Democratic Voice of Burma

---

• Myint Myint Aye completes third day of hunger strike
• The rebel voice of 88 returns
• Burmese ironman takes the gold
• Biased refereeing at SEA Games?
• Suu Kyi says constitutional reform will unify military and people
• The real story behind the Mansi military offensive

Myint Myint Aye completes third day of hunger strike Posted: 16 Dec 2013 04:00 AM PST Three farmers' rights activists have been on hunger strike in Pegu division's Paungde prison since Friday, 13 December, protesting their detention without trial. Myint Myint Aye, Khin Mi Mi Khine and Thant Zin Htet have been in custody for over six months without bail, awaiting charges under Section 6 of the 1988 Law relating to Forming of  Organisations. The three activists were arrested in June of this year for assisting farmers in Nattalin township, Pegu division, in organising a protest against land confiscation. After attending more than 20 hearings for the case in Nattalin Township Court, last week the group vowed to stage a hunger strike if no verdict was reached by 13 December. Myint Myint Aye's younger brother, Toe Lay, said that they went ahead with the hunger strike as planned as no sentence was passed by the end of day on Friday. "They presented their argument at the Pegu Division Court against the charges – the court has yet to make a decision. There's still no verdict, so they have gone ahead with the hunger strike," said Toe Lay. Related Stories Pardoned activists return to their cells Land grab activist vows to go on hunger strike Forty-one political prisoners released The group previously made the demand for a verdict to district-level courts, to no avail. Their lawyer Aung Thein said that they have resorted to a hunger strike because the divisional court has failed to respond to their case. "The closing arguments were heard on 20 November but the court is yet to pass a verdict," said Aung Thein. The prisoners have been on hunger strike for four days now. Rumours have circulated that they were in poor health and the prison's officials have been trying to give them an intravenous drip but only one of them accepted. Last week President Thein Sein met with praise for pardoning 41 political prisoners as part of his pledge earlier this year to eliminate all prisoners of conscience from Burma's jails by the end of 2013. DVB later reported that at least two people freed in the amnesty were re-jailed the same day.

The rebel voice of 88 returns Posted: 16 Dec 2013 03:28 AM PST Last September, Moe Thee Zun returned to Burma for the first time in 25 years, part of a wave of exiles coming home against a backdrop of tentative government steps towards openness and democracy. Forced abroad due to his leading role in the student-led uprising against military rule, he spent years fighting government forces in the jungles along Burma's eastern border with the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF) before migrating to the United States in 2001. Since his return, he has turned his attention to joining Burma's formal political system through the 2015 elections. He sat down with DVB's Rangoon correspondent, Alex Bookbinder, to discuss his political ambitions and the future of Burmese democracy. Q: Now that you're back in Burma, what is on your agenda? A: I plan to register the Democratic Party for a New Society [which he co-founded in 1988] as a political party here, and I want to join the election in 2015. That's one of my major duties here. My [American citizenship] is having a huge effect, because I just applied for my ID card. I'm already a Burmese citizen – they never stripped me of it – and so I'm asking them to issue me an ID card again. Once I have my ID card, I can join the political movement and found the political party again. Q: Do you think the approach you took in 1988 – taking up arms against the military and fighting the government – was the right thing to do, given how you are now attempting to embrace the formal political system? A: Of course. At the time, we had no other options. I founded the political party and wanted to solve political problems through political means, but the government showed, at the time, no option for our political party to participate. They put us under a lot of pressure, and arrested a lot of party members and supporters, and tried to threaten me as well. I managed to avoid arrest, and I joined the armed revolutionaries 25 years ago. Q: Did the presence of the students, fighting alongside the ethnic armed groups, help build trust? A: The role played by the ABSDF to build trust between the Burman majority and ethnic minorities was very effective, and we're very proud and happy to see the results of national reconciliation. Before the ABSDF joined with the ethnics, a lot of Burmese political parties didn't recognise federalism. The ABSDF was the first organisation to embrace federalism for the future of Burma. Now, you can see a lot of people talking about federalism – Burmese political parties in the cities inside [away from the border areas where the ABSDF operated]. Also, the ABSDF sent members on international delegations to support our democracy movement. At the time, Aung San Suu Kyi and other political leaders were under arrest, so only the ABSDF was on the outside. Even though we didn't have many resources, we tried to put Burma on the international agenda, and saw some results. Q: The figures who came out of 88 – yourself, the 88 Generation Students, the NLD – are very divided. What are the reasons for this and how can it be addressed? Do you want to unite? A: The regime didn't divide us – we divided ourselves. After 20 years away from each other, we have problems building trust among ourselves. There are big differences of opinion. For example, recent religious issues and crises – we have our own opinion and they have their own perspective. We need cooperation and coordination between our democratic camps – that's what we hope will happen, that we'll be able to take joint action to achieve some political goals, such as reforming the 2008 constitution. Some of the leaders are also, I think, not focused on human rights and democracy themselves. We tell them that whenever we meet them, and there's still a difference in opinion. It's a stressful situation