The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Traditional Burmese Dance Troupe Returns to National Stage
- Activists Decry Rangoon Directive Prohibiting Unpermitted Political Gatherings
- China Seeks Burmese Support to Restart Myitsone Dam
- Arakanese Protesters Greet UN Envoy in West Burma
- Burma Not Ready for Asean Economic Community, Businesspeople Say
- Australian Rockers Air Supply to Play Rangoon Charity Gig
- The Die Is Cast: Buddhist Sri Lanka Faces a Casino Choice
- Indonesian Police Foil Burmese Embassy Bomb Plot
- Fresh Clashes in Arakan Signal Growing Muslim Desperation
- Latest Volcanic Eruption Shows Challenge to Indonesia From Its ‘Ring of Fire’
- Cambodia Suspends Military Programs With US
- Image Industry Weds Korea Cool to China’s New Rich
| Traditional Burmese Dance Troupe Returns to National Stage Posted: 13 Aug 2013 05:24 AM PDT  Members of the Shwe Man Thabin traditional Zat Pwe troupe perform at the National Theater in Rangoon. (Photo: Sara Gamon / The Irrawaddy) The Shwe Man Thabin traditional Zat Pwe troupe held a celebratory two-night extravaganza of song, dance, comedy, drama and spectacle over the weekend at the National Theater in downtown Yangon, marking the first time the group has been able to perform on such a large scale since 1988. The weekend performances were a celebration and tribute to the founder of the troupe, the late Shwe Man U Tin Maung, who started the ensemble 80 years ago. His son Chan Thar now directs the group, which is currently made up of both second and third generation progeny, as well as several non-related performers. According to Kit Young, an American musician and scholar of traditional Burmese music, the Shwe Man Thabin troupe is the last family ensemble in Burma. "There used to be a lot of family troupes in the '30s and '40s, even under the British. And then they just died out," she said. Worried about potential politically explosive live performers, "the military government made permits, licenses, registration so difficult, that performing troupes just gave up." During the decades under dictatorship, the military tried to appropriate traditional Burmese arts to both curb critics and give the regime an element of legitimacy as the protectors and promoters of national culture. Only vetted performers who had emerged from military-sanctioned pathways, such as students of the government's University of Culture, or those trusted to not speak out of line, were allowed to perform for large audiences and at places of national prominence. Young, who attended the government's traditional music competitions during the 1990s, described them as "dreadful" with no "spirit," comparing them to the stilted art that the Czech author Vaclav Havel decried under communism. The weekend's performances were a world removed from those days of repression. Young, also the only non-Burmese performer in the show, said the event marked "the first time there has been such excitement on stage in this building since it was built," in 1990. Outside the performance hall, a gallery of old pictures and newspaper clippings entertained audience members before the show began. Once it started, attendees were treated to an exciting twist on traditional Zat Pwe, as the Shwe Man Thabin troupe has long experimented with adding modern elements to its performances. They made clever use of film, image projections, and old sound recordings, at points seamlessly switching between the voice of a stage actor and the voice of Shwe Man U Tin Maung himself, recorded over 40 years ago. Vignettes ranged from comedic to romantic and even included a live re-enactment of Shwe Man U Tin Maung's death on stage while dancing in 1969. Both a traditional Burmese "Saing Waing" ensemble, as well as a rock band, accompanied the troupe. The mood at the show was festive, as people passed around food, took pictures and enjoyed the buoyant six-hour performance. Young lamented that the modern Burmese middle class takes little interest in Zat Pwe. "They say this is just for farmers. Except for people over 60 or 70 who remember this as children. Then the middle class respected this." |
| Activists Decry Rangoon Directive Prohibiting Unpermitted Political Gatherings Posted: 13 Aug 2013 05:14 AM PDT  A local directive from the Rangoon division government requires establishments like the Royal Rose restaurant to seek permission 20 days in advance to hold any gathering of a political nature. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Activists have condemned a local ban on holding political gatherings without government permission in Burma's former capital, with the restriction raising fears of backsliding on democratic reforms that the country has undertaken over the last two years. An administrator of Rangoon's Bahan Township summoned the owner of the Royal Rose restaurant to his office on July 31, ordering him to seek official permission 20 days in advance if he intended to rent his establishment out for any politically related gatherings. The local administrator gave no reason for the new requirement, according to the restaurant owner, except to say that his office was "doing as ordered by someone upstairs." Since President Thein Sein's government came to power in 2011, the restaurant in Bahan has become a popular venue for the country's activists, hosting gatherings on topics ranging from democracy and human rights to environmental issues. Royal Rose also hosted the first-ever national conference of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) in March. "Their order is sort of a limitation to our activities," said Pyone Cho, an 88 Generation student leader. "We—and not just us—everyone who gathers there does so not to destabilize the country's security but to discuss things for our country's good." Soe Nyunt, the owner of the restaurant, told The Irrawaddy that the Rangoon divisional government on Aug. 5 ordered all restaurants, hotels, guesthouses, schools and religious centers in Bahan Township to ask for government permission 20 days in advance of any planned meeting of a political nature. Authorities warned that they would take action against an establishment's failure to seek permission, though what form that action might take remains unclear. "Before that [the Aug. 5 directive], my restaurant was the only one that was ordered to seek permission," Soe Nyunt said. "I feel I'm being mistreated." He added that seeking local government approval more than two weeks in advance would be a major burden on event organizers. "It causes unnecessary delay," he explained. "Plus, it occupies