includes Tanai Township, as a restricted area. The proposal was put to vote, and failed.

A lawmaker and member of the Lower House Public Affairs Committee who asked for anonymity said the military did not cooperate with the government in undertaking military operations, saying it was in the name of regional security.

"It is difficult for the government to intervene as they gave the reason of security concerns," the lawmaker told The Irrawaddy.

On May 19, the Myanmar Army Northern Command commander tried to persuade the Kachin State chief minister to impose a curfew in Tanai, but the commander was denied.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Police Shoot, Arrest Elephant Poacher in Irrawaddy Region

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 11:44 PM PDT

PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Region — Police arrested an elephant poacher after an exchange of fire in Irrawaddy Region's Thabaung Township on Sunday.

A combined force of local police, forestry police, and officials from the forestry department spotted three poachers during a patrol in the forest of Khayin Chaungpya, around 30 miles from Thabaung.

One poacher was arrested and two others got away, according to the Irrawaddy Region Police Force.

"The combined force found a skinned elephant and poachers during their patrol," police Lt-Col Khin Maung Latt of Irrawaddy Region Police Force told The Irrawaddy.

"One of the poachers shot at police with an improvised firearm, and the combined force returned fire. We arrested him after he was injured in the right thigh."

The arrested poacher, Cho Lwin, is from a village in Shwethaungyan in Pathein Township and was initially admitted to Thabaung Township Hospital before being transferred to Pathein Hospital on Monday for surgery.

Police also seized four elephant tusks, two improvised firearms, two containers of gunpowder, 11 metal balls, two 15-inch knives, a three-inch arrow, dried elephant hide, grilled elephant meat, a tail and a cell phone.

The skinned and decapitated elephant was 40 years old.

"We found four tusks, so we assume they killed two elephants, though we have yet to investigate," said the police lieutenant colonel.

Police were chasing the two unarmed poachers that escaped, he said.

A joint force of local police, forestry police, and forestry department officials found the decaying carcass of a 40-year-old elephant. (Photo: Pathein Township Police Force)

Police have charged all three suspects under the Protection of Wildlife and Conservation of Natural Areas Law and for carrying unlicensed firearms.

From January to mid-August, 11 elephants were killed by hunters in Pathein, Ngapudaw and Thabaung townships in the Irrawaddy Region—most of them killed by poisoned arrows, according to the Irrawaddy Region Police Force.

On the occasion of World Elephant Day last week, national and international conservation organizations—including the Wildlife Conservation Society and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF)—warned of Myanmar's declining wild elephant population following a surge in demand for their skin.

"At least 30 wild elephants have been poached so far in 2017 with six elephants killed in the last six weeks. This is far above the previous yearly poaching average for Myanmar," said Aung Myo Chit, country coordinator of the Smithsonian Conservation Biology Institute, according to a joint press release.

The number of wild elephants in Myanmar has plummeted to between 1,400 and 2,000 compared to tens of thousands just decades ago.

Conservation groups are working with the Myanmar government to train rangers, according to the statement. In July alone, 45 rangers were trained.

"Training rangers is the first step on our journey to win this battle against poachers," said Christy Williams, country director of WWF Myanmar. "Rangers are on the conservation frontlines, protecting the world's natural and cultural treasures.  With their commitment and the help of our supporters, there is hope for Asian elephants."

On Friday in parliament, Minister for Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation U Ohn Win said his ministry would coordinate with the defense ministry to equip forestry department personnel with arms.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week (Aug. 15 – Aug. 21)

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 07:01 PM PDT

Children's Hospital Visit | Aug. 20

A local volunteer group Wisdom for Life is visiting Yankin Children's Hospital to present storybooks and to read to young patients. Volunteers are encouraged to join.

August 20, Yankin Children's Hospital. Contact Tel: 09-799816779; 09-43176169; 09-972933229; 09-263675616

Film 'Story of Khiam' & Lecture on Traditional Music | Aug. 18

This event will feature a documentary film on making of the Naga tribe's 10-meter long traditional drum made from a hollowed log. The movie screening will be followed by a talk by Myanmar musician Diramore on Myanmar traditional music.

August 18, 6:00 pm. Japan Culture House, Room 322B, 2nd Floor, Building-C, Pearl Condo, Kabar Aye Pagoda Road

Myanmar Wine Lovers Club: Wine & Food Pairing | Aug. 16

A variety of wine will be available for tasting. Reservations can be made by email at mwlc.pr@gmail.com

August 16, 6:30 to 8:30 pm.  CAFE DEL SeOUL, No. 24/1 Pyay Road, 7 Mile, Mayangone Tsp. Tickets 10,000 kyats (including wine & canapé).

Nutrition Promotion Event | Aug. 19

This event is organized by 3MDG Myanmar Fund and the Livelihoods and Food Security Trust (LIFT) Fund to promote public awareness about the importance of nutrition in the first 1,000 days of a child's life. There will be quizzes, a puppet show and nutrition talks by well-known speakers.

August 19, 10:00 am to 4:00 pm. Yangon Gallery, People's Park.

Australia Canterbury Education Group Seminar | Aug. 17

Education opportunities at Australian universities will be outlined at the event. Registration here.

