| Burma Releases 41 More Political Prisoners Posted: 11 Dec 2013 05:03 AM PST  Former political prisoner Win Hla is released from Insein Prison in Rangoon during a previous amnesty of prisoners of conscience in July. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON – The Burma government on Wednesday released 41 political prisoners from its jails, leaving only 44 prisoners of conscience in the country, according to the leading group campaigning on the issue. The latest amnesty comes a matter of weeks before the end of the year, by which point President Thein Sein has pledged that no more political prisoners will remain in Burma. It also coincides with a high level of international attention on the country as the opening ceremony of the South East Asian Games takes place in Naypyidaw on Wednesday night. A list of people in Burmese prisons classified as prisoners of conscience—compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) and the Political Prisoners Assessment Committee, a joint panel that includes government representation—records that before Wednesday 85 political prisoners remained incarcerated. According Ko Talky, the AAPP's local assistant in Rangoon, 44 people were released from prisons in Burma on Wednesday. "From the list, only 41 were political prisoners," he said. He said AAPP did not know who the other three prisoners released Wednesday were. That means 44 confirmed political prisoners are still in jail, Ko Talky said, adding that AAPP was working with the government to ensure they are all free by the end of the year. The 41 political prisoners were released from prisons in Tha Hton in Mon State, Insein in Rangoon, Pathein in Irrawaddy Division, Myitkyina in Kachin State, Hpa-an in Karen State, Pegu, Okkan, Tharyarwady and Taungoo in Pegu Division, Taunggyi in Shan State, Mandalay, and Buthitaung in Arakan State, said Ko Talky. They included Moe Thway and six other people jailed for protesting against the Chinese-backed Letpadaung copper mine protest. It also included activist Win Cho and six fellow land rights protesters convicted three months ago under Section 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Act, which outlaws protesting without prior permission from authorities. Moe Thway, who served 20 days of a one-month sentence at Insein Prison, also under Section 18, said he was still facing numerous charges for protesting without permission. "I'm close to release, but I will still have to face the rest my cases—totaling 15—under Section 18, in the Pabetan and Bahan township courts, for which I am on bail," Moe Thway said. "All my fellow protesters, including Student Union leader De Nyein Lin and other four people have been released too," he added. In another amnesty on Nov, 15, 69 people, including two grandsons of the late Burmese dictator Ne Win, were released. That amnesty included about two dozen people sentenced under Section 18. Critics say Section 18 is increasingly being used to stifle protest, even as the government has released hundreds of prisoners of conscience since it began a process of political and economic reforms two years ago. The post Burma Releases 41 More Political Prisoners appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Govt Crackdown on Imported Alcohol Intensifies, to Concern of Retailers Posted: 11 Dec 2013 04:58 AM PST  A government crackdown on illegal import of alcohol has affected sales of foreign alcohol brands such as Heineken. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — In the past week, the Ministry of Commerce has intensified its crackdown on what it deems illegally imported alcohol, sparking further unrest among retailers, including Burma's biggest supermarket chain City Mart. Most retailers have now stopped sales of foreign booze out of fear for being raided, leading to a shortfall of liquor supplies and complaints from consumers and restaurants. In the meantime, the retail sector's calls for a revision of government policy on alcohol imports are growing louder. A Commerce Ministry mobile task force last week raided a warehouse of Premium Distribution, a company owned by City Mart Holdings, to inspect the legal import documents of thousands of bottles of foreign liquor, wine and beer held in stock. Myint Oo, a task force member, said, "We're checking the lists and products in the Premium Distribution warehouse in Thaketa Township, so we can't say now how many alcohol bottles will be confiscated." He said the ministry's Illegal Trade Prevention and Supervision Control Committee had ordered mores checks among retailers and their suppliers, adding that the legal import status of imported tobacco and preserve frozen foods, such as frozen Turkey meat, would also be investigated. "We've been checking such places based on tips of informants," Myint Oo said. On Friday, City Mart Holdings announced that it was suspending sales of imported alcohol brands at its 15 City Mart super markets, 26 City Express mini markets and five Ocean super centers in Rangoon and Mandalay. The company said longstanding government restrictions on the import of alcohol had forced it to supply its foreign booze from limited sources, some of which might have been imported illegally. "We don't know how our suppliers imported such products, but as long as suppliers are legally registered companies we will buy from them. So we don't know their background channels," a City Mart spokesperson told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday. In a statement on Friday, City Mart said unclear government policies on alcohol imports had given rise to the supply problems. "While local businesses are trying to improve business operations, the government should begin to plan a better [import] policy that is more transparent. This would offer the best remedy," the firm said. Since the mid-1990s, the government has implemented a ban on the import of alcohol, tobacco and other luxury goods, only allowing certain hotels and duty-free shops to carry out such imports. The ban was part of the former military government's policies under which military- or crony-owned companies controlled large parts of the economy. Over the years, retailers selling foreign alcohol brands were forced to resort to supplies brought in through the hotel industry or black market import channels. They were often able to do so without facing government action. Since September, however, Commerce Ministry teams have reportedly begun raiding some of Burma's biggest alcohol distributors in search of illegal imported alcohol brands. In October, 30,000 bottles of wine and 2,400 cans of beer were confiscated in a Rangoon warehouse of Quarto Products, The Myanmar Times reported. The ministry reportedly opened a court case against Quarto, a large beverages distributor, and its managing director could now face three years imprisonment for involvement in illegal alcohol imports. The unannounced