their time. Who wants to go through that kind of bureaucratic procedure while also paying money to use my venue?" The Rangoon divisional government office and Bahan Township administrator were not available to comment on the new directive. Kyee Myint from the Myanmar Lawyers' Network said the restriction on gatherings was not in line with the country's 2008 Constitution. "They are violating the Constitution," the lawyer said. "It's against fundamental rights and duties of the citizens granted by the Constitution." Burma's Constitution allows its citizens to assemble peacefully without arms and to hold demonstrations as long as participants are not contravening any laws. "[Reform rhetoric] sounds meaningless—that those who are trumpeting themselves as moving toward democracy are imposing this kind of ban," Kyee Myint said. One of the NLD's founders, Win Tin, said the restriction was a major blow to civil society organizations and political activists. "I just want to request that anyone concerned talk about it until we have the best solution for all of us," he said. "I have to say the restriction is an act to leash any democratic activities during the democratic transition we are going through." News of the local directive comes at a time of conflicting developments in Burma's transition to a more open and democratic society. Last week saw an unprecedented, government authorized mass commemoration in Rangoon of the 1988 pro-democracy protests' 25th anniversary. On the same day that the commemoration culminated, a peaceful march to honor victims of the military crackdown faced police resistance after organizers failed to get the necessary permission to stage the demonstration. The organizers of the illegal march say authorities will press charges against them. Soe Nyunt on Tuesday said Royal Rose would abide by the new government order on political meet-ups, but would remain open to any type of gathering. "We are still operating, functioning normally, but we have to ask anyone who wants to hire out our venue to get the permission first." |
| China Seeks Burmese Support to Restart Myitsone Dam Posted: 13 Aug 2013 04:59 AM PDT  Chinese Ambassador Yang Houlan at the Chinese Embassy in Rangoon on Tuesday. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGON — China would like to restart the controversial Myitsone dam project in Kachin State, with support from the Burmese people, the Chinese ambassador says. In an exclusive interview with The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, Ambassador Yang Houlan said that with permission from Burma's government and consent from the Burmese people, China would like to renew operations at the stalled hydropower dam on the Irrawaddy River. Without increased power production, much-needed improvements to Burma's industrial and agricultural sectors would be impossible, Houlan said at the Chinese Embassy in Rangoon. "If you want to develop the industrial sector, then power supply is a basic need," he said. "Without electricity, how can you develop industry?" Burma's President Thein Sein suspended the Myitsone project in 2011 in the face of mounting public anger over the widespread flooding and deforestation the project would cause, as well as the forcible resettlement of 10,000 ethnic Kachin villagers. Electricity generated by the dam was destined primarily for China. But following a series of ceasefire agreements between Naypyidaw and ethnic Kachin rebels, sources on the China-Burma border say there are signs of renewed activity at the Myitsone site. Houlan said that any revival of the project would take place in close consultation with the Burma government and the Burmese people. "China's view is that we hope we can revive the project," he said. "But of course, we respect the Myanmar government's decision and we also respect the people's views." The ambassador said Thein Sein's unilateral suspension of the project had not damaged Sino-Burmese relations. "Myitsone hasn’t affected the general relationship," he said. "The momentum is still good." He also noted that under the former military regime, when Western countries imposed sanctions that made the daily existence of many Burmese a misery, China had continued to extend the hand of friendship. "The people suffered most from these sanctions," he said. "Not the Burmese officials." The Myitsone hydropower dam is expected to supply up to 4,600 megawatts of electricity when it is completed. China's state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPI) plans to build the dam in collaboration with Burma's Ministry of Electric Power as well as Asia World Co., which owned by a Burmese business tycoon, Steven Law, who is the son of recently deceased drug kingpin Lo Hsing Han. |
| Arakanese Protesters Greet UN Envoy in West Burma Posted: 13 Aug 2013 03:37 AM PDT  UN special rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana is seen in Rangoon in July last year. The UN envoy is now visiting Arakan State and will travel to other areas of the country to assess the human rights situation. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON—The UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana, was greeted by a group of Arakanese protesters when he landed at the airport in Sittwe, the Arakan State capital, on Monday. About 90 ethnic Arakanese people came out to the demonstration, with some holding a banner that described the UN envoy as a "one-sided Bengali lobbyist" and urged him to leave the west Burma state, which is his first stop on an 11-day visit to assess the human rights situation in several areas of the country. Ahead of the visit, deadly clashes broke out in Arakan State on Friday, with local authorities reportedly firing on a crowd of Rohingya Muslims, a minority group who have faced persecution in the country and who are widely viewed by Arakanese Buddhists as illegal Bengali immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh. Last year, the UN rapporteur drew criticism from Arakanese activists and some 24 political parties after submitting a report to the United Nations about communal clashes between Buddhists and Muslims in the state. Critics said the report was biased, favoring the Rohingya, and they called on the United Nations to remove Quintana from his post. "We were not satisfied with the report he issued to the UN," said Nyo Aye, an Arakanese woman who organized the protest in Sittwe on Monday. "This is why our people protested." "If he understands human rights, he will also talk to the Arakanese people before submitting reports to the UN next time," she