when it comes to ethnic issues and religious issues. I want to see a more democratic approach – one that protects the rights and security of citizens, rather than state security and chauvinism. I hope they'll come back to our side. If we can't put up a united front, we won't reach our goals. We have to cooperate with each other based on democratic norms and values. Q: The whole notion of Rohingya identity and citizenship has driven a wedge through Burma's democracy movement. As these figures have ostensibly dedicated their lives to promoting human rights and democracy, why do they make an exception when it comes to the Rohingya? A: They're confusing democracy with nationalism and racism. I see the Rohingya issue – or whatever issue – as an immigration issue. If we can check immigration status, it's not an issue that should become an issue of nationalism. Developed countries have immigration issues, right? They should approach these issues through the law. If Burma is a democratic country, we have to give democratic and human rights for anybody who enters Burma. We can't forget that, at ground level. There are millions of Burmese living illegally in Thailand, Malaysia, etc. These are immigration issues and we have to live under their laws. Some Rohingya enter Burma illegally, and some were already born here. We have to check. If they are born here and have lived here for a long time, we have to grant them citizenship. We have to treat all people like humans. If some people violate Burma's immigration laws, ok, we can send them back. The solution is for the government to act in a democratic way and work to improve immigration regulations. It's not a big deal. Q: Some "crony" businessmen have gotten close to activists and opposition politicians over the past year, such as Zaw Zaw's presence at the 88 Generation Silver Jubilee and Tay Za's donation to the NLD's education fund. Now that there's all this money floating around, how does it impact the effectiveness and quality of activists' work? A: After 2010, activists have hit hard economic times. They can't support their activities themselves to achieve their goals. The government needs to grant political and civil institutions funding, but it denies them [funding]. The government now recognises that democratic forces are necessary for democratisation, and at that point some cronies and businessmen got involved and provided donations. In some ways, it's necessary. In 1988, we received funding from some rich people. But we used it for the good of the people and the movement. From my point of view, democratic institutions can use the funding from cronies who donate sincerely – not ones with political goals. To use their funds for education, to use them for political activities, for reconciliation between diverse groups. But cronies shouldn't use activists for their own personal platforms. Q: You're very critical of land issues, for one. But this is something a lot of these businessmen are deeply involved in – they steal land, or they benefit from military land grabs. How will the cronies fit into a democratic system if they don't play by democratic rules? A: The government should be aware of the crisis situation when it comes to land in Burma, and take it very seriously. It is dangerous, what they're doing and what's happening right now. Land is a vital resource for the general public. Millions of people have lost their land, and the peace process is also impacted by land issues. The government needs to come up with a land tenure policy and distribute the land, otherwise people cannot survive. It will become a headache for the government. The government's plan is mostly geared towards courting outside support and outside investment. But their expectations have not been met. Q: The government is pushing for a nationwide ceasefire now. Do you think this is a valuable exercise? A: It seems like the government wants peace, but the army is reluctant. So the government should push the army to accept the fact that peace is necessary for democratization, as well as power sharing and resource sharing. The government shares the resources with the cronies, which will make things difficult for reconciliation. Why doesn't the government share the power and resources with the Karen people, for example? Let's say the Karen people get 40 percent of the resources in the interest of long-term sustainability, and the government 60 percent. I think they'd come to an agreement. But in reality, the government gives 90 percent to their cronies. So how will they be able to reconcile with the Karen? The Kachin? Of course, the nationwide ceasefire is valuable, if the government can make it happen in a practical sense. The government should review all its past policies. It's not a perfect solution for the country, but time is running out for both the government and the opposition. It's time to cooperate and listen to different suggestions and have a diversity of opinion. Related Stories Former rebel leader returns to Burma to mark 8888 anniversary Student army inks preliminary truce with govt 'Student army' to join uprising's anniversary ceremonies in Rangoon

Burmese ironman takes the gold Posted: 16 Dec 2013 01:19 AM PST Video: Highlights from the men's bodybuilding final in Rangoon A smiling Min Zaw Oo flexed his muscles and struck a number of impressive but terrifying poses to shouts of applause to win gold for Burma in the SEA Games men's bodybuilding 80kg category on Sunday. Thailand's Khuntal Phaungphet took the silver and Indonesia's Komara Dhita Jana settled for bronze. Draped in the Burmese flag, Min Zaw Oo stood on stage with the Thai and Indonesian contestants, and proudly watched as his country's flag was raised to the national anthem. Related Stories Biased refereeing at SEA Games? SEA Games medal winners lose out on promised bonuses Burma’s SEA Games bursts into life The bodybuilding event was held at the Myanmar Convention Centre in Rangoon over the weekend and had five weight categories: 55kg, 60kg, 70kg, 80kg and 90kg. Later that day the men's 90kg category took place and Ngai Hoeng Wong from Malaysia took the gold. In bodybuilding, contestants perform poses and individual routines to a panel of judges who score them on their muscularity, symmetry and conditioning.