checks continue and have forced retailers to pull imported alcohol products from sale. Customers and some businesses, such as restaurants, have complained that they cannot find imported, high quality alcohol brands. Tun Naing Win, who owns a restaurant in Rangoon's Kyi Myin Dine Township, said, "In the past, retailers were selling [imported] whisky bottles with a tax seal… now all have disappeared." He said his suppliers had begun to stock imported alcohol, selling it only to valued customers at double or triple the usual prices "Most of my suppliers are based in Lanmadaw Township… I can get real foreign-made alcohol from them, as well as in Myay Ni Gone Township, but prices are up significantly," said Tun Naing Win. Kyaw Lin, a resident of Rangoon's San Chaung Township, said, "I can't find real foreign-made whiskey or wine in any retail shops. "Just local brands are left on the shelves. Grand Royal, Myanmar Beer, Aye Tharyar Wine, made in Myanmar," he said, before adding, "But some shops that know me well are selling foreign brands to me secretly." The Myanmar Retailers Association in a statement to The Irrawaddy criticized the Commerce Ministry's sudden strict implementation of the import ban. "The government should have informed retailers first, before taking action. We have already sent a letter to the government with our suggestions [to address the import ban] in November, but we've received no response," the organization said. A member of a large retail organization, who spoke on condition of anonymity, alleged that the Commerce Ministry crackdown had targeted the retailers and not the illegal importers of alcohol. "Actually, they are not checking the real big importers in Rangoon and Mandalay, they're only raiding retail shops," the source said, adding that liquor stores owned by the military-owned conglomerate Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings (UMEHL) seemed to have received prior warning of the crackdown. "The liquor store at Ruby Mart owned by UMEHL, removed its foreign alcohol brands in September," the source said. Dr Maung Mg Lay, vice-chairman of Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers and Commerce Industry (UMFCCI), also criticized the crackdown, saying the Commerce Ministry decision to raid retailers had been rash and sent shockwaves through the sector. "It should have handled this issue more gently, the government should give enough time to them—importers, retailers," he said, adding that cracking down on import alcohol supply chain would limit supplies and force retailers and customers to rely on black market sellers. "Prices will increase and the black market will become bigger," he said, adding that illicit alcohol supplies could lead to sales of "fake products that could affect physical health." Thein Htun Oo, the assistant director of Commerce Ministry's mobile task force said, however, that the crackdown would continue. "The ministry will have to check such products and whether they are legally imported or not. If they do not have any legal import license, we will definitely charge them in accordance with the law," he said. The post Govt Crackdown on Imported Alcohol Intensifies, to Concern of Retailers appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| In Crusading for Peace and Empowering Women, Kachin Activist Finds a Calling Posted: 11 Dec 2013 04:13 AM PST  International Peace Day march organizer May Sabe Phyu talks to media outside the Sanchaung Township courthouse on Nov. 26, 2013. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) She devotes herself to peace-building and women's empowerment, but her children tell her they wish she would settle into a more traditional matriarchal mold. "My children ask me, 'Mom, why can't you be like other mothers?'" May Sabe Phyu tells The Irrawaddy. Splitting her time among three civil society organizations—the Kachin Peace Network, Kachin Women's Peace Network and Gender Equality Network—home life for the 37-year-old mother of three sometimes gets short shrift. Faced with their displeasure at her busy schedule, she has tried to explain to her children what keeps her away from the kitchen and out on the streets. "I told them this is not the time to sit and wait for someone else to help the country. This is the time to try for ourselves," she said, adding that her family ultimately supports her efforts. As she works to affect change in Burma, the ethnic Kachin activist credits her children with inspiring her, and her husband for picking up the child-rearing slack. "It is certain that without their help, I could not do my job." That job, as she sees it, is to fight against injustice and inequality in Burma. As a woman, she says she has first-hand experience when it comes to gender discrimination in the country. "As one personal experience, my husband and I applied to the same organization. My husband got the job but I didn't get because we had an eight-month-old daughter at that timem," she said. "They rejected me, assuming that as a mother who had a young child, I couldn't fulfill duties as a childless person could. Even if men have young children, it is not a problem for them." Interested in learning more about the issue, May Sabe Phyu earned a master's degree in gender and development studies from the Asian Institute of Technology in Thailand. After returning to Burma in May 2011, she began working for the Gender Equality Network (GEN), a coalition of more than 90 organizations in Burma including UN agencies, international NGOs and local civil society groups that collaborate to advocate for women's rights. Among other efforts to promote gender equality, one focus is on the political arena. "We can measure whether women get equal rights or not in many ways. One significant way is whether women participate in politics and governance," May Sabe Phyu said. "If we look at women's participation in Parliament, only 53 women sit among over 1,100 representatives," she said, adding that less than 3 percent of management positions were held by women in eight districts and divisions surveyed for a report by women's rights groups in Burma. "My family told me that gender equality is impossible in my lifetime, and some say that I am trying to do impossible things." But recognizing that feats now taken for granted—human flight, among them—were also once thought impossible, May Sabe Phyu aspires to serve as something of a Wright brothers equivalent for women's equality in Burma. The country's first-ever women's forum was held on Dec. 6-7 in Rangoon, bringing together hundreds of leading women from government, business and civil society to discuss the role of women in Burma today. "In the past, the government had no interest in women's issues and they did not accept that gender discrimination was a problem. But now they are more interested in women's issues and they are collaborating with us more than before 