added. "I told him the report hurt our Arakanese dignity and was biased, because he did not talk to both sides." Two rounds of violence between Buddhists and Muslims in Arakan State last year—in June and October—left about 170 people dead and an additional 140,000 people displaced, according to the United Nations. Most of the displaced were Rohingya. International activists have criticized the government's handling of the conflict, and Human Rights Watch has accused security forces of complicity in the violence. Nyo Aye told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that Quintana hosted talks with the protesters in Sittwe and promised to listen to both sides as he continues to assess the rights situation. The protesters gave Quintana a written letter from an Arakanese Buddhist leader, Tha Pwint, who criticized the UN envoy for inflaming tensions. "We do not seem to get any justice by meeting with you and talking together," Tha Pwint wrote, according to a copy of the letter sent to The Irrawaddy. "We feel like victims." Some Arakanese blamed Muslims for the violence last year and continue to allege that Rohingya are instigating problems. Nyo Aye said she told Quintana that Muslims had cut down trees and destroyed bridges to block local authorities from visiting the Buduwa IDP camp in Sittwe, where police reportedly clashed with a crowd of people on Friday. Gunfire rang out in two separate incidents that day in Sittwe, starting after an angry mob gathered outside a police outpost in the morning demanding that the body of a fellow Rohingya who had drowned Thursday be handed over. Police reportedly refused to provide the body, provoking a skirmish between the two sides. Local sources said later that evening another clash took place at the Buduwa camp. Police there reportedly fired into a crowd that had gathered in relation to the drowning victim. At least two Rohingya Muslims were killed by police and seven others were injured in the incidents, according to the regional government. Citing a "Rohingya spokesman," the Rangoon-based Myanmar Times newspaper reported that at least five people were killed. Quintana has visited Burma eight times since being appointed as a UN special rapporteur on human rights in 2008, when the country was still ruled by a military regime. During his current visit, he will also travel to Kachin, Shan and Chin states, as well as the town of Meikhtila in Mandalay Division, where anti-Muslim riots erupted in March this year. The United Nations has assisted with efforts to aid the 140,000 people displaced in Arakan State. The IDPs are currently staying in 76 camps and other temporary shelters, with government restrictions imposed on their movements. Movement restrictions on Rohingya Muslims have also left as any as 36,000 people isolated in communities in several townships, including Minbya, Myebon, Pauktaw, Mrauk-U, Kyauktaw and Sittwe, according to the United Nations. These communities have been affected socially and economically, with limited or no access to basic services including markets, education and health care. |
| Burma Not Ready for Asean Economic Community, Businesspeople Say Posted: 13 Aug 2013 03:30 AM PDT  Farmers plant rice seedlings in a paddy field on the outskirts of Rangoon on July 13, 2012. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Although Burma is moving forward with economic reforms and opening up to the international community, businesspeople say the country is not yet ready to join a planned integrated network of Southeast Asian economies in 2015. A lack of infrastructure, human resources and technology, along with an unfinished legal framework for businesses, are a concern for Burma as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) attempts to form a single market within the next two years. Burma, which began transitioning from half a century of military dictatorship in 2011, has a largely agricultural economy that depends on rice and bean exports. But rice trader Pyae Sone Oo told The Irrawaddy that he worried the country's agricultural sector would struggle to meet requirements for the Asean Economic Community (AEC). "We've been left far behind," said the member of the Myanmar Rice Federation. "Even if we want to catch up, we can only do it gradually. There are some areas—like the rice industry, overall—which we can say are quite ready. But there are still gaps." According to data compiled by Burma's Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation from 2011, 25 percent of the country's economic output comes from the farming sector. The country's rice exports almost tripled over the past three years and are expected to reach 1.4 million tons in the current fiscal year, according to the Myanmar Rice Federation. However, rice traders say they lack solid financial support and continue to encounter logistical problems, largely due to poor infrastructure. Pyae Sone Oo said ports and trading points were not yet sufficient to upgrade the export sector. The quality of Burma's rice also makes it difficult to compete with neighboring countries such as Thailand and Vietnam, he said. "If we could delay Myanmar's full participation in the AEC for about two years, I think we will be ready," he said. "But in the meantime, other countries will pass us and I'm afraid we will remain delayed. "On the other hand, we need to educate and support farmers to get quality grains so we can compete with other countries, and capacity building for farmers is needed as well." Dr. Maung Maung Lay, vice president of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), agreed that Burma was not yet prepared for the Asean single market but said businesspeople were ready to overcome existing hurdles. "We Burmese people are smart enough and resilient enough to face the challenges of joining the 2015 Asean Economic Community," he told The Irrawaddy. Nearly every sector of Burma's economy lags behind those of neighboring countries, after decades of isolation, internal conflicts and economic hardship under military rule. Since reformist President Thein Sein took power in 2011, the United States and the European Union have eased restrictions to allow companies to do more business in the Southeast Asian country. "The sleeping beauty has awakened, and there are many suitors," said Maung Maung Lay. "The challenges are quite enormous. Most of the smallest enterprises are technically and financially weak—there's no capital market yet." Apart from infrastructure concerns, a lack of human resources also hampers growth. The country is already suffering from brain