Biased refereeing at SEA Games? Posted: 16 Dec 2013 01:09 AM PST The 27th SEA Games is on course to being remembered as a defining moment in Burmese sports history. But not everybody is happy: the sports authorities and media from several Southeast Asian countries have pointed to what they have called "biased" or "questionable" judging in many of the events. Malaysia's national martial arts coach Yoong Thong Foong slammed the judging in Naypyidaw during the wushu competition, saying Malaysia's world champion in nandao, Ho Mun Hua, was robbed of the gold medal when the judges awarded it to Burma's  Wai Phyo Aung on 9 December. "It is embarrassing for the sport,” he was quoted as saying by the Straits Times, before adding: "I believe the concerned parties should look into it." Then at the karate events on Friday, Vietnamese and Indonesians were apparently "fuming" over what they deemed unfair refereeing. Both teams accused the judges of siding with their opponents. Vietnam's women's kata team burst into tears when Burma was awarded a 4- 1 victory. The Vietnam team said their athletes had demonstrated perfect routines during the competition, according to the Jakarta Post. "It's unfair," said Vietnam's karate coach Cong Le. Related Stories Burmese ironman takes the gold SEA Games medal winners lose out on promised bonuses Burma’s SEA Games bursts into life Then on Sunday the Philippines weighed in on the issue after its boxing team had failed to win more than three golds, again with officials leveling criticism at biased judging in favour of Burmese opponents. Ed Picson, executive director of the Association of Boxing Alliances of the Philippines, called it "robbery in broad daylight". The allegations of biased judging come soon after a DVB interview with Than Toe Aung, the coach of the Burmese women's football team, who said that he expected "favour" from the referees as the home team, though he hastened to add: "I mean within the boundary of the rules and regulations …" DVB asked Burmese sports writer Soe Nyi on Sunday if he had seen anything controversial with the referees' and judges' decisions. "There were some disputable situations in some matches," he said, "but generally there was no favouritism by the referees towards the Burmese teams just because we are hosting the games." Meanwhile, a report by The Irrawaddy on 11 December suggested that Burmese football fans had insulted and sworn at opposition Thai fans. At the Thailand v Timor Leste match, it is alleged that a group of local supporters unfurled a poster of King Alaungpaya and chanted songs about how Burma had invaded the Siamese capital of Ayutthaya centuries ago. The report also said that some drunken Burma fans had harassed Thai female fans and made lewd gestures at them. Ahead of the games, Burma had promised increased security in the wake of several violent incidents at football matches, including a game against Oman in 2011 when Burmese fans pelted the opposition team with missiles. But sports writer Soe Nyi said that the majority of Burma's fans turn up with one desire – to support their team and see it win. "Some may have acted out of line, but it was just a handful," he said. "There was no intention of insulting the foreign athletes." He said that football matches in general tend to "get a bit rowdy" but conceded that Burmese fans "are not familiar with the etiquette of international matches".