2010." May Sabe Phyu did not begin her social work in 2010, when the country began to transition away from a military—and male-dominated—regime to today's nominally civilian government. She worked as a public health educator for the international NGO Doctors Without Borders from the age of 22. She worked for Doctors without Borders, also known by its French acronym MSF, for about eight years, six of which were spent in Kachin State educating locals on the dangers of malaria, AIDS and tuberculosis. That work eventually led her back to Rangoon, where she would later spend a three-year stint working for the UN Development Program (UNDP). The cofounder of the Kachin Peace Network took up the pacifist cause in 2012, after images from the conflict in Burma's northernmost state reached her computer screen. "I cried because those faces were not strange to me; my ethnic brethren were being victimized and were faced with poverty in Kachin State, where I stayed for six years. I want them to get their normal lives back, and one reason that they have become victims is the war," she said. Women and children are often victims in wars that they play no active part in, and conditions in refugee camps can be destabilizing to social order. "Women were staying without places to change clothes, bathe and sleep. Without income, there is also increasing violence within families in refugee camps." Asked about ongoing peace negotiations between the government and ethnic armed groups in Burma, the Kachin peace activist said it was important to put all the issues on the table. "Peace is neither a contract nor a meeting, in my opinion," she said. "Until the demands of the ethnic armed groups are addressed, there will be no peace." May Sabe Phyu, who serves as coordinator for the Kachin Peace Network, was recently fined for organizing an unauthorized demonstration on International Peace Day last year in Rangoon. She still faces similar charges, under the country's Peaceful Assembly Law, brought by other townships for the protest, in which participants demanded an end to the ongoing conflicts in Kachin State and other ethnic regions. "It is fully unfair," May Sabe Phyu said of the law, which has been used to jail dozens of peaceful protestors since it was enacted in 2011. For May Sabe Phyu, the issues of women's rights and Burma's peace process are intimately intertwined. "A nation is a combination of families and we, women, are managing all the daily affairs of our families, so the affairs of our country are directly associated with us, and women's participation in politics and the peace process is important," she said. "Both sides, the government officials and armed groups' leaders, still believe that women's participation in peace-building is unnecessary," she said, adding that this must change. "I honestly believe that we, women, can create incredible changes in the nation since we have different views and feelings," she said, describing the campaign of women in Liberia—credited with bringing an end to more than a decade of civil war in that country—as a powerful motivator behind her peace activism. Kachin Peace Network member Khon Ja praised her colleague for the balance she struck between being a supportive mother and wife while fighting for change in Burma. "She can communicate well with all people, from street vendors to government ministers," Khon Ja said. May Sabe Phyu is currently working with a coalition of women's rights groups to draft a law addressing the issue of violence against women. Despite her time away from home, May Sabe Phyu's daughters look likely to follow in their activist mother's footsteps in pushing societal and political boundaries. "My two daughters told me they want to become the UN secretary general because there has never been a woman secretary," she said. The post In Crusading for Peace and Empowering Women, Kachin Activist Finds a Calling appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Burma Protest Camp Defiant in Face of Ultimatums Posted: 11 Dec 2013 03:46 AM PST  A woman ties on a headband identifying her as a former owner of land in Michaungkan village, in Rangoon's Thingangyun Township, which protesters say was confiscated by the Burma Army in the early 1990s. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — More than 50 people are continuing a sit-down protest in Rangoon's Thingangyun Township, after defiantly resisting an alleged attack by thugs and repeated ultimatums from authorities to vacate their protest camp. The demonstrators in Michaungkan village, made up of mainly female residents, some of them elderly, have called for the return of lands forcibly seized by the Burma Army in the early 1990s. By Wednesday, they had been occupying an area outside the gate of a fenced-off military compound for 16 days. But the demands of the well-organized demonstrators have reduced slightly over more than two weeks of protests. Short of demanding the return of all confiscated lands, they are now calling for a legal solution and the formation of a commission to review the issue, according to protester Nay New Than. "If the authorities sign [an agreement] for the issue to be handled by a land investigation committee, or for the formation of an investigating commission, this will be accepted," she told The Irrawaddy. The protest camp remained in place Wednesday, despite efforts to dislodge the villagers. Over the weekend, government security forces were deployed nearby, and villagers have claimed the government-aligned Swan Arshin group launched an attack on the camp, injuring some protesters. On Monday night, an order to leave by 6 pm, from Rangoon Division Chief Myint Swe, was distributed among the protesters, raising fears a crackdown was imminent. With hundreds of observers and journalists present, the protesters stayed put. They again refused to vacate when given a new deadline of 10 am Tuesday. "Until now, they haven't cracked down, as they had warned, but they request us to move for the sake of the protesters' health and so as not to disgrace the SEA Games," Nay New Than said, referring to the Southeast Asian Games currently being held in Burma. Football matches in Rangoon are being played at Thuwanna Stadium, a short distance from the protest sight. The villagers have held numerous protests this year to underline their demands over the long-confiscated land. Two Michaungkan village protesters have already been prosecuted and sentenced to several months' imprisonment for holding protests without government permission, under Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Processions Law. The post Burma Protest Camp Defiant in Face of Ultimatums appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Burma Activist Naw Ohn Hla Faces ‘Religious Disturbance’ Complaint Posted: 11 Dec 2013 02:39 AM PST  Activist Naw Ohn Hla is pictured after her release from a previous stint in prison in May 2013. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burmese activist Naw Ohn Hla is facing yet another lawsuit, according to her lawyer. This time, the long-time land rights advocate is accused of disturbing religious gatherings while holding prayers for opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi back in 2007. Naw Ohn Hla was sentenced in August to two years in prison for protesting without permission against the Chinese-backed Letpadaung copper mine in Sagaing Division. On Nov. 15 she was one of 69 political prisoners released by a pardon from President Thein Sein. But Naw Ohn Hla is in custody again after she was arrested over a Nov. 29 protest against the controversial mining project, at which a Chinese flag was burned outside the Chinese Embassy in Rangoon. During a hearing in the flag-burning case—in which Naw Ohn Hla faces up to two years in jail—a judge at Dagon Township Court said she still faces a separate lawsuit for organizing prayers in 2007 for opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, then under house arrest, according to her lawyer, Robert San Aung. The lawyer said Naw Ohn Hla was accused at the time by the governing body of Rangoon's Shwedagon Pagoda of disturbing a religious assembly, a crime, under Article 296 of the Penal Code, which carries a maximum sentence of one year. "This second case against her was filed by the Shwedagon Pagoda Board of Trustees member U Mang Maung Tint," he said. "It happened in 2007. She was praying for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The Board of Trustees member accused her of disturbing other people." The judge claimed the 2007 case was being brought up again because authorities until now "couldn't catch" Naw Ohn Hla—a vocal activist and has been repeatedly in trouble with the authorities—Robert San Aung said. The lawyer said the authorities seemed to be arbitrarily piling up cases against the troublesome activist. "Now she has been moved to Insein Prison from Dagon Township police custody. She is not in good health," he said, adding that his client was treated badly in police custody. "I have a question for the police officers of [Rangoon's] Western District: Why is it that Naw Ohn Hla's water supply was cut off during her days in Dagon Township police station? She couldn't wash her hair, flush the toilet or even wash her face," the lawyer said. Min Nay Htoo, a fellow anti-Letpadaung protester, said Naw Ohn Hla was standing trial alongside Tin Htut Paing, a leader of the Generation Youth advocacy group. The two are charged with Section 505 (b) of the Penal Code, which allows for two years jail time for anyone who "makes, publishes or circulates any statement, rumor or report with intent to cause, or which is likely to cause, fear or alarm to the public, or to any section of the public whereby any person may be induced to commit an offense against the State or against public tranquility." Authorities have also said they are looking for two other protesters who they want to charge under Section 505 (b) in relation to the flag burning, according to Min Nay Htoo. President Thein Sein has pledged to release all political prisoners in Burma by the end of 2013, and another 44 were released on Wednesday. But critics say the law is increasingly being used to imprison land rights activists. The post Burma Activist Naw Ohn Hla Faces 'Religious Disturbance' Complaint appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Burma Govt Hopes for Rangoon-Myitkyina Rail Upgrade Posted: 11 Dec 2013 02:13 AM PST  Trains lined up at Rangoon Central Railway Station on June 2, 2013. (Photo: Sean Havey / The Irrawaddy) VIENTIANE — Burma's government wants to upgrade the country's main railway line from Rangoon to Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State, almost 1,000 miles north on the Irrawaddy River. The hoped-for renovation would build on a separate deal to upgrade the rail line from Rangoon to Mandalay, and would link from Mandalay to Myitkyina in turn. "We are discussing with South Korea and ADB [Asian Development Bank, a Manila-based regional lender] about this project," Myint Myint San, general manager at the Ministry of Rail Transportation, told The Irrawaddy, referring to the Mandalay-Myitkyina section of the line. Details of the proposed rail upgrade, including funding, have not yet been finalized, she added. Early this month, Japanese media reported that a deal was being arranged between Tokyo and Naypyidaw to upgrade the Rangoon-Mandalay rail link, after first being proposed by Japanese parliamentarians during a visit to Naypyidaw in September. The Rangoon-Mandalay train journey takes about 15 hours at the moment, but officials hope that will be cut to around eight hours after the upgrade, for which survey work will start next year. "We hope the Mandalay to Myitkyina line will take around the same time, after that new line is completed," Myint Myint San said. Currently the Mandalay-Myitkyina train journey can take up to 24 hours, a 400-mile, stop-start countryside crawl with goods-laden passengers jumping on and off along the way. In May, Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited Burma, bringing with him business leaders from some of Japan's biggest corporations. That visit saw Japan lend 51 billion yen (US$495 million) to Burma, of which 17 billion yen is slated for infrastructure improvements, including work on railways. Burma's Ministry of Rail Transportation last month said companies from Japan and Singapore had expressed interest in an upcoming tender to modernize Rangoon's main railway station, a city heritage building dating to 1877 and reconstructed after World War II. Rail upgrades are likely to be discussed at the coming weekend's Japan-Asean summit in Tokyo, which Burma President Thein Sein is expected to attend. Decrepit colonial-era infrastructure is frequently cited by would-be investors as a reason to hold off on putting money into Burma, though inward investment into the country is increasing. The World Bank estimates that foreign direct investment (FDI) grew from 3.7 percent of GDP in 2011-12 to 5.2 percent in 2012-13. Myint Myint San said Burma has long-term plans to try to improve the national rail network to match neighboring countries, but acknowledged that such infrastructure upgrades will take time. "We do not have rail connections with neighboring countries," she said, adding that the first such link is likely to connect the Dawei Special Economic Zone in Burma's south to Kanchanaburi in Thailand. Myint Myint San was speaking on the sidelines of the 19th Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Ministerial Conference in the Laotian capital of Vientiane on Wednesday morning. Lei Lei Thein, Burma's deputy minister of national planning and economic development, addressed the meeting, which will see a tentative agreement between the six member