drain to neighboring countries with higher wages. Once the AEC comes into full effect, Maung Maung Lay said, even more qualified workers could go abroad for employment in more lucrative markets. Still, Khine Khine Nwe, secretary general of the Myanmar Garment Manufacturers Association, said her industry was ready to take part in the regional economic community in 2015. "To look at the bright side, we are quite ready to take orders and we have skilled laborers," she said, adding that she runs a garment factor in the country's commercial capital, Rangoon. She said the garment industry had struggled to survive due to international economic sanctions imposed against Burma under the former region, but that she was optimistic now that the country has opened its door to foreign investors. Her factory, which once received garment orders from the United States, Canada and Europe, was forced to shift its focus to Asian markets—especially in Japan and Korea—due to the sanctions. The garment industry was particularly hard hit by American sanctions, she said. The United States is gradually lifting sanctions to encourage political and economic reforms. "Whether or not we are ready [for the AEC] depends on the mindset of people," Khin Khine Nwe said. "From experience, those of us in the garment industry know we can overcome the hardest times. I believe we are ready to face any challenge, good or bad." |
| Australian Rockers Air Supply to Play Rangoon Charity Gig Posted: 13 Aug 2013 02:46 AM PDT  Graham Russell, left, and Russell Hitchcock of the band Air Supply take part in a news conference in Hong Kong on June 10, 2009. (Photo: Reuters / Aaron Tam) RANGOON — The 1980s rock band Air Supply is scheduled to play live in Rangoon, with the concert's proceeds pledged to education projects in Burma. Australian soft-rockers Air Supply are slated to appear at Rangoon's MCC hall at 7pm on Thursday evening. The well-known Burmese band Iron Cross will provide an hour-long warm-up set. Bagan Entertainment has organized the concert and will donate all profits to a fund for educating children from Burma's least developed areas, according to Bagan Entertainment manager Nyi Nyi.The fund will cover the costs of the next academic year for children at kindergarten and primary school levels in Kachin and Chin states, according to information provided by the Htoo Group of Companies, which owns Bagan Entertainment. Nyi Nyi said Bagan was bringing Air Supply to Burma because of the band's appeal across ages. "Other international… bands are also going to be invited [to perform in Burma] soon," he said. A number of Burmese musicians have popularized Air Supply's oeuvre with covers of hits such as "Lonely is the Night" and "Making Love Out of Nothing at All." The group had a string of worldwide hits in the early 1980s. Banya Naing, a keyboard player from Iron Cross, said he was one of those who had been covering Air Supply songs since the Australian band's heyday. "Burmese folk are pretty familiar with the band," he told The Irrawaddy. Alongside Air Supply's founding duo of Graham Russell and Russell Hitchcock, musicians Rex Goh, David Moyse, Mark McEntee and Frank Esler-Smith are expected to perform. Iron Cross vocalists Lay Phyu, Ah Nge, Myo Gyi and Wyne Wyne will also appear. Tickets cost between 20,000 kyat (US$20.50) and 55,000 kyat. |
| The Die Is Cast: Buddhist Sri Lanka Faces a Casino Choice Posted: 12 Aug 2013 10:22 PM PDT  A doorman speaks with a man at the entrance to a casino in Colombo. Although gambling was fully legalized in Sri Lanka in November 2010, plans to build a massive new complex, partly backed by Australian casino mogul James Packer, have provoked a strong reaction from some Buddhist groups. (Photo: Reuters) COLOMBO — One word—tourism—glows on the horizon of hope for Sri Lanka. It is reflected in the surfeit of reportage and advertisements in the local press, where the talk of new city hotels in the capital and planned boutique hotels in exotic, tropical settings dominate. This sentiment is understandable, given the manner in which the South Asian nation is being promoted to globe trotters by trend-setting publications. Lonely Planet, the bible of backpackers, rewarded the island with a glowing tribute, declaring it the No. 1 destination for its low-budget flock for 2013. Travelers on the other end, the well-heeled jet-setters, have been encouraged likewise by the up-market press. Such globally renowned glossies as Conde Nast and National Geographic and broadsheets like the New York Times have ranked the country among the top five tourism hotspots over the past three years. That these words are being heeded is evident in the steady rise in tourist arrivals. Last year saw a record 1 million holidaymakers fly in to explore a country that had, until May 2009, endured a nearly 30-year-long civil war, pitting government troops against the Tamil Tiger armed separatists. The military victory for the government, following a brutal final phase, has resulted in an opening up of vast stretches of the country hitherto closed for the tourist trade. So, in addition to visiting the country's historic Sinhalese kingdoms, its mist-covered mountains where tea is grown, and beaches along the southwest coast, foreign guests have a longer list to choose from. Visitors can now watch dolphins and whales (including the prized blue), go surfing and snorkeling, and explore game reserves famed for their wild elephants and leopards. Yet it appears that the reported US $1.3 billion tourism brought to the national coffers from showcasing the country's cultural and natural wealth is not enough for the government. The administration of President Mahinda Rajapaksa wants to tap another rich vein to rake in what some analysts here say could earn the country close to $1 billion annually: Indians with deep pockets and a taste for gambling, who are being eyed as the main draw for the planned expansion of casino tables in the capital. Colombo, the argument goes, will be a shorter distance, a more convenient location and a more culturally familiar setting for these high rollers from the subcontinent than Singapore or Macau, where many now fly for some high-stakes fun. A marquee venture, consequently, is enjoying a blaze of publicity. In the spotlight is Australian casino mogul James Packer, whose renowned Crown Group has been given a "sweetheart deal" of up to 10 tax breaks to build a 36-storey entertainment complex in the Sri Lankan capital. The stake in the estimated $350 million venture, to house a 430-room hotel and a sprawling casino, will be