Suu Kyi says constitutional reform will unify military and people Posted: 15 Dec 2013 10:28 PM PST Speaking to party supporters in her Rangoon constituency on Saturday, National League for Democracy (NLD) chairperson Aung San Suu Kyi said her endeavours to amend the constitution should not be seen as opposition to the military, rather as an attempt to unify the military and the public. Lower House MP for Kawmu Suu Kyi said she sees the 2008 constitution as designed to use the military as a scapegoat whenever an issue arises that upsets the public. "Our endeavour to amend the constitution, to take a leadership role in the national politics, does not mean we oppose the Tatmadaw [Burmese armed forces] and we would like everyone to know our intention is to unify the Tatmadaw and the public," she said. "I see that the current constitution, while not only inciting enmity between the army and the people, was designed to use the Tatmadaw as scapegoats whenever issues arises that upset the public." She also reminded the public not to misjudge the military. "When the 25 percent of military representatives in parliament oppose the ideas proposed by the 75 percent of civilian representatives, people should not regard this as the Tatmadaw opposing their desires – the way I see it, the military MPs are just being used as scapegoats." Related Stories Constitutional reform begins at Chapter One NLD delegation departs for China “Mandela Raised The Standard Of Humanity” – Suu Kyi Speaking at the same event, NLD Central Executive Committee members Win Myint and Htay Oo lectured the 30,000 attendees on how the constitution should be amended. According to the party's own survey, some 99 percent of those at the rally wished to see the constitution amended rather than completely rewritten. The party also conducted a survey in Pegu division's Thayarwaddy township on 15 December. The township's NLD secretary Kyaw Naing Oo said 95 percent of the 35,000-40,000 people who joined in said they wished to see the constitution amended. A recent survey in Naypyidaw on 18 November was joined by around 20,000 people, 88 percent of whom expressed a desire to see the constitution amended, according to the NLD, while a previous survey in Rangoon on 10 November saw 99 percent in favour. The NLD has been on a road trip conducting public surveys across the country to gain support for its proposal to either amend or rewrite the 2008 constitution – findings that are due to be submitted to the parliament's Joint-Committee for Reviewing the Constitution. On Monday, 16 December, EU member states are expected to back the NLD's call to amend the constitution at a meeting in Brussels, according to European diplomats cited by the Financial Times. Tying its recommendation closely to Suu Kyi's bid to change electoral laws to allow her to run for president in 2015, the report said the bloc's foreign ministers will warn Burmese leaders that, without free and fair elections, Burma risks returning to a state of civil unrest and erasing the pro-democracy reforms it has undertaken since 2010.

The real story behind the Mansi military offensive Posted: 15 Dec 2013 08:53 PM PST During this year's October talks between the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the Union Peace-Making Work Committee, the two sides agreed to take steps to further de-escalate hostilities between the KIA (the armed wing of the KIO) and the Burmese army, with a view to ending armed clashes. But the truth of the matter is that fighting erupted just within days of the meeting. The clashes began when the Burmese army attacked a KIA post near Man Hkawn village in the KIA-held territory of Mansi township on the Mansi-Je Hkam Road in southern Kachin State. The army then went on to seize the village of Namlin Pa, which hosts a large camp and school for about 1500 internally displaced people (IDP). Government troops bombarded the village with firepower before taking control of it. The IDP camp was surrounded, and 700 students and 34 teachers were held hostage in the school hall. After weeks of terror-filled forced confinement and food shortages, the villagers and IDPs fled Namlin Pa in droves. It was up to local NGOs to go collect them from their hiding places in nearby paddy fields and jungles and resettle them in other IDP camps. As a result, the existing IDP population of 100,000 in Kachin state has swollen by about 13,000. The Army, as usual, explained away the assaults and mistreatment of IDPs with less than truthful accounts. Despite contrary reports by national and international journalists like Korean photojournalist Lee Yu Kyung and Nan Lwin of Mizzima News, NGOs and local residents, Gen. Tun Tun Naung, the Myitkyina-based Northern Region Commander, told members of the Peace-talk Creation Group (PCG) that military activity in the area was necessary to control illegal logging, conduct military training exercises, and for better interaction with the local population. Gen. Tun Tun Naung reiterated the same views to IDPs from Tar Law Gyi, as they prepare to return to their village from camps in Myitkyina. He told them it was not true that the army had driven out villagers from Namlim Pa. He said the army had actually gone there to help civilians, and the fighting had been the result of a misunderstanding. Lt. Gen Myint Soe of the Bureau of Special Operations No.1, who represents the Commander-in-Chief in the peace talks, also said in an interview with VOA Burmese that the fighting in Mansi township was due to illegal teak