August 17, 5:30 to 7:00 pm. Edulink Office, Junction Square 3rd Floor, Tel: 09-425765090.

MasterBaytar: Retro Session

MasterBaytar: Retro Session | Aug. 19

This night will bring about reminiscences of 1990s with songs from the decade played the whole night.

August 19, 8:00 pm to 2:00 am. The Penthouse, No. 271-273 Ba Ga Yar Street. 

BOSSY BEATS at Basement Bar | Aug. 19

Bossy Beats is a music movement, concert series and social program that celebrates diversity and femininity.

August 19, 8:00 pm to 1:00 am. The Basement, No. 785 Mahabandoola Road, Lanmadaw Tsp. Entry: 8,000 kyats

Doemal Food Land | Aug. 18 – 19

There will be a variety of samples for foodies, and a lucky draw with food challenges between 1:00 and 2:00 pm, and 5:30 and 6:30 pm on both days.

August 18-19, 9:00 am to 9:00 pm, Junction Square.

Group Art Exhibition | Aug. 16 – 20

A group art exhibition of 16 artists will feature over 40 paintings on different subjects.

August 16-20. Myanmar Art and Artisan Organization, Bogyoke Market.

To the Sea | Aug. 1 – 28

Artist San Myint's exhibition will showcase 25 acrylic paintings depicting the lives of people in Rakhine State.

August 1-28. Eternal Art Gallery, Yuzana Housing.

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Debating with Data: A Response to ‘The Myth Myanmar can Afford to Ditch’

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 06:38 PM PDT

A recent post on Tea Circle, "The Myth Myanmar Can Afford to Ditch," argues that Burmese women are free, independent, and empowered. Alas, available data does not support such an argument.

A 2014 Study by the Asia Foundation found that 71 percent of respondents believed that men make better political leaders than women. An identical 71 precent believe that men make better business executives than women. The study found no differences between male and female respondents in holding these opinions.

Broader Burmese society reflects these views. According to the 2014 census, 270,000 women identified themselves as 'employers' – i.e., business owners, whereas 777,000 men identified themselves as business owners. Of the 100 largest Burmese conglomerates, only three are run by female CEOs. The census also revealed that for 7.2 million women, their primary job is 'household work', although this is true for only 270,000 men. On average, a working man earns 138,000 kyats per month; a working woman earns 110,000.

Women are excluded from top government jobs too. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remains the only female minister. Only 14.5 percent of the Union Parliament (excluding the seats set aside for the military) are women – an improvement from the previous parliaments but still a long way to go before the country achieves a parity. Likewise, there is a scarcity of women in other government departments and branches.

At the President's Office, women make up 53 precent of total employees, but only 10 percent of management level positions (management level is defined as Deputy Director or equivalent position and above). In the Union Election Commission, which singularly failed to discipline gender discriminatory language during the 2015 election, women make up 52 percent of total employees, but 9 percent of management. Figures are almost identical for the Constitutional Tribunal.

The Foreign Office, whose workforce is 49 percent women, drops to 23 percent women at senior levels. From 1967 to 2015, the country had no female ambassador. That year, Daw Yin Yin Myint was appointed ambassador to Germany, becoming the country's second female ambassador ever, following Daw Khin Kyi, the widow of General Aung San, who served as Burmese ambassador to India from 1960-67. In the Ministry of Mines, 42 percent of the workforce is female, but 10 percent of its senior level positions are females. Female mining engineers are rare and in local culture, it is believed that if a woman were to enter a quarry or a mine, said quarry would stop producing minerals or collapse altogether.

At the Ministry of Education, 79 percent of its workforce is female and 76 percent of its leadership roles are filled by women – a parity to which other departments should aspire. However, at school-level – where an ordinary citizen first encounters social hierarchies as a child – the picture is less rosy. In elementary schools, 85 percent of the teachers are female, but only 63 percent of principals/heads of school are female. In middle schools, 90 percent of teachers are female, yet women make up only 71 percent of principals. In high schools, 82 percent of teachers are female, and only 59 percent of principals are female.

In addition to the lack of women in leadership roles, women's position domestically is precarious too, where they play Nancy to the patriarchy's Bill Sikes. In the 2015-16 Demographic and Health Survey, it was found that 51 percent of women agree that wife beating is justified under certain circumstances, a slightly higher percentage than the 49 percent of men who agreed. Men, however, are no paragons of virtue: 21 percent of men believed that wife beating was justified if their wives were "involved in too much social activity". In Yangon, nearly two in five men held such a view.

Fifteen percent of women ages 15-49 have experienced physical violence, and three percent of women ages 15-49 have experienced sexual violence. However, only a small proportion of these violent attacks ever get reported. In 2016, there were 1,100 reported rape cases in Myanmar (and 700 cases in the previous year).  Many rapes go unreported due to a culture of silence; a well-known Burmese saying, "Don't make one shame into two," exhorts against a rape survivor going public. Among women who have experienced physical or sexual violence and sought help, the majority sought help from family or neighbors. Only 0.9 percent of women noted they went to the police; a further 2.5 percent and 2.9 percent sought help from lawyers and social work organizations, respectively.

All these statistics are just the tip of an iceberg in a country where information is not readily available – information such as the availability of safe abortions. Even in rape cases, and in cases where the mother's life is in danger, abortion is prohibited in Myanmar. Many suffer and perish in back-alley clinics.