shared by Packer (45 percent), his local partner Ravi Wijeratne (45 percent) and a still undisclosed Singapore-based body. Construction is due to start in November and the casino is expected to open its doors in 2016, the year the Sri Lankan government has targeted to see its in-bound tourism traffic hit 2.5 million arrivals. The "Crown Complex," as it is now being promoted, will be located on the banks of Colombo's most storied body of water—the Beira Lake. The contours of the country's colonial and post-colonial economy are still visible around the lake. Warehouses that store Sri Lanka's famous export, tea, are located here. And now a casino strip is on the cards as a sign of the new direction the post-war economy is taking. In addition to Crown's latest money spinner, Colombo's already existing, albeit smaller, gaming establishments are to be relocated to an area that punters here call the "Colombo casino zone." Among these eight, which have been around for over two decades, are a cluster owned by Mr. Wijeratne, Mr. Packer's partner and a veteran in the trade. Casinos with names such as Marina Colombo, Stardust or Ballys have thrived on a flow of South Asian, East Asian and local punters. But now the promise of a jackpot economy is heading into troubled waters. Hardly impressed by this new turn in the tourism industry are respected members of the clergy in this predominantly Theravada Buddhist country. "It is not for the public good," warned Venerable Udugama Sri Buddharakkitha Thera, the chief monk of the Asgiriya Buddhist order, Sri Lanka's preeminent network of priests. "Foreigners don't come here to go to casinos. We are completely against this." His verbal salvo broadcast on television has put the government on notice. "I have no political affiliations, but if this business is started, we will take to the streets against whoever supports it, be it government, ministers, parliamentarians or anybody else," he asserted. "We will take to the streets against them all." Even an influential ally of Mr. Rajapaksa's governing coalition in the Parliament has echoed similar concerns during a debate in the legislature. Sri Lanka does not need casinos to promote tourism, given the country's natural and cultural heritage, argued Patali Champika Ranawaka, general secretary of the Jathika Hela Urumaya, a political party led by Buddhist monks. Casinos, the minister for technology, research and atomic energy reminded the government, "goes against the state religion of Buddhism." A challenge to the casino trade has also been posed by the Bodu Bala Sena (Buddhist Power Force), which has, until now, been generating newspaper headlines for campaigns led by its monks targeting the country's Muslim and Christian minorities. It was against "all [gambling] entities, not just Packer," a spokesman told the media. They are views that cannot be taken lightly, given the political role Buddhist monks have played in Sri Lankan democracy since the country gained independence from the British in 1948. The weight of the clergy was pivotal during 1956 general elections, which saw a party the monks endorsed win. The voice of the clergy also shaped government policy during the three-decade-long conflict—they often supported tougher measures against the Tamil Tiger rebels and groups sympathetic to the Tamil minority cause. Such an overt role is rooted in the country's history, where Buddhist monks were recognized for their political role as advisers to Sinhalese kings of the past. The recent religious opposition is, in fact, a rare challenge to Mr. Rajapaksa, whose credentials as a political hero for the majority Sinhalese and a defender of Buddhism have rarely been challenged since he was first elected to power in 2005. And to limit the political fallout—yet keep the Packer casino venture on track—ministers have been rolled out to calm the religious waters by offering an innovative twist. The government "would not issue any new licenses to operate casinos," Minister of Economic Development Lakshman Yapa Abeywardane told the Daily News, a mouthpiece for the state. The casino at Packer's Crown Complex would be integrated into an already existing, licensed gaming house owned by Mr. Wijeratne. This Buddhist opposition, consequently, has generated a values debate in some quarters. "It has been argued that the licensing of gaming resorts would serve to corrupt the morals of the Sri Lankan people," stated the Pathfinder Foundation, a think tank, in a commentary published in The Island, an independently owned English-language daily. "This is difficult to sustain given the multitude of gambling centers [for horse races run overseas], legal and illicit, that already exist in every nook and corner of urban and rural Sri Lanka." It is a discussion with precedents. The last time was when the country's 2002 tourism master plan was unveiled and there were moves to rid Colombo of its 24-hour casinos located in popular shopping neighborhoods. There was a lobby to create a "Casino City" in Bentota, a popular beach front along the country's southwestern coast. "This time it is different, because of the large foreign investment involving Packer," says a Sri Lankan punter, speaking on condition of anonymity. "The government will have to strike a balance, and it seems to be saying the right thing for now." Moderate Buddhist voices with an eye on the economy are calling for more understanding by pointing to the easy co-existence that continues at the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress, one of the country's oldest and most respected Buddhist organizations. Its recent presidents, they say, hail from a family that continues to make its fortunes from bookmaking. This story first appeared in the August 2013 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. |