countries—Cambodia, China, Laos, Thailand and Vietnam, as well as Burma—to improve cross-border links between the various national railways. "Myanmar regards the GMS as a means to expand and improve its links to countries in Southeast Asia," the deputy minister told her counterparts. The post Burma Govt Hopes for Rangoon-Myitkyina Rail Upgrade appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Burma’s Surreal Capital Now Less of a Ghost Town Posted: 11 Dec 2013 01:00 AM PST  A handful of cars drive down one of Naypyidaw's many-laned highways. (Photo: Steve Ticker / The Irrawaddy) NAYPYIDAW — Watched around the clock, bathed twice a day and otherwise pampered, five white elephants are munching on choice greenery in Burma's vast, remote and surreal capital. Above them soars a shimmering, gold-plated pagoda. From ancient times, Burma's rulers regarded these rare albino animals as sacred accessories of kingly capitals, symbols of power and prestige. But in this grandiose city built from scratch in secrecy, at great cost and in a seemingly unsuitable location by the country's former military dictators, some find it fitting that "white elephant" is also a term for a troublesome possession too expensive to maintain. Eight years after Naypyidaw—"Abode of the King"—was proclaimed the new government seat, it has become something more than a "ghost capital hacked out of the jungle," as it was once described. Private enterprise is staking some ground. More shops and restaurants have opened and 79 hotels are operating or under construction. Some foreign companies, notably the Japanese, have set up small branch offices. A dozen impressive stadiums, meeting halls and hundreds of villas for visiting VIPs have been built here for the Southeast Asian Games, an 11-nation event that began Wednesday. Naypyidaw will be in the spotlight again next year when Burma chairs the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean). But the capital remains far from meeting the grand expectations that built it. It's 40 times the area of Washington, D.C., dotted with enormous public buildings that seem incongruous in one of the world's poorest countries. The US Capitol is positively puny compared with the equivalent here. The main conference center dwarfs the United Nations building in New York, and the airport, home to just two international airlines, is designed to handle up to 10.5 million passengers a year. Vast empty spaces dominate. Many government workers live alone because their families don't want to move here. The political opposition and diplomats are among those who hope the capital one day reverts to Rangoon, the country's heartbeat in almost every way, as democracy truly takes root and the military's power wanes. Burma has a rich history of moving capitals—more than 30 shifts since the 9th century, the shortest lasting barely a year. The current leadership says Naypyidaw is here to stay, and the city has other boosters, including executives of two international-brand hotels nearing completion. "As the capital of one of Asia's fastest-emerging economies, Naypyidaw has a huge amount of potential," says Glenn de Souza, the regional vice president for US-based Best Western International. "Initially you might call it a 'curiosity factor,' but as time goes on it could become a serious option for more leisure travelers." A senior vice president of the French-owned Accor Group, Patrick Basset, predicts Naypyidaw will become one of the most visited cities in Burma. Some residents say the airy capital is more livable than Rangoon, a city of seething tenements, traffic-jammed roads and about 5 million people. Naypyidaw's water supply is better, and its virtually uninterrupted electricity contrasts with Rangoon's daily power cuts. "It's a spacious, green city, so it's a healthier city. I feel suffocated when I go back home," says Ko Pyone, a Rangoon native who manages a branch of the Cherry Oo watch chain. Foreign embassies are steadfastly holding on in Rangoon, 320 kilometers (200 miles) south of Naypyidaw and a five-hour drive away. Diplomats are looking toward the 2015 election, expected to pit military-backed parties against opposition led by pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. "I strongly believe that the capital will one day move back to Yangon [Rangoon]," said the spokesman for Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), Nyan Win. Although no public poll has been taken, one joke circulating says that any politician who promises to restore Rangoon as the capital will be guaranteed election. Naypyidaw has some amenities, including a state-of-the-art movie theater, a safari park and a modern mall. But except for one bustling market, it lacks the color, crowds and friendly chaos of other Burma towns and cities. The sprawling city lacks public transport, so people must rely on expensive taxis, private cars and motorcycles. "There is no nightlife here. There is nobody walking in the streets after 9 o'clock. So you stay at home and watch TV," says Zeyar Oo, owner of a mini-mart chain. Several officials said moving the capital back to Rangoon is not an option. Like most in the government, they spoke on condition of anonymity. Reflecting the secrecy still ingrained in a country under iron-fisted military rule for nearly half a century, officials refused to provide such basic information as the city's population. Various sources, citing official statistics, have said it was 925,000 in 2009, though many visitors have found that figure hard to accept. The government has never even clearly stated why the capital was relocated in the first place. Theories include its more central, strategic position, allowing better control of the country, and its isolation from a Rangoon population that periodically rose up in bloody protests against the regime. Many Burmese believe former junta leader Gen Than Shwe, the capital's prime architect, followed the examples of ancient kings who believed changing capitals was auspicious and consulted astrologers before giving the command. Than Shwe, still believed to wield considerable power behind the scenes, lives in a secluded Naypyidaw compound with other top military leaders. A restricted military zone is said to contain bunkers and tunnels. Construction of the city began in the early 2000s in an area inhabited by largely dirt-poor farmers. Much of the city consists of long stretches of multi-lane highways flanked by scrubland, forest and fields where water buffaloes graze. Set within the greenery are hundreds of orderly apartment blocks housing civil servants, assigned according to rank. The roofs are color-coded: green for employees of the Agriculture Ministry. To attract—some say force—usage, the government has relocated everything from the equivalent of Burma's Academy Awards to most animals in the Rangoon Zoo to the annual gems emporium. Diplomats have been more difficult to