As such, we cannot afford to ditch the 'myth' of female repression. We need to fight harder for gender equality, and as the original author noted, there is a lot to be hopeful about in Burmese society. The same Asia Foundation report cited above noted that 82 percent of respondents feel a woman should make her own choice when voting. The Demographic and Health Survey found high asset ownership rates, control over earnings, and participation in decision making for women. Labor participation among 20 to 24-year-old women is high at 72 percent.

From an economic standpoint, it makes sense to keep talking about and promoting women's welfare and empowerment. Our internal assessments at First Rangoon show that if Myanmar increases female labor participation from the current 54 percent to 75 percent, the country's GDP will increase by $7 billion (13.8 percent growth).

It should be a goal of the current government and parliament to maintain the high labor participation rate among the 20 to 24-year-old women, and amend the laws and institutions that disenfranchise and disempower them. Changing societal views and attitudes, not to mention religious and cultural teachings, will take time and generations. The institutional and legal reforms, however, can – and should – start immediately.

Born in Yangon, Shine Zaw-Aung studied International Relations at Stanford University, where he was an honors fellow at the Center for International Security and Cooperation. He co-founded First Rangoon, a consultancy, and contributed to the Myanmar Ministry of Foreign Affairs at MISIS. Shine is currently working toward his MBA at the University of Chicago.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post Debating with Data: A Response to 'The Myth Myanmar can Afford to Ditch' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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National News

National News

Conservationists alarmed over rising elephant skin trade

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 02:09 PM PDT

Conservationists have raised alarm over the increase in elephant skin trading in the country that targets mother elephants and calves, which could lead to the extinction of wild elephants in the country.

Government plans to arm foresters to fight smugglers, illegal hunters

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 02:05 PM PDT

The government is planning for arming the foresters to ensure their safety against smugglers and illegal hunters who attacked them, Minister for Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation Minister U Ohn Win said.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to ASEAN: People’s support needed

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 01:50 PM PDT

On the eve of 50th anniversary of ASEAN, State Counsellor and Foreign Minister Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said that a viable ASEAN Community would need people's support.

20 political parties urge govt to act on Rakhine issue

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 01:44 PM PDT

Twenty political parties on Monday met and signed an open letter calling on the government to use the country's counter-terrorism law to stem the rising violence in Rakhine state.

No let up in H1N1 infection in Myanmar

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 01:41 PM PDT

Five new patients were confirmed with H1N1 but there were no reported deaths during the last 24 hours, the Ministry of Health and Sports said on Monday.

Government to open vocational training schools for dropouts in Yangon

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 01:39 PM PDT

The Yangon government and the Ministry of Education will start collaboration in running vocational training schools in the region to help youth dropouts find gainful employment, Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein said.

Mandalay garbage collection services losing money

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 01:36 PM PDT

The Mandalay City Development Committee (MCDC) Cleaning Department has sought cooperation of other agencies in its crackdown against beggars, a department official said on Monday.

MCDC seeks help in crackdown against beggars

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 01:32 PM PDT

The Mandalay City Development Committee (MCDC) Cleaning Department has sought cooperation of other agencies in its crackdown against beggars, a department official said on Monday.

FDA shuts down seven drinking water factories in Yangon

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 01:30 PM PDT

Seven drinking water factories were shut down in Yangon last week for violations of government rules, the region's Department of Food and Drug Administration said.
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Monday, August 14, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

More Than 1,000 New IDPs Reported in Kachin State

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 07:16 AM PDT

YANGON — More than 1,000 locals abandoned their homes and have sought refuge at Baptist and Catholic churches in Namti, Kachin State, due to fighting between the Myanmar military and the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/A).

The displacement followed clashes near Kasung village with KIA Battalion 11 on Thursday and a reported raid by the Myanmar Army on the area the next day.

Kasung is located about 15 miles from Namti town in Mogaung Township, Kachin State.

La Mai Seng Awng, a religious leader from the Kachin Baptist Church told The Irrawaddy that 593 internally displaced people (IDPs) had come to the church seeking food and shelter.

"The IDPs arrived in Namti first," he said. "They witnessed skirmishes between the military and the KIO that happened in the village."

According to a statement made by a coalition of humanitarian groups in Kachin State known as the Joint Strategy Team for Humanitarian Response (JST), about 700 people arrived Namti village by Friday. Later, more than 300 villagers were assisted in escaping from Kasung and Zup Mai Yang villages by a team involving Baptist and Catholic Church leaders, the Peace Creation Group, Myanmar Red Cross Society, and Myanmar Rescue Myitkyina on Sunday, August 13.

The JST has raised concern for the safety and security of the IDPs and civilians in conflict-affected areas and school-aged children's education.

"The danger of a flu outbreak, and [other] health concerns remains high among IDPs, especially for children and many elderly, and those with chronic diseases," the coalition said in its statement. "It is also important to ensure that the displaced school children are provided with psychosocial support and are able to continue schooling while in Namti before they are able to return."

On Sunday, government leaders including the minister of Kachin State's Department of Social Welfare visited IDPs in the churches and met with the community leaders.

The Roman Catholic Church leader Lagyi La Ja told The Irrawaddy that the government had promised to arrange for the schooling of displaced children in Namti until they were able to return home.