| Indonesian Police Foil Burmese Embassy Bomb Plot Posted: 12 Aug 2013 10:12 PM PDT  Muslim activists protest outside the Burma Embassy in Jakarta in this Aug. 9, 2012 file photo. (Photo: Reuters / Supri) JAKARTA, Indonesia — Indonesia's elite anti-terror squad arrested a man suspected of raising money for an alleged plot to attack the Burmese Embassy to protest that country's treatment of Muslims, police said Monday. Muhammad Syaiful Syahbani, 26, was captured Friday in Yogyakarta, a province on Indonesia's main island of Java, said National Police spokesman Lt. Col. Agus Rianto. Another man who was with him was also being questioned by police, but his connection to Syahbani was not immediately clear. In May, police arrested two suspected militants—Achmad Taufiq and Sefa Riano—in Jakarta, the capital, and seized five homemade bombs from a backpack they were carrying. Other explosive materials were found later at their rented house in southern Jakarta. The two told authorities they wanted to retaliate against Burma for recent attacks there on Rohingya Muslims. Riano had posted messages on his Facebook indicating he planned to "take action" at the embassy. Days later, police arrested three other group members including Rohadi, the group leader, who like many Indonesians uses only one name. Their interrogation led police to Syahbani's whereabouts. Last week, a small bomb exploded outside a Buddhist temple packed with praying devotees in Jakarta. One person was injured, but two other devices failed to explode. Officials have said the attack appears to have been meant to avenge the death of Muslims in Burma. Sectarian violence in Buddhist-majority Burma has killed scores of people, and tens of thousands of Muslims have been driven from their homes. Indonesia has been battling terrorists since the 2002 bombings on the resort island of Bali that killed 202 people, mostly foreign tourists. |
| Fresh Clashes in Arakan Signal Growing Muslim Desperation Posted: 12 Aug 2013 10:06 PM PDT  Rohingya men who were shot by the police during a riot on Friday rest in Dapaing district clinic, outside of Sittwe, on Aug. 11, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun) Attempts to bring stability to Burma's strategic northwest Arakan State could be unraveling after police opened fire on Rohingya Muslims for the third time in two months, reviving tensions in a region beset by religious violence last year. Villages outside the state capital Sittwe remain volatile after a dispute over custody of a dead Rohingya quickly escalated into a day of clashes on Friday in which police raked Rohingya crowds with gunfire, according to witnesses. The violence underscores the growing Rohingya desperation in the face of an increasingly unsparing police response. At least two people were killed and more than a dozen injured, locals said. The renewed tensions come despite government efforts to bring calm to Arakan State, after two eruptions of communal violence with ethnic Arakanese Buddhists last year killed at least 192 people and left 140,000 homeless, mostly Rohingya. The battered corpse of the fisherman washed ashore at Ohntawgyi village after Friday morning prayers, triggering a day of clashes in which police raked crowds of Rohingya with gunfire. A military intelligence source in Sittwe put the toll at one dead and nine injured, while the state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper said only three people had suffered "minor injuries." Activists blamed the clashes on restrictive measures imposed after last year's violence in the Buddhist-majority country. Apartheid-like policies have segregated Buddhists from Muslims, many of whom fester in primitive camps for internally displaced people (IDPs) with little hope of resettlement. A Reuters photographer and video journalist who visited the area said the situation remained tense as Tomas Ojea Quintana, UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, arrived in Sittwe on Monday. The clashes heap pressure on President Thein Sein as he struggles to contain nationwide religious violence since taking power in March 2011 after nearly 50 years of military dictatorship. Arakan State is one of Burma's poorest regions, but in the reform era it is emerging as one of its most strategic. In Sittwe's harbor, India is funding a $214 million port, river and road network that will carve a trade route into India's landlocked northeast. From Kyaukphyu, a city 105 km southeast of Sittwe, gas and oil pipelines stretch to China's energy-hungry northwest. Both projects capitalize on Burma's growing importance at Asia's crossroads. "Rumors of extensive mineral wealth in Rakhine [Arakan] State would add or perhaps are now adding fuel to the existing ethnic tensions," said the Harvard Ash Center in a July 2013 report. Aung Win, a well-known Rohingya activist who visited the troubled area on Sunday, blamed the unrest on deteriorating relations between the displaced Rohingya and police. Rohingya blamed the police for beatings, extortion and other "inhuman" treatment, he said. "People have no trust in the police anymore," he said. "They want the police out of their areas and the military there instead." The IDPs also demand the release of Rohingya leaders detained since late April after violent protests at a camp near Sittwe over a government resettlement plan. The plan required the stateless Rohingya to identify themselves as "Bengali", a term Rohingya reject. The government says they are Muslim migrants from Bangladesh and denies them citizenship. Many Rohingya say their families have lived in Arakan State for generations. As tempers rose on Friday, Rohingya villagers and IDPs burned down a police outpost in Ohntawgyi and erected a nearby roadblock, witnesses said. Police fired rubber bullets, tear gas and live rounds. The IDPs fought with sticks and catapults. Chris Lewa of the Rohingya advocacy group Arakan Project sees the latest violence as an attempt to resist oppressive measures common in northern Arakan State, a Rohingya-majority region of three townships bordering Bangladesh. In two townships, Buthidaung and Maungdaw, the state government recently announced the enforcement of a two-child limit on Rohingya families, one of several measures that the United Nations has called a violation of human rights. The violence near Sittwe follows two other recent instants of fatal police gunfire in Arakan. On June 4, three Rohingya women were shot dead by police in Mrauk-U Township, said UN envoy Ojea Quintana who arrived in Burma on Sunday. In June, he called it "the latest shocking example of how law enforcement officials operate with complete impunity" in Arakan. Then, on June 27, two IDPs were killed and six wounded when security forces opened fire on a crowd outside a military post in Pauktaw Township, according to the UNHCR. Arakan State government spokesman Win Myaing blamed the Rohingya for Friday's violence, which he said was timed to coincide with the UN envoy's visit. "They want to show to the international community the Rakhine State government is neglecting them," he told Reuters. Ojea Quintina was met in Sittwe by Arakanese Buddhist protesters wearing T-shirts reading "Get Out" and carrying signs labeling him a "Bengali Lobbyist." Additional reporting by Soe Zeya Tun and Aye Win Myhint in Sittwe. |