attract. Only Bangladesh and Malaysia are known to have paid the government's US$1.5 million price for an embassy plot, and neither has begun construction. But Thant Myint-U, a prominent historian and government adviser, says returning the capital to Rangoon would be very expensive, and the government will have other priorities. "Nothing is irreversible, but as the years go by, I think it will be increasingly difficult, even if there was the political desire," he says. "Having an administrative center that's different than the biggest city is not in itself a bad thing." Than Shwe stamped a traditional seal on Naypyidaw as a center of power by erecting an almost exact replica of Rangoon's incomparable Shwedagon Pagoda here. He made it 30 centimeters (one foot) shorter out of respect for that holiest of shrines. And the white elephants were given their deluxe lodgings. Life here is "lonely, boring" for Forestry Department veterinarian Tin Ko Lat, whose wife and two children live far away. But he loves his work. "The rulers believe that keeping the white elephants here will bring prosperity," he says. AP correspondent Aye Aye Win contributed to this report. The post Burma's Surreal Capital Now Less of a Ghost Town appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Thailand’s Bikers Descend on Chiang Mai Posted: 10 Dec 2013 11:22 PM PST  A model poses on a motorcycle at the Real Biker Custom Show. (Photo: Brennan O'Connor / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Last weekend hundreds of avid motorcyclists converged at the Chiang Mai Sports Complex in northern Thailand for the Real Biker Custom Show. It was the third time the annual event, which is organized by Real Biker magazine, has been held. The show attracted motorcycle fans from across the country, who came to see the custom made bikes and hot rods on display. Various chapters from Thailand's numerous bike clubs set up promotional booths to sell biker merchandise and club t-shirts. Models adorned the larger motorcycle displays, posing for photos with participants. The post Thailand's Bikers Descend on Chiang Mai appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Japan’s Defense Plans Focus on China and Islands Dispute Posted: 10 Dec 2013 10:17 PM PST  Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, right, reviews Japan Self-Defense Forces' (SDF) troops during the annual SDF ceremony at Asaka Base in Asaka, near Tokyo, on Oct. 27, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Issei Kato) TOKYO — Japan will set up a new amphibious military unit and deploy unarmed surveillance drones in its southwest, where it faces a row with China over disputed islands, according to drafts of the nation's latest defense plans seen on Wednesday. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe ordered the defense policy review after returning to office last December, pledging to strengthen the military and boost Japan's global security role. The new defense guideline and military build-up plan, to be approved by the government next week, follow China's declaration in November of a new air defense identification zone in an area that includes the disputed isles, triggering protests from Tokyo, as well as Washington and Seoul. The drafts of the two plans were made available at a meeting of ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) lawmakers and shown to reporters. Final versions of the defense guideline, which lays out Japan's defense policy for the next 10 years, and the build-up plan, called the mid-term defense program and covering a five-year period, will be unveiled next Tuesday. Citing Japan's concerns about what it calls Beijing's attempts to change the status quo with force, the guideline says Japan will "respond calmly and resolutely to the rapid expansion and step-up of China's maritime and air activities." Japan plans to set up an amphibious unit designed to take back the remote islands in case of invasion and boost the number of fighter jet squadrons at its Naha base on Japan's southern island of Okinawa to two from one to maintain air superiority. One squadron usually consists of 20 fighter jets. It also plans to procure unmanned surveillance planes and establish a unit of E-2C early warning aircraft at the Naha base, the draft of the build-up plan said. E-2Cs, routinely used to keep watch in the area surrounding the disputed islands called the Senkaku in Japan and Diaoyu in China, are currently based in northern Japan's Misawa base. Japan will also bolster its overall capability to respond to missile attacks in the face of improvement in North Korea's ballistic missile technology, the guideline draft said. But it stopped short of a call to acquire the capability to strike enemy targets—a controversial and costly step that would further stretch what Japan dubs its "purely defensive" defense posture allowed under decades-old interpretations of its post-World War II pacifist constitution. "North Korea has repeated conduct that heightens regional tensions … Its nuclear and missile development, along with provocative words and deeds against us, represent a grave and imminent threat to our country's security," the draft said. Japan's concerns over a rising China and unpredictable North Korea were also echoed in the country's new national security strategy, a draft of which was also made available. In a move likely to raise red flags among Abe's critics, who say the hawkish leader is a nationalist ideologue, the draft strategy document calls for "cultivating love of country" and expanding "security education" in institutions of higher learning. Putting more patriotism in school curricula was the aim of a revision of a law on education enacted during Abe's first 2006-07 term, which ended when he abruptly quit in the face of a parliamentary deadlock and ill health. As expected, the security strategy draft also said Japan will review its self-imposed ban on weapons exports, a move that could reinvigorate Japan's struggling defense industry. Japan in 1967 drew up "three principles" on arms exports—banning sales to countries with communist governments, those involved in international conflicts or those subject to United Nations sanctions. The rules eventually became almost a blanket ban on arms exports and on the development and production of weapons, stifling Japanese defense contractors and making it difficult for them to keep up with cutting-edge arms technology. Recent governments have made some exceptions including for joint development with the United States. The post Japan's Defense Plans Focus on China and Islands Dispute appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Analysis: Thai Democracy Enters Dangerous New Crossroads Posted: 10 Dec 2013 09:37 PM PST  Protesters are waging a political fight to replace Thailand’s selected prime minister with a parallel government. Critics say the plan is undemocratic and