logging and car imports. Asked why fighting was still taking place in the Kachin area despite on-going peace talks, Myint Soe challenged the VOA interviewer to name the battle locations, and conjectured that the reported fighting might not even be between the KIA and the Burmese army, insinuating that the battle reports were nothing more than media generated sensational stories. He went on to say that the two sides had agreed to take steps to reopen the roads in Mansi township, and that they were carrying out the said agreement. Related Stories KIA denies abducting Red Shan villagers Look west: where Burma meets India KNU shelve Hpa-an talks till next year Even as the two sides were preparing to meet for talks in October, the Burmese army was increasing deployment to the Kachin-Shan border, apparently in preparation for the Mansi offensive. At least 16 Infantry Battalions from the Theinni-based 16th Military Operations Command (MOC-16) and the Bhamo-based 21st Military Operations Command (MOC-21), took part in these operations. The KIA, in the meantime, had withdrawn its troops stationed along the Mansi-Je Hkam Road, in keeping with the October agreement. The Burmese army now has full control of the roadway, which is the main commerce and communication artery of the area. As of early December, KIA field commanders are predicting the clashes to intensify as two new Burmese army columns have been seen approaching KIA positions in the Mansi area. Truckloads of arms and munitions have also been seen headed towards Man Win Gyi in southern Kachin state from Namhkam in northern Shan state. It seems that the Army is fortifying positions there with increased man-power, arms and provisions to realise its strategy of severing connections between the KIA's 4th Brigade stationed in northern Shan state with its 3rd Brigade in southern Kachin state. The motives behind these latest offensives may be many and varied, but local analysts believe the current offensives are meant to pressure the KIO militarily to sign an agreement on the government’s terms. The KIO had been hesitant to sign another ceasefire agreement, consistently resisting the Government delegation's repeated urgings for a ceasefire deal. The 17 years of ceasefire experience has taught the KIO to be more wary of signing another ceasefire without receiving assurances from the government to proceed to genuine political dialogue. The assaults may also be part of the Army's agenda to secure more ethnic lands before any agreement is reached between the government and the KIO. The army is making it abundantly clear to the KIA that as long as there is no signed ceasefire agreement, it will carry on with its area clearing plan, eventually eliminating all ethnic armed resistance, with the KIA as a prime example. The KIO for its part believes that a political solution through negotiations is the only answer to achieving permanent peace, and is holding fast to its demands for political dialogue. One overriding reason for clearing the area of KIA presence seems to be to protect the joint economic interests of the Chinese and Burmese governments. The aim is to push out the KIA from west of the Bhamo-Man Win Gyi Road and drive it eastward all the way to the China-Burma border, allowing the army to take total control of the Nong Dao border gate, located 7 miles from Man Win Gyi. All this is obviously to prepare southern Kachin state for infrastructure projects agreed upon with the Chinese government. China has a major plan to extend the Guangtong-Dali railway, in landlocked Yunnan, westward, connecting it to Myitkyina and India so that it finally connects with European railway networks. The envisioned Trans-Asian Railway that starts from Yunnan's capital Kunming and ends in Singapore, will connect landlocked Southwestern China with Southeast Asian countries. According to Li Wenbing, Deputy Director of the Yunnan Development and Reform Committee, the western line of the Trans-Asian Railway will start from Kunming, passing Dali, Baoshan, Ruili, Mangshi, Tengchong and end at the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina. Chinese government officials in Baoshan have said areas along the proposed railway are rich in natural resources and thus the region’s economic prospects are bright. Officials in both countries said that they have planned to construct Myitkyina-Dali and Lashio-Dali railways. In addition, Chinese officials donated river barges to the Myanmar Inland Water Transportation Department for transportation of heavy goods on the Irrawaddy River between Bhamo and Mandalay. When all is said and done, the Mansi offensives boil down to attempts at territory control to make way for infrastructure and economic projects that benefit the powerful elite in the army and their Chinese counterparts, at the expense of local lives and livelihoods. Given the fact that military offensives are ongoing, the question of whether the Burmese government is really sincere and honest in its attempts at achieving peace in the country needs to be addressed by the Union Peace-making Central Committee led by President U Thein Sein and Senior General Min Aung Hlaing before going on to the next step in the negotiations. If this trend continues, ethnic armies will have no other option but to opt for a military solution, and peace in Burma will again be a distant ideal as it was before. Brang Hkangda is an editor of the Kachinland News's English Website. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not reflect DVB editorial policy.