The Roman Catholic Church in Namti is serving as a host site to more than 400 refugees.

JST secretary Gum Sha Awng told The Irrawaddy that locals' safety should remain the "first priority" for all stakeholders in the crisis.

"We already have over 100,000 IDPs who haven't gotten a chance to return to their original places. Their future is extremely vulnerable," he said of those who have been displaced since a long-term ceasefire between the KIA and Myanmar Army broke down in 2011.

Church members, the JST, international NGOs, UN agencies and the government have provided emergency assistance including food, hygiene materials and blankets to the displaced.

In June, around 1,000 villagers were displaced in Kachin State's Tanai Township, and have, as of yet, been unable to return home.

The post More Than 1,000 New IDPs Reported in Kachin State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Naga Faction Signing NCA Hinges on Cross-border Agreement

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 06:41 AM PDT

YANGON — Without reaching an agreement that covers the ethnic Naga people in both Myanmar and India, the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) will not sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), according to peace negotiator U Kyaw Wan Sein of the NSCN-K.

"We are not yet ready to sign the NCA, and are still discussing it. Naga people live both in Myanmar and India. And we can't sign the NCA for only Naga people in Myanmar. It should cover Naga people in both countries, otherwise there is no way we can sign it," U Kyaw Wan Sein told The Irrawaddy.

The NSCN-K, formed in 1988, demands the "independence of Nagaland." Prior to that, ethnic Naga fought for independence—both in Myanmar and India—under the National Socialist Council of Nagaland formed in 1980. But eight years later, the council split into two factions: the NSCN-K and another fraction, known as the NSCN-IM, mostly fighting against the Indian government, was led by Isak Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah.

Little is currently known about the movement of the NSCN-K in the northwest of Myanmar, except that the NSCN-K signed a ceasefire agreement with U Thein Sein's government on April 9, 2012, but has rarely been seen in ongoing peace talks, only taking part as observers. The NSCN-K participated as an observer to the NCA-drafting process, but stated it was not interested in signing it. It has instead proposed that a "tripartite dialogue" involving Myanmar, India and the Naga be used to reach a solution.

The current National League for Democracy government's peace negotiators, led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, invited the NSCN-K to attend the latest 21st Century Panglong peace conferences in August 2016 and May 2017, but it did not attend.

U Hla Maung Shwe of the government peace commission told The Irrawaddy: "There was no fighting with the [NSCN-K] and the Tatmadaw [Myanmar Army] after 2000. We have smooth relations with them. But, it will take time to talk them into signing NCA."

The NSCN-K reportedly operates in the areas of Lahe, Leshi, Hkamti and Namyun townships in Sagaing Region. The ethnic Naga in Burma were given a self-administrative zone in Leshi, Lahe and Namyun townships under the military-drafted 2008 Constitution. The NSCN-IM faction mainly operates in northeastern India across the border.

There are around 400,000 Naga people living in Myanmar.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Impossible to Remove Tatmadaw from Politics: Army Colonel

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 05:49 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Tatmadaw cannot be removed from the country's politics, according to an official from the military's National Defense College (NDC) at a panel discussion on civilian-military relations during the Forum on Myanmar's Democratic Transition in Naypyitaw on Friday.

"Considering the reality, it is impossible to remove the military from politics," said Col Aung Myint Oo, head of internal and external relations at NDC.

"For a government to be strong, it needs to solve security problems in its territory. For Myanmar to do so, it has to make use of the Tatmadaw as one of its institutions."

Civilian-military relations has been a hot topic following the arrest and prosecution of three journalists by the military under the Unlawful Associations Act, and Yangon Region chief minister U Phyo Min's statement in July that the military's commander-in-chief was on the same level as a director-general according to state protocol in a democracy.

Myanmar's 2008 Constitution guarantees defense services participation in national political leadership roles. The military is assured 25 percent of parliamentary seats—enough to veto—and control of the home, defense, and border affairs ministries.

At the forum, representatives from the civilian side of the government suggested putting the military under civilian control while military representatives encouraged cooperation.

Shan State minister for planning and economy U Soe Nyunt Lwin told The Irrawaddy that many of the problems facing the country could be solved by putting the military under civilian control.

He said the military was under civilian control in periods under British and Japanese rule, and following the 1947 Constitution.

"If the military is willing to be under civilian control, many problems including land rights for farmers and internal peace could be solved," said U Soe Nyunt Lwin.

"In Indonesia, the military took the lead role in implementing transition. So is the case in Myanmar. But, in Indonesia, the military didn't intervene in politics," he told The Irrawaddy.

Col Aung Myint Oo argued that defense forces are exploited for political motives.

He questioned the theory that armed forces should be under civilian control, saying that it amounts to building mutual trust and cooperation.

"Taking a look at the foreign policies of some countries, you can see that the armed forces are necessary," said the colonel.

He suggested the government should be able to solve the problems itself if it wants to remove the military from politics: "Unless it can do so, it will have to make use of the army," said the colonel.

Though the National League for Democracy (NLD) takes a restrained approach toward the Tatmadaw according to its policy on national reconciliation, the Tatmadaw stands on its own policy, and there is an imbalance in the national reconciliation process, said political analyst U Than Soe Naing.