| Latest Volcanic Eruption Shows Challenge to Indonesia From Its ‘Ring of Fire’ Posted: 12 Aug 2013 10:01 PM PDT  Villagers of Palue island, who were affected by the eruption of Mount Rokatenda, sit in a tent in Maumere, East Nusa Tenggara province, on Aug. 12, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) JAKARTA — A deadly lava flow at the weekend that killed five people and sent hundreds fleeing illustrates the formidable challenges Indonesia faces in coping with the constant threat of eruptions from the world's largest number of active volcanoes. Mount Rokatenda at the eastern end of the archipelago off the island of Flores, on Saturday became the fifth serious volcanic eruption in just three years. The most deadly in recent memory was Mount Merapi, near the densely populated city of Yogyakarta in central Java, which erupted in late 2010, killing over 350 people. "Observation centers in Indonesia have equipment that can detect an increase in geophysical or geochemical activity. So, if there are increasing tremors, it might be a sign of an imminent eruption," said Dr. Agung Harijoko, associate professor of volcanology at Gajah Mada University in central Java, Indonesia's main island. "But what is worrying is the capability and logistics to deal with such disasters, especially outside Java. The infrastructure isn't very good and residents need to be alerted and educated better." One of the world's fastest growing economies, Indonesia straddles the "Pacific ring of fire" with nearly 130 active volcanoes, more than any other country. The Indonesian Red Cross said it was ready to dispatch medical assistance and supplies to victims of the latest eruption, but transportation to the tiny, remote island Palue was not readily available. "We have some volunteers already on the ground, helping the military with the evacuation. And we have food, blankets, and masks ready to go but … transportation is hard to find," said Aulia Arriani, spokesperson for the Indonesian Red Cross. "Inter-island transport is almost non-existent there because it's a remote place, and the government has only provided a few ferries so far. We hope to start getting supplies there by Thursday." According to the US Geological Survey, the ring of fire where several tectonic plates meet and cause 90 percent of the world's seismic activity, accounts for a constant stream of eruptions, earthquakes and tidal waves. The largest volcanic eruption in modern history was recorded in 1883 when Mount Krakatau, located between Java and Sumatra, exploded into smaller islands, causing thousands of deaths and shock waves that were recorded around the globe. A successor, "Child of Krakatau," has grown into a small island in the same area, sending thick plumes of smoke and occasional bursts of rock into the air. In 2004, Indonesia bore the brunt of casualties and damage from the Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami, which killed over 250,000 people in several countries around the ocean's rim. Earthquakes are an almost daily event around the country. A 6.1 magnitude quake hit northern Sumatra last month, causing 35 deaths and significant damage to property. Many farmers choose to live by volcanoes despite the associated risks because of the fertility of the soil and higher rainfall. According to the national disaster management agency, the government often does not have enough funds to relocate people who live in disaster-prone areas. "On average we only see around two eruptions a year at the scale [of Mount Rokatenda]," Dr. Agung Harijoko said. "So you see people who want to live around volcanoes because they are willing to adapt to the circumstances because the soil is very fertile. … And there are other sociological reasons. People can have a sentimental attachment to the land or they have religious or mystical beliefs about the volcanoes." |
| Cambodia Suspends Military Programs With US Posted: 12 Aug 2013 09:55 PM PDT  US President Barack Obama watches on as Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen toasts with then Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard at an East Asia Summit dinner in Phnom Penh on Nov. 19, 2012. (Photo: Reuters / Jason Reed) WASHINGTON — Cambodia has suspended international military cooperation programs with the United States and others following that country's recent, disputed election, the US State Department said Monday. The reason for Cambodia's action was not immediately clear. State Department spokeswoman Marie Harf told reporters that Cambodia's Defense Ministry has postponed or canceled a number of programs. She provided no details. It could be a pre-emptive move after US lawmakers called for cuts in direct aid to Cambodia's government if the vote was not free and fair. But Harf said the United States does not regard this as a suspension of overall military ties. "We haven't indicated that's something we want," Harf said. "We are going to keep watching the process as it unfolds and see where it goes from here." Longtime Prime Minister Hun Sen's party won the July 28 vote, but with a sharply reduced majority, according to unratified results announced Monday that are contested by the opposition. It has threatened mass protests unless there's an independent investigation of the election process. The State Department has expressed concerns about reported election irregularities and has called for them to be investigated fully and transparently. The Cambodian government has deployed extra troops and armored vehicles in the capital, Phnom Penh, because of the opposition's warning it could take to the streets. The tough reputation of Hun Sen, who has ruled for 28 years, has raised concerns he might use force against protesters. Navuth Koeut, the defense attache at Cambodia's embassy in Washington, said he could not comment about any suspension in military cooperation programs as he has not received information from Phnom Penh about it. US military assistance on maritime security, counterterrorism and humanitarian operations makes up a small portion of the more than $70 million in annual American aid to Cambodia but reflects Washington's attempts to build bridges with a Southeast Asian government which counts China as its main benefactor. Military cooperation has been on the uptick since 2006 and includes training for Cambodian officers and periodic military exercises. One of Hun Sen's sons was trained at the US Military Academy. Human Rights Watch has been pushing for the United States to sever military ties, arguing that Cambodia's armed forces are corrupt, politicized and implicated in rights abuses. |