You are subscribed to email updates from DVB Multimedia Group | DVB Multimedia Group To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 20 West Kinzie, Chicago IL USA 60610

The Irrawaddy Magazine

---

• Burma Ranked World’s 2nd Most Generous Nation
• EITI Awareness Hindered by Local Officials, NGO Claims
• Burma’s Women More Likely to Take Football Gold
• Rangoon Parliament Rejects Plans to Open Homes for the Aged
• The Burma Peace Process, as Seen by Civilians
• Suu Kyi Warns Against Taking Part in 2015 Vote Without Charter Reform
• Star of the Show?
• Photo of the week (Dec 16, 2013)
• Neighbors Burma and Thailand Draw in SEA Games Football Clash
• Japan, Burma Sign Investment Pact
• Thai Military Sees Role in Ensuring ‘Fair’ Election
• Japan PM to Push Security Agenda Next Year With Fresh Urgency
• Kerry Says North Korea’s Leader Reckless, Ruthless

Burma Ranked World’s 2nd Most Generous Nation Posted: 16 Dec 2013 05:07 AM PST Buddhist devotees pour water on a statue of the Buddha in a merit-making exercise for the Buddhist Waso full moon day. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma has been ranked near the top of a list gauging global generosity, with the Southeast Asian country's deeply karmic mindset a likely motivator for its benevolence. Behind only the United States and tied with Canada and New Zealand, Burma this month was ranked as the world's second-most generous nation in a survey of 160 countries conducted by the UK-based Charities Aid Foundation (CAF). The index was based on charitable tendencies, and measured the frequency of charitable behavior in three categories: the percentage of people who, in a typical month, donated money to charity, volunteered their time and helped a stranger. Burma excelled particularly in the cash donations category. The survey found that 85 out of 100 people in Burma donated to social or religious organizations on a monthly basis. "For what purpose they donated and to whom is not specified in the index," said Naing Oo, a Burmese writer. "People donate with the expectation of having a better next life. People are not motivated to donate for education or health, but to build a pagoda or monastery. They may use millions of kyats. It's Burmese moral instinct." The United States ranked first in the index, lifted into the top spot by Americans' proclivity for helping strangers. Seventy-seven percent of Americans said they helped a stranger in a typical month. Donation to religious causes is rooted in Burma's majority-Buddhist culture, at the expense, Naing Oo said, of charitable giving to social institutions. "It's not wrong to donate to a monastery or pagoda, but people want to do it too much because they think they earn merit with donations to religious or spiritually affiliated matters," Naing Oo told The Irrawaddy. Burma also did well in the volunteering category, tied for fourth place on the index with the Philippines. A culture of volunteerism in Burma grew in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, which hit the Irrawaddy Delta in 2008, killing an estimated 140,000 people. Aung Kyaw Phyo, a teacher at the Volunteer Internship Program in Rangoon, said he volunteered because he found it to be a meaningfully way to spend his time while also benefitting others. "It's Burmese's moral instinct to help, even to strangers," Naing Oo said. However, Kyaw Thu, founder of the Free Funeral Service Society (FFSS), said the same Buddhist mindset that directed funds toward pagodas instead of social causes could limit generosity in Burma. "Some people discriminate based on religion in the people they help. It shouldn't be that way," said Kyaw Thu, whose FFSS provides free funeral services to people who cannot afford to bury their loved ones. "We help anyone based on humanity, not discriminating on nationality, religion, rich or poor." Buddhist notions of karma stipulate that one's actions—and generosity—in this life have a direct bearing on the form in which the individual will be reincarnated in his or her next life. "We can see grand buildings for monasteries, while schools are in a shabby condition," said Naing Oo. "Burmese understand merits affiliated with religion. That's the reason that they don't want to donate much to schools or libraries, whereas charity in the West is the other way around." "Burma was the country with the largest proportion of people donating money to a charity [85%]. This highlights the fact that giving is about more than just wealth," stated a press release from Charities Aid Foundation (CAF), a reference to the fact that Burma is one of Asia's most impoverished nations. The post Burma Ranked World's 2nd Most Generous Nation appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