"According to the very essence of the 2008 Constitution, it is the Tatmadaw which will decide the fate of Myanmar's politics. Myanmar will get peace only when they display magnanimity," he told The Irrawaddy.

Daw Khin Ma Ma Myo, a civil-military relations expert, said during the forum that Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is not about the removal of the military from politics, but putting defense ministry policies under civilian guidance.

"It is about the cooperation between military and political leaders with the civilian side taking the leading role. It is not about the civilian government commanding military strategies. The military strategies will be designed by military leaders with accountability and responsibility," she said.

Additional reporting by Htun Htun. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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India Plans to Deport Rohingya, Regardless of UN Registration

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 05:41 AM PDT

NEW DELHI, India — All of an estimated 40,000 Rohingya Muslims living in India are illegal immigrants, even those registered with the UN refugee agency, and the government aims to deport them, a senior government official told Reuters.

Junior interior minister Kiren Rijiju told parliament last week the central government had directed state authorities to identify and deport illegal immigrants including Rohingya, who face persecution in Buddhist-majority Myanmar.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has issued identity cards to about 16,500 Rohingya in India that it says help them “prevent harassment, arbitrary arrests, detention and deportation”.

But Rijiju, a high-profile minister in Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist government, said in an interview on the weekend that the UNHCR registration was irrelevant.

“They are doing it, we can’t stop them from registering. But we are not signatory to the accord on refugees,” he said.

“As far as we are concerned they are all illegal immigrants. They have no basis to live here. Anybody who is illegal migrant will be deported.”

The UNHCR’s India office said on Monday the principle of non-refoulement—or not sending back refugees to a place where they face danger—was considered part of customary international law and binding on all states whether they have signed the Refugee Convention or not.

The office said it had not received any official word about a plan to deport Rohingya refugees, and had not got any reports deportations were taking place.

The treatment of the roughly one million Rohingya in Myanmar has emerged as its most contentious human rights issue as it makes a transition from decades of harsh military rule.

The Rohingya are denied citizenship in Myanmar and classified as illegal immigrants, despite claiming roots there that go back centuries, with communities marginalized and occasionally subjected to communal violence.

Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya have fled from Myanmar, with many taking refuge in Bangladesh, and some then crossing a porous border into Hindu-majority India.

Many have also headed to Southeast Asia, often on rickety boats run by people-smuggling gangs.

'Procedure'

Rohingya are generally vilified in India and over the past few months, there has been a string of anti-Rohingya protests.

Rijiju declined to comment on the deportation process, even as some human rights activists question the practicality of rounding up and expelling thousands of people scattered across the country.

“There’s a procedure, there is a rule of law,” Rijiju said.

“We can’t throw them out just like that. We can’t dump them in the Bay of Bengal.”

India said on Friday it was in talks with Bangladesh and Myanmar about the deportation plan.

But deportation is likely to be difficult, given Myanmar’s position that all Rohingya need to be scrutinized before they can be allowed back in as citizens.

Myanmar officials were not immediately available for comment.

A senior government official in Bangladesh, which has complained of being burdened by the heavy flow of refugees, has said India was helping it solve the crisis.

More than 75,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since Oct. 9 after an insurgent group attacked Myanmar border police posts, prompting a security crackdown in which troops have been accused of murder and rape of Rohingya civilians.

The post India Plans to Deport Rohingya, Regardless of UN Registration appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Army Orders Villagers to Stay Out of Rakhine’s Mayu Mountains

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 05:31 AM PDT

YANGON – The Myanmar Army gave verbal orders to villagers in northern Rakhine State to avoid entering the Mayu mountain range as they conduct clearance operations in Maungdaw Township, a border police major told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

Speaking on the condition of anonymity, he said that the order was "to prevent fatalities." Security forces have been carrying out such operations for months, searching for suspected Muslim militants in the region. Efforts appear to have intensified, with hundreds of soldiers arriving in two military aircrafts at Sittwe airport on Thursday and continuing on to Maungdaw the following day. Over the weekend, the authorities extended a curfew that was already in place in the township.

Reports of the most recent verbal order for locals to avoid the highlands came after a meeting between military commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and a seven-member delegation from the Arakan National Party (ANP) in Naypyitaw last week.

The nationalist party representatives demanded further troop deployment around ethnic Arakanese villages in Maungdaw Township as eight people from Kai Gyee village were found dead on Aug. 3 with gunshot and machete wounds, suspected to have been killed by militants.

The police major could not provide The Irrawaddy with an estimated timeframe for the current military operation as he said the mission is directly supervised by army officers. The Irrawaddy repeatedly phoned Maungdaw district administrative officials on Monday for details, but there was no answer at their headquarters.

Head of the police station in neighboring Buthidaung Township Lt Kyaw Khine briefly acknowledged that the verbal order by army was made days ago but that it has not been officially announced within the region.

"As far as I know, army units have been assigned to ethnic villages which are situated near the Mayu mountains," he said, referring to Buddhist Arakanese communities.

Ko Maung Soe Win, an Arakanese resident of Zay Di Pyin village in northern Rakhine State's Rathedaung Township, told The Irrawaddy that both Muslim and Buddhist residents were told by army officials not to set foot in the Mayu mountains, where they typically gather edible plants. He added that villagers are also afraid to go their paddy fields, which are situated near Muslim villages, noting that levels of mistrust between the communities are particularly high.