unconstitutional. BANGKOK — Protesters waging a surreal political fight to oust Thailand’s selected prime minister are trying to establish what amounts to a parallel government — one complete with "volunteer peacekeepers" to replace the police, a foreign policy of their own and a central committee that has already begun issuing audacious orders. Among the most brazen, Tuesday: a demand that caretaker premier Yingluck Shinawatra be prosecuted for "insurrection," and another calling on the public to "monitor" her family’s movements. Leading academics have slammed the scheme as undemocratic and unconstitutional. Critics have called its leader, Suthep Thaugsuban, delusional. But the ex-lawmaker’s bid to seize power could become reality if the military or the judiciary intervenes, as they have in the past. Either way, analysts say this Southeast Asian nation is at a dangerous new crossroads that could drag on, and end with more bloodshed. "This is a combustible situation. We cannot have two governments in Bangkok running Thailand," said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, director of Chulalongkorn’s Institute of Security and International Studies. "Something will have to give." Yingluck is desperate to end weeks of political unrest that has killed five people and wounded nearly 300 more. On Monday, she dissolved the lower house of Parliament and called for elections, now set for Feb. 2. But neither move defused the crisis, and a 150,000-strong crowd pressed on with a massive march against her in Bangkok. Yingluck said Tuesday she would not resign despite a nighttime deadline issued by Suthep. But there was no hiding the nation’s precarious state. Asked how she was holding up, tears welled in Yingluck’s eyes. "I have retreated as far as I can," she said, just before turning and walking quickly away. The protesters accuse Yingluck of serving as a proxy for her billionaire brother, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who lives in self-imposed exile to avoid jail time for a corruption conviction but still wields immense influence in the country. Thaksin was deposed in a 2006 army coup that laid bare a deeper societal conflict. On one side are Thailand’s elite, its largely urban middle class and staunch royalists who say he abused his power. On the other, Thaksin’s power base in the countryside, particularly in the northeast, and others who benefited from his populist policies designed to win over the rural poor. The coup triggered years of political upheaval that have proven the power of Bangkok’s elite. Controversial judicial rulings removed two pro-Thaksin prime ministers in 2008, one of whom never set foot in his Government House office: He worked for 10 weeks out of the VIP lounge of the capital’s old airport until protesters evicted him from there, too. The same year, army-backed parliamentary maneuvering allowed the opposition Democrat Party — a minority that has not won an election for more than two decades — to take power for several years. Yingluck led the ruling Pheu Thai Party to victory in 2011 elections. But anger against her government swelled after the lower house passed an amnesty bill that would have allowed Thaksin to return without going to jail. The measure was rejected in the upper house, and Yingluck has said it will not be revived. Protesters say Pheu Thai lost its right to rule because of its support of the amnesty bill and other legislation they oppose. Yingluck and other members of her party say the constitution does not allow her to resign before elections are held — a ballot both sides know Pheu Thai would win. Suthep, the protest leader, said late Tuesday that as of now, "there is no government." He said his People’s Democratic Reform Committee would nominate a new prime minister to fill the vacuum, although it has no legal authority to do so. Suthep also ordered the head of police to order all his forces to withdraw from their posts within 12 hours and said soldiers should take responsibility for protecting government offices. The bespectacled 64-year-old career politician had laid out other details of his plan Monday. Citing a clause in the constitution stating that "the highest power is the sovereign power of the people," he claimed his movement was assuming some government functions and called on civil servants to report to it. He said a new constitution would be written that would ban populist policies, bar corruption convictions from being pardoned and ensure that "a single party cannot control things." He also urged supporters to establish neighborhood "peacekeeping forces" to replace the nation’s police, who are seen as allied to Yingluck and her brother. The reality, for now, is that no parallel government exists, and that protesters hold less ground than they did at the weekend. Ahead of Monday’s march, they withdrew from the Finance Ministry and part of a vast government complex they had occupied for a week. Still, Thitinan said, the momentum is on the side of Suthep, whose uprising has already triggered the legislature’s dissolution and reduced Yingluck’s power. The government is "at a disadvantage because they’re not backed by the establishment and the powerful people in Bangkok," Thitinan said. The army has vowed neutrality, but when push comes to shove, they will side with the protesters, he said. Thitinan said Suthep is "a front man for larger forces behind him, for the powers that be" among the elite. He said they want to "seize the reins of government because they want to preside over the transition … we’re talking about the monarchy, the succession, the constitution, the entire future of Thailand." King Bhumibol Adulyadej, 86, has suffered health problems for years, and anxiety over his health has grown in tandem with the country’s deepening political divide. Thaksin, the ousted premier, was accused of disrespecting the king, in part by trying to curry favor with Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn, the heir to the throne. Thitinan added, however, that if Yingluck is deposed, her supporters "will come back to the streets" just as they did in 2010, when pro-Thaksin "red shirt" protesters erected bamboo barricades around a vast swath of the capital’s glitziest shopping district and occupied it for two months. A brutal army crackdown eventually dispersed the crowds, but not before more than 90 people were killed and the city’s skyline was engulfed in flames. Suthep, who was deputy premier at the time, ordered the crackdown and is facing murder charges for his role in it. He also faces an arrest warrant — for insurrection. The army and the courts have had opportunities to dislodge Yingluck’s government but have not taken them. Army chief Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha has said he will not intervene, despite pleas from anti-government protesters. And in a key Constitutional Court ruling last month, judges