EITI Awareness Hindered by Local Officials, NGO Claims Posted: 16 Dec 2013 04:10 AM PST Workers at the Chinese-backed Letpadaung copper mining project in Sagaing Division install a pipeline for waste on October 1, 2013. (Photo: Zarni Mann / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — One year since President Thein Sein declared Burma's official intent to join an international transparency standard governing natural resource extraction, civil society groups complain that efforts to educate the country's citizens about the initiative are being hampered by local government officials. As part of a broader push to prepare Burma for application to the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), civil society groups have fanned out across the country in a campaign to raise local awareness about the initiative. But Saw Moe Myint, an engineer with the Ministry of Mines who is also a member of the Myanmar Green Network, said at a workshop on mineral resources awareness held Saturday in Rangoon that some local government officials had refused to allow the EITI training sessions. The local resistance comes despite a public push from the highest level of government, with Thein Sein and President's Office Minister Soe Thane, who is serving as chairman of the EITI implementation committee, appearing eager to set Burma on the path to transparency in natural resource extraction. The EITI is an international standard for good governance of countries' extractive industries, in which transparent management of revenues and taxation is required from companies and government. "We planned for trainings about EITI nationwide, but some provincial authorities do not want to allow that kind of training and we face many difficulties," Saw Moe Myint said, adding that EITI awareness trainings had nonetheless been successfully carried out in Tenasserim Division and western Bago Division. Saw Moe Myint declined to identify specific areas where EITI awareness campaigns have run into opposition from local government officials. "People in some regions do not understand what EITI is, and companies take advantage by identifying themselves as the government and confiscating land. They also go to regional authorities to gain land concessions without checking whether the land has an owner or not," he said. "Our people are very simple," he added. "Sometimes they face court for asking to get back their [confiscated] land; sometimes they are jailed for fighting for their land. These kinds of problems can be reduced through EITI, so we are trying to educate rural people." Under the opaque rule of Burma's former military junta, information on revenues from natural resource extraction for decades was scant or nonexistent. With EITI, access to data on how much money is being earned from resource extraction, how much is being collected in taxes, and in what ways the natural resources bounty is being spent would all be available to citizens. Another retired mining expert who formerly worked at the Ministry of Mines said the EITI effort was a priority for Thein Sein, who is seen as unlikely to seek a second term in office in 2015 and is looking to bolster his legacy as Burma's first nominally civilian president. A national EITI awareness campaign should be successfully carried out before the country submits its application to the initiative, added the former ministry official, who requested anonymity. Burma looks unlikely to meet Thein Sein's Dec. 31 deadline to submit an application to join the EITI. That application must include revenue data from both the government and companies operating in Burma's mining, and oil and gas sectors. Additionally, an "EITI multi-stakeholder group" must be formed to map out a work plan for EITI implementation in Burma. "We don't think we can meet the deadline so we requested to extend it to January. During this time, government and companies from mining, and oil and gas have to give statistics on taxes, investment and profit. Other sectors like forestry, water management and electricity will implement EITI in the future," said the retired mining expert. The EITI multi-stakeholder group will be led by Soe Thane. The government has already appointed its six members to the group, and the business sector has also appointed its representatives—four from the oil and gas industry and two representing mining interests. Civil society groups will meet next week to select at least nine people from its ranks to fill out the remaining slots on the multi-stakeholder group roster. The EITI review of Burma's eventual application to the initiative is expected to take about 20 months. "If they are satisfied, we will be a member of EITI, and then we can expand [the application of EITI] sector by sector in the future," he said. Data from companies must match the information provided by the government, and civil society would serve as an independent auditor under the EITI framework. A major goal of EITI is to reduce potential conflicts between local populations and natural resource extracting companies. By requiring extractive enterprises to operate transparently, local communities can better determine whether a company's operations are equitably benefitting both corporate and communal interests. Through EITI, a mechanism would be in place to allow civil society groups to bring legal claims that arise among companies, the government and citizens. Devi Thant Cin, also from the Myanmar Green Network, emphasized that EITI could play an equally important role in environmental protection by providing the transparency necessary to gauge extractive ventures' sustainability. The EITI, based in Oslo, Norway, was founded in 2003, and consists of an international coalition of representatives from government, industry and civil society. Twenty-five countries are considered "EITI compliant," and 16 others have submitted applications seeking to achieve compliant status. In Burma, an EITI Leading Authority was formed by Thein Sein on Dec. 14, 2012, with an aim to submit the country's candidature by the end of the following year. Last week on a visited to Burma, EITI chairwoman Clare Short commended the president's efforts. "I am impressed