A Muslim resident of Zay Di Pyin, Al-Haj Zawhie Thra, said that authorities officially announced a curfew banning people from going out in the evenings and gatherings of five or more in public. He added that around five army infantry units had deployed near the Mayu highlands.

"Carrying out law enforcement in an unstable situation is a good idea, but the authorities should also consider the challenges of villagers' daily life," he told The Irrawaddy.

Zawhie Thra said that after hundreds of Muslim residents in Outt Nan village confronted security forces last week as they attempted to arrest six men, the authorities created a barbed-wire fence between Muslim and Buddhist quarters in nearby Zay Di Pyin village and blocked all road entrances, effectively segregating the community.

The market, he explained, is located in the Buddhist Arakanese quarter and Muslims have not been allowed to either shop there or sell their goods since last week.

"Some poor people are now facing a great dilemma," Zawhie Thra said.

Meanwhile, farmers from Kai Gyee in Maungdaw are asking that the entire community be evacuated to another neighboring Arakanese village after their rice is harvested in the forthcoming cool season, said U Khin Maung Than, head of the Maungdaw chapter of the ANP. According to local Arakanese publication Narinjara, state authorities visited Kai Gyee on Monday, reportedly asking the villagers not to leave and promising them protection, a new school and road, and solar panels.

Currently, farmers from Kai Gyee village are cultivating their paddies under the protection of security guards, U Khin Maung Than said.

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Myanmar Army Questions NMSP After it Defies Military Parade Ban

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 02:51 AM PDT

MAWLAMYINE, Mon State — The South Eastern Command of the Myanmar Army questioned the New Mon State Party (NMSP) on Saturday about a military parade and gun salute it held during the celebration of Mon Revolution Day.

"There was a 21-gun salute in honor of our fallen martyrs and soldiers. They had asked if we could avoid doing so because they held Martyrs' Day without a gun salute," Nai Win Hla, who is in charge of the NMSP's internal affairs, told the press.

Three members of the NMSP met the commander of South Eastern Command Maj-Gen Myo Win, Col Tin Htut and Lt-Col Ye Htut on Saturday, said Nai Win Hla, who was also present at the meeting.

The South Eastern Command on August 5 told the NMSP not to hold military parades in uniform at locations other than the party's headquarters to mark the 70th Anniversary of Mon Revolution Day, which fell on August 7.

However, the NMSP held parades in uniform and a gun salute at locations other than the party's headquarters, as it had in the past on Mon Revolution Day.

Following this, Light Infantry Battalion No. 284 based in Kyainseikgyi Township dispatched around 100 troops into the villages surrounding Kwe Kaw village where the NMSP's Mawlamyine base is headquartered, according to local villagers.

"When asked by villagers, the soldiers said they were there to provide medical services. But locals think they are here because of the military parades on Mon Revolution Day and they are concerned that clashes might occur. They are staying at the monastery, and rarely go outside," said a villager of Taung Pauk village, who asked not to be named.

The Myanmar Army also barred the NMSP from organizing military parades on Mon National Day in February. The NMSP also defied that order and later was forced to give up two gates under its control to the military.

Nai Win Hla said the NMSP would send a delegation to meet government authorities in Mawlamyine District soon.

The NMSP signed a ceasefire with the then ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) in 1995, but the truce broke in 2010. It then signed state- and Union-level ceasefire agreements with former President U Thein Sein's government in February 2012, but has opted out of signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).

It has told the media that it agreed to the NCA path, however, it has not clarified a date to sign the agreement.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Myanmar Army Questions NMSP After it Defies Military Parade Ban appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

No Easy Way to Improve Myanmar’s Economy, Experts Say

Posted: 14 Aug 2017 01:10 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The National League for Democracy (NLD)'s economic advisor U Myo Myint blamed a legacy of inept bureaucracy, deep-rooted corruption, military control, and a lack of cooperation among ministries for his party's poor economic performance.

"The lack of cooperation is a big challenge. As there is no cooperation between the government departments, [the NLD] has not been able to adopt comprehensive plans," said the economic advisor while discussing the challenges of a shift from a centralized economy to a market economy during the three-day Myanmar Democratic Transition Forum in Naypyitaw on Saturday.

He described the military-drafted 2008 Constitution as the first obstacle in revamping the country's economy.

U Myo Myint listed the reasons behind Myanmar's stagnant economy: "Armed clashes, drug abuse and trade, declining export values, low productivity in the workforce and low utilization of farmland."

"The first challenge [to improve] the stagnant economy is the constitution and its limitations—the Tatmadaw takes 25 percent of seats in the parliament and three ministries are under the control of the military," he added.

Myanmar Army representative to the forum Col Aung Myint Oo said the role of the military could be reduced when there was stability and good economic performance in the country.

He said the country's economy was an urgent issue for the NLD-led government.

"People's anger builds up with economic hardship, the explosion of anger is followed by revolution. So, [the government] needs to urgently provide secure livelihoods for people," said Col Aung Myint Oo.

"Only after that, the government should work to adopt a strategy in cooperation with experts, military and other members of society," he added.