| Image Industry Weds Korea Cool to China’s New Rich Posted: 12 Aug 2013 09:48 PM PDT  Chinese tourists from Shanghai shop at a branch of Innisfree, Amorepacific’s budget brand in central Seoul on August 6, 2013. Korean beauty brands have little global renown, but in Asia they are household names because of perfectly groomed celebrities. (Photo: Reuters) SEOUL, South Korea — Standing by a French chateau's window, the bride-to-be glows in the afternoon sun as she gazes into her fiancé's eyes. This Chinese couple's fairytale moment, however, isn't unfolding at a Bordeaux estate. The 20-something Beijing lawyers and fans of South Korean pop idol Rain are part of a small but growing number of affluent Chinese for whom the craze for all things South Korean means flying to Seoul for the weekend to have wedding pictures taken. China is the source of one quarter of all tourists to South Korea, and a handful of companies in South Korea's $15 billion wedding industry are wooing an image-conscious slice of the Chinese jet set happy to drop several thousand dollars on a wedding album with a South Korean touch. The draw for many of the well-heeled Chinese isn't Seoul's ancient palaces or the fiery cuisine. It's an elegant urban style exemplified by Gangnam, the tony Seoul district made globally famous by South Korean rapper PSY's "Gangnam Style." Helping shape that image is the popularity of South Korean cosmetics and fashion and the many South Korean stars whose looks are widely copied in China. "The style in South Korea is more sophisticated and cuter than what we have in China. We came here because South Korea is the leader in fashion and makeup," said the bride-to-be, Yang Candi, as two stylists fussed over her hair with a curling iron and giant hair clips during a recent photo shoot. South Korea's tourism ministry estimates that more than 2.5 million Chinese visitors spent an average of $2,150 per person in 2012, more than any other nationality. That's helping companies such as iWedding, which is the largest of the South Korean wedding planners hosting Chinese tourists, to flourish. Every month for more than a year, iWedding has done business with 50 to 60 Chinese couples, the company said, including the Beijing attorneys whose love of South Korean TV shows and music brought them to Seoul. A South Korean competitor, Design Wedding, recently partnered with a Chinese company in Shanghai and has photographed more than 50 Chinese couples since May. Chuka Club, another South Korean wedding planner, said it gets Chinese clients even though it doesn't advertise on Chinese websites like rivals iWedding and Design Wedding. "Chinese look up to South Korea for its sophisticated urban culture, style and beauty," said Song Sung-uk, professor of South Korean pop culture studies at the Catholic University of Korea in Seoul. "Rather than visiting traditional palaces or shopping for antiques, they would rather go to Gangnam to experience state-of-the-art shopping malls." Song said South Korea, which built the fourth largest economy in Asia from the rubble of the 1950-53 Korean War, is synonymous with the good life that middle-class Chinese aspire to. South Korea's pop culture plays a big part in cultivating that image. "I always wanted to come here, especially after watching South Korean TV shows," said the groom-to-be, Chen Jingjing, his face gleaming with liquid foundation, his eyebrows carefully contoured. The couple said they had high expectations for their trip and were excited about the prospect of glamorous photos mimicking the pampered lifestyles of their favorite South Korean celebrities. The trip, they said, would also give them bragging rights at home with their friends and family. After nearly three hours of hair, makeup and frequent amorous glances, Chen and Yang, dressed in wedding white, are chauffeured to a nearby photo studio where they spend the next eight hours striking poses before facades resembling cobblestoned streets or Loire Valley estates. The continental European backdrop is a favorite of Chinese visitors and South Koreans. That likely stems from the popularity of Western-style bridal gowns and tuxedos; many wedding planners began thinking that those European outfits looked better when photographed in front of a European set. The heart of the day for Yang and Chen was overseen by a nimble South Korean photographer who orchestrates the eight-hour photo session with an air of Gangnam cool, cooing enthusiastically to get the couple's poses just right. Other helpers rushed to adjust Yang's hair or dust off Chen's lapel as mellow South Korean pop tunes wafted from speakers embedded in the ceiling. The photographs are arranged in a leather-bound album, part of a South Korean package for couples that includes transportation, doting assistants and a hotel option, according to Yu Mi-ra, a Chinese-speaking South Korean coordinator at iWedding. The service costs $2,000 to $4,000. Yu said the reason cosmopolitan Chinese come all the way to South Korea for wedding pictures is a higher quality photography and makeup service than they'd get in China. But that doesn't mean expectations are always met. While Chen and Yang seemed at ease with the attention—smiling at the photographer's attempts to speak Chinese and generally operating like celebrities accustomed to paparazzi and the staged glamour of red carpet events—six hours into the photo session, Yang's smile disappears. She is unhappy with the photographs. "My cheekbones are sticking out," said Yang after looking at the pictures through a camera viewer. "We came all the way to Korea to look our best. But these pictures are plain. I'm a little disappointed." Yang's South Korean translator and assistant eventually persuade her to go on with the photo shoot. And Yang again bats her fake eyelashes and smiles for the camera. At the close of the day, she seems generally pleased. "Everyone is nice. They must be tired too," she said. |
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But after I have read U Tin E (Shan Pyi) ee Bawa Ponyake Kauk Kyaung Lay Mya (Images of the life of U Tin E-Shanland), a 183 page collection of articles written by himself and friends, I thought "The man who was not afraid" would be a better fitting title.
Following Gen Aung San's passing, when the terms of agreement failed to come to life, he would bitterly complained, "We have become culprits in history." His "we" includes not only himself, but also U Kya Bu, U Tun Myint, Sao Yape Pha, U Khun Saw Pindaya, Khun Hti Panglong and others who had co-signed the Panglong Agreement.