stopped short of dissolving the ruling party. If Yingluck can hold on until elections are held in two months, the question remains whether Democrats will boycott — a distinct possibility given its bleak prospects. The last time the Democrats staged a boycott, in 2006, the army staged a coup five months later. The conflict is likely to "go on and on until all sides sit down and negotiate a compromise," said Siripan Nogsuan Sawasdee, a political science professor in Bangkok. "That’s going to take a long, long time," she said. "There is no easy way out." The post Analysis: Thai Democracy Enters Dangerous New Crossroads appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Facing Gridlock, Jakarta Takes Aim At Cheap, Green Car Drive Posted: 10 Dec 2013 09:20 PM PST  Vehicles are seen stuck in a traffic jam during rush hour in Jakarta, June 14, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) JAKARTA — Indonesia's president wants to revive a flagging economy by selling cheap, fuel-efficient cars to an emerging, aspirational middle-class. The governor of Jakarta, the capital, says this will further choke his city's gridlocked streets, and strangle growth. Caught in the middle of this tug-of-war between arguably the country's two most powerful politicians are local and Japanese carmakers hoping to boost revenue in a city that alone accounts for up to 60 percent of sales in Southeast Asia's largest economy. Automakers, including Toyota Motor Corp, Honda Motor Co and Nissan Motor Co and Daihatsu Motor Co, have spent at least US$3 billion this year on a new line of low-cost, green car (LCGC) models aimed at millions of Indonesians now looking to scale up from two wheels to four, government officials said. But Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo—a favorite to win presidential elections next year, if he runs—is discouraging drivers by raising taxes, parking prices and traffic fines, fearing a flood of new cars will bring one of the world's most congested cities to a standstill. Jakarta and other major cities want the government-backed LCGC program delayed until infrastructure is in place to cope with the additional traffic. Next year the number of vehicles in the city will match the amount of road available, according to transport ministry estimates—so, if all the cars were driven at the same time, the city would face total gridlock. The average speed for drivers in Jakarta has been clocked at as low as 8.3 kph (5.2 mph)—about twice as slow as London or New York. "The [LCGC] cars might be cheap to buy, but we will make it expensive to operate. Owners of these cars will think twice before using them," Udar Pristono, the chief of Jakarta's transport agency, told Reuters. Looking Beyond Jakarta The capital's hard line against President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's controversial LCGC program, which comes with financial incentives to bolster demand, is forcing auto manufacturers to review and adjust their marketing plans. "This might possibly call for a more determined push into rural markets in the short term to soften the blow from Widodo's moves," said a senior Toyota executive, who didn't want to be named due to the sensitivity of the issue. "It's cumbersome, but we only began implementing the (LCGC) program recently. It's still adjustable." Auto executives say Widodo's measures will only have a short-term impact, and they expect car sales to continue to increase. The car industry has been one of the few bright spots in Indonesia's struggling manufacturing sector, with Gaikindo, the association of auto manufacturers, expecting to hit its 2013 target for record sales of 1.25 million vehicles, up from 1.11 million in 2012. "Penetration of 4-wheel vehicles in Indonesia is only 40 per 1,000 people. That's very small compared to China and India," said Prijono Sugiarto, head of PT Astra International, the country's largest automotive distributor. "So I'd encourage the sales push to rural areas and outside Jakarta." Nissan is promoting its Datsun GO hatchback as the "First Badge of the Risers", and expects to have the new model in showrooms next year for under 100 million rupiah ($8,400). Rival models include Honda's Brio Satya, Tata Motors Ltd's Nano, Daihatsu's Ayla and Toyota's Agya. Toyota's current entry-level model, the Etios Valco, costs 140-160 million rupiah. General Motors Co, the world's second-biggest carmaker but as yet a small presence in Indonesia, said it was keeping an eye on the LCGC initiative. "It will be really interesting to see what happens with LCGCs," said Michael Dunne, who became GM's Indonesia president in September. "We would like to watch first, let the incumbents lead, see where they take it. They may create a market that we can join." Congestion Costs For Widodo, who has yet to decide if he will run for president of the world's fourth-most populous nation, Jakarta's traffic woes are a top priority. His transport experts reckon the capital's congested roads cost the economy about $2.8 billion a year, including $1 billion in wasted fuel and $970 million in lost productivity. The governor is scrambling to build roads, bridges and a long-delayed subway to accommodate a city of 10 million people, 3 million vehicles and twice as many motorbikes. "We are speeding up the preparation of the facilities and infrastructure to reduce traffic, and then suddenly there's this cheap car policy," Widodo wrote in protest to Vice President Boediono shortly after the LCGC program started in September, the Jakarta Post reported. Widodo plans to raise the tax for first car owners to 2 percent from 1.5 percent, and double it for a second car to 4 percent. For a third car, the tax will jump to 6 percent from 2.5 percent currently, said Bernado Yulianto, a senior official in Jakarta's tax office. The governor also aims to significantly increase parking costs, raise fines for traffic violations and expand public transport by buying hundreds of new buses next year. The plans need to be approved by the capital's House of Representatives. President Yudhoyono's administration has championed the new, cheap cars – especially as 80 percent of the vehicles must be locally made within five years. That has translated into $3.5 billion in investment from around 80 auto parts companies, such as Astra Otoparts, said Budi Darmadi, a director general at the industry ministry. Around 40,000 cheap cars—costing less than 100 million rupiah—are expected to be sold this year in Indonesia, soaring to about 200,000 next year. The main local car manufacturers are Astra International and Indomobil Sukses Makmur. "The criticism [of LCGC] is absolutely not fair," Darmadi said. "This program is very good for the country and its economy, so there's no reason to drop it." The post Facing Gridlock, Jakarta Takes Aim At Cheap, Green Car Drive appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