Another NLD economic advisor U Lay Nyunt admitted the government had not fulfilled the expectations of farmers.

"There is a need for immediate reforms in the agricultural sector. I hate to ask farmers to wait until the agricultural development strategy is adopted. We should not ask them to wait anymore in poverty."

He suggested amending the 2012 Farmland Law, as well as policies regarding provision of agricultural loans and investment, and taxation.

"I think it is time we made bold changes no matter what the obstacles are," he said.

He also pointed out the country's failure to produce animal feed at home.

"We have 26 animal feed processing plants in our country, but only six of them are operating and are not even running at full capacity. This is a big loss for our country," he criticized.

Most of the experts attending the discussion agreed that the economy remains largely centralized and in need of policies that have a grass-roots impact.

Economist U Thein Swe who served as an executive director in the World Bank said: "We should have a timeframe and plans in place now, we should have plans and goals for the next three years, the next five years."

The post No Easy Way to Improve Myanmar's Economy, Experts Say appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Security Adviser Defends Rakhine Troop Deployment

Posted: 13 Aug 2017 11:59 PM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Tatmadaw is responsible for security in Rakhine State's Maungdaw, which faces insurgent violence, said U Thaung Tun, national security adviser for the Myanmar government, in light of recent troop deployment to the area.

While concerns of renewed "clearance operations" were raised with the arrival of two planes of Tatmadaw [Myanmar Army] troops in Sittwe on Thursday morning, U Thaung Tun said  the deployment was meant only to provide security. The military's past clearance operations in the area drew widespread accusations of human rights abuses.

"Responsibility falls on the Tatmadaw when Rakhine State faces danger. It has taken on the responsibility for security after discovering [militant] camps in the Mayu mountain range," he told the press after the first day of the Forum on Democratic Transition in Naypyitaw on Friday.

The dispatch follows the Arakan National Party (ANP)'s request to Myanmar armed forces commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to boost security in the area on Wednesday.

"Security forces need to solve the Rakhine issue with foresight. While there is still no understanding and trust between two communities, security operations will only quash the militancy for a while, and it will return once the troops are removed. And if there are more tragic cases then and tensions are transmitted to the younger generation, it will become more difficult to solve," political analyst U Tin Maung Than told The Irrawaddy.

He said he supported the suppression of militants, but suggested the Myanmar Army should employ effective intelligence collection rather than use the local Muslim administrators as informants.

According to government statistics, militants have killed around 20 Muslims who cooperated with authorities in their operations in the area, where tensions have been high since militants attacked police outposts last October in Maungdaw.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Hundreds Protest Aid Agencies in Rakhine

Posted: 13 Aug 2017 08:49 PM PDT

YANGON —  Hundreds of Buddhists took to the streets in Rakhine State on Sunday to protest against aid organizations they accuse of giving support to Muslim Rohingya militants, police and a protest leader said.

Buddhist monks and members of the Rakhine ethnic group held demonstrations in 15 towns, including the Rakhine state capital of Sittwe, demanding that aid agencies leave the western state immediately, Htay Aung, a self-described leader of the protests, told Reuters by phone.

"We will protest again and again until we get our demands. If the government fails to act, that is their responsibility," he said.

Tensions have risen once again in Rakhine since seven Buddhists were found hacked to death in the mountains in the north of the state in July.

The government said it had discovered forest encampments that proved Muslim “extremists” were responsible for the killings, and the military sent additional forces to the area this week.

At one suspected militant camp last month, biscuits originating from the United Nations’ World Food Programme were discovered. Ethnic Rakhine Buddhists have long accused U.N. and other aid organisations of favouring the Rohingya with aid.

Crackdown

The state was plunged into violence in October, when Rohingya insurgents killed nine border police, sparking a crackdown in which government security forces were accused of raping, killing and torturing Rohingya civilians.

About 1.1 million Rohingya Muslims live in Rakhine, but are denied citizenship and face restrictions on their movements and access to basic services. About 120,000 remain in camps set up after deadly violence swept the state in 2012, where they rely on aid agencies for basic provisions.

Pictures shared online of Sunday's protests showed saffron-robed monks holdings signs reading, "We don't need terrorist supporter group," and calling for the U.N. and international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) to "get out."

Htay Aung said the protesters demanded that the government rid the state of Muslim militants, quickly verify the citizenship credentials of Muslims and allow Rakhine Buddhists to form armed militias.

Police Major Cho Lwin estimated that about 600 people protested in Sittwe.

"The protest went ahead today peacefully," he said, adding that police had stepped up security and blocked roads leading to aid offices.

Reuters obtained the text of note sent by the UN on Wednesday to the 300 or so UN staff in Rakhine, as well as INGOs, warning of rising hostility to international agencies in the state.

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Does China Want Peace in Myanmar?

Posted: 13 Aug 2017 07:24 PM PDT

China's recent involvement in Myanmar's peace process has caused people to question whether the country's path towards peace is being shaped by its northern neighbor's close participation. China historically maintained a non-interference policy in its foreign relations, yet they have appointed a Special Envoy for Asian Affairs, Sun Guoxiang, to assist in facilitating discussions between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed groups.