by the commitment of the government, civil society and industry to work together for better management of Myanmar's natural resources," she said, according to a statement on the EITI website. The post EITI Awareness Hindered by Local Officials, NGO Claims appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma’s Women More Likely to Take Football Gold Posted: 16 Dec 2013 03:58 AM PST Burma women's football team player Than Than Htwe in action against Vietnam in Mandalay on Sunday. (Photo: Myanmar Football Federation) RANGOON — Burma's women footballers have a greater chance at winning a Southeast Asia Games gold medal than their male counterparts, experts believe. Both teams have started strongly in their respective competitions, as the football-mad nation hosts a regional sporting event for the first time in 44 years. The men look set to qualify for the semi-final stage after beating Cambodia and East Timor, and securing a hard-fought draw against Thailand on Saturday. Their performances have drawn large crowds to Rangoon's Thuwanna Stadium and game with bitter rivals Thailand was a sellout. The women's team, which is playing its games at Mandalay's Mandalar Thiri Stadium, began with a convincing 2-0 win against the Philippines last week, but lost 1-0 to Vietnam on Sunday. Despite the loss against the highly rated Vietnam team, the Burma women have qualified for the semi-finals, and Burmese sporting experts still rate the women's chances. "The women's national football team has more potential to win the gold medal than the men's national football team," Khin Maung Htwe, a long-time sports columnist, told The Irrawaddy. He pointed to the women's team's qualification for the 2014 Asia Women, and hopes that the team will have success in upcoming World Cup Qualifiers. The International Federation of Association Football's (FIFA) world rankings put the Burma women's team 42nd, while the men's team is languishing at 140th place. (The men's SEA Games competition is limited to under 23-year-old players, but the women's competition has no age limit) "Thailand and Vietnam women's football teams are the main competitors for the Myanmar women's national football team," said Khin Maung Htwe. Speaking before Sunday's defeat, the national women's team spokeswomen, Myat Myat Oo, said the players are focused on getting the gold medal. "We will try our best to get the gold medal in the SEA Games," she said. "But we will not take any teams too lightly, and we will play every game like it's the final." For the Burma men's team, columnist Khin Maung Htwe reckons they will progress to the latter stages of the competition. Burma only needs to avoid a heavy defeat to Indonesia on Monday night to progress. "The men's football team is improving compared with the past. But there have been many good chances for goals that they missed because they play selfishly. We need to watch whether they will change that or not," he said. Soe Moe, spokesman for the Myanmar Football Federation, was confident the men can go all the way. "I believe the Myanmar men's national football team will win the gold medal since they have had training in South Korean and Japan, and they played qualifier matches with others local teams," he said. The director of Burma's Ministry of Sports, Kyaw San Oo, told The Irrawaddy before the SEA Games that he believed the country would win about 100 gold medals across all events. Burma led the medal table throughout last week, but was knocked off the top spot Saturday by Thailand. On Monday, the team had 39 gold medals, and was third in the medal table behind Thailand and Vietnam. "To win 100 gold medals in SEA Games is really too high. It is not possible, I think," said Khin Maung Htwe, putting the failure down to the lack of development in Burmese sport over the years. "We need more time," he said. The post Burma's Women More Likely to Take Football Gold appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Rangoon Parliament Rejects Plans to Open Homes for the Aged Posted: 16 Dec 2013 03:37 AM PST A homeless elderly couple in Rangoon. (Photo: Aung Thet Wine / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Rangoon Division Parliament has rejected a bill proposed last week that would have required the divisional government to open daytime elderly care centers in Burma's biggest city. The bill, put forward by Nyo Nyo Thin, a lawmaker representing Bahan Township, was rejected because the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement said the divisional government lacked a budget for the project, which it said would fall under the purview of the national government. Rangoon currently has one daytime elderly care center, run by the ministry in Mayangone Township. People over the age of 70 can receive support at the center between 7 am and 7 pm. Burma has 65 overnight nursing and retirement homes for the aged, including 11 homes in Rangoon, according to the ministry. Residents are offered three categories of support—some receive rice and meals, while others receive rice only and some receive meals only. "I want to urge the Rangoon Division government to open more daytime elderly care centers in Rangoon because there are homeless elderly people in the city," Nyo Nyo Thin told The Irrawaddy. "Some households can't afford to support their old parents, and they neglect them." Rangoon residents say they regularly see homeless elderly people in the streets, although not in the past few weeks. "