After China stepped in to mediate between the Myanmar Army and the Northern Alliance in the second session of the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference held on May 23, 2017, people have asked what its intentions actually were.

China became closely involved in the Myanmar peace process after 2013 when the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) attempted to invite representatives from foreign countries, particularly the US, to the talks.

On November 19, 2013, Kachin Independence Army (KIA) Maj-Gen Gun Maw visited the US Embassy in Yangon and met Ambassador Derek Mitchell, reportedly seeking an avenue for American involvement in peace talks.

In April 2014, Sumlut Gun Maw visited the US and met senior state department officials and officials from the United Nations.

China perceived the US government's attempt at facilitating peace talks as an effort to undermine China's long-held influence in the region; China continues to reject the involvement of other foreign powers, particularly the US, in Myanmar's peace process.

Since then, China has geared up its own involvement through the appointment of special envoys, and invitations for Myanmar leaders to come to China.

In March 2013, China appointed Wang Yingfan as the first Special Envoy for Asian Affairs to focus on Myanmar's peace process. Three years later, in April 2016, Wang Yi, the Chinese foreign minister, was the first foreign guest received by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. In July of that year, Minister of State Security Geng Huichang followed.

Just weeks later, on July 27, 2016, Sun Guoxiang, China's current Special Envoy for Asian Affairs, attended the Mai Ja Yang summit for ethnic nationality groups, hosted by the KIO.

Song Tao, the chief of the International Department of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, visited Myanmar the following month and met with a diverse group of Myanmar political and military leaders. Sun Guoxiang also visited the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA-ESS) to ensure the two groups' participation in the first session of the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference initiated by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

China recently sent Song Tao to visit Myanmar on August 2 this year. He met Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders.

In doing so, China seems to position itself as a key player, committed to supporting the Myanmar peace process, inviting Myanmar leaders on regular state visits and making deals in economic, political and military cooperation.

In June 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi visited China and met President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang. In August 2016, she again paid an official visit after her party, the National League for Demoracy (NLD), swept to power.

Military chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing visited China in Nov. 2016 and met Guo Sheng Kun, the Minister of Public Security in China and General Wei Liang, the Political Officer of the Southern Command, as well as other officers.

In April 2017, President U Htin Kyaw paid an official visit to China at the invitation of President Xi Jinping.

As China appears to be accelerating the frequency of meetings with Myanmar's leadership, there will inevitably be an impact various developments throughout the country. But, China's interest in Myanmar's peace process seems to be limited to issues concerning the groups located along the Sino-Myanmar border. Much less attention has been paid to the ethnic groups in southeastern or western Myanmar, such as the Karen, the Mon, or the Chin. China's priority, in fact, is to maintain peace and stability around its periphery, not throughout the whole of Myanmar. In addition, China also prioritizes stability alongside its gas pipelines and other areas in which their huge development projects have been vested.

It is quite conspicuous that China turns away from conflicts which do not directly affect its interests. For example, when the Myanmar Army carried out major offensives against the KIO and took control of several geostrategic areas—such as Hka Ya Bum, Bum Tawng, Hpun-pyen Bum, Gideon and Lai Hpawng outposts, and the No. 6 battalion in Hpakant and the No. 8 Brigade in Indawgyi—China kept silent. Notwithstanding the latest attack that occurred in the gold- and amber-rich Tanai area in June and displaced thousands, China again kept quiet, demonstrating that the conflict lay beyond their immediate interests.

China primarily concerns itself with conflict in Myanmar when it directly affects its borders. For example, when artillery fire and airstrikes reached within its territory as the result of the fighting between the ethnic Kokang army and the Myanmar Army in 2015, China urgently summoned the Myanmar ambassador to China to condemn the bombings, which caused casualties of Chinese civilians.

Unlike other neighboring countries, China has frequently denied basic refuge to displaced people fleeing conflict in Myanmar, apparent as recently as January of this year, when 4,000 ethnic Kachin were forced back across the border by Chinese police.

Many observers speculate that China supports some ethnic armed groups, particularly the United Wa State Army and the Kokang Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army. Of course, China may use these groups as a stick against Myanmar if its military turns away from China and cannot secure its investments.

But, conventional wisdom is that a person or a country always seeks to ally with those who can offer better and larger incentives and benefits. In this scenario, the Myanmar Army provides larger incentives to Beijing than ethnic armed groups: China can gain greater benefits from their ties with the Tatmadaw than from those with ethnic armies.

Beijing paradoxically does not want to topple the Myanmar Army, leading China to apply the same policy toward Myanmar as they practice toward the North Korean regime. Beijing will continuously support them to remain in power as long as they continue to benefit from their major investments.

It is obvious that China and the Myanmar Army provide mutual benefits to one another: through its seat on the UN Security Council, China protects the Burmese military from international punishment and drives potential supporters of ethnic armed groups out from China. Conversely, China benefits from a range of lucrative investments in Myanmar.

To secure these mutual interests, both China and the Myanmar Army strongly reject international involvement by other actors in Myanmar's peace process.

Therefore, domestic and international peacemakers should remain vigilant and aware of China's involvement in affairs concerning peace in Myanmar. Placing too much trust in the momentum of a peace process mediated by China may, in turn, be misleading.

Joe Kumbun is the pseudonym of a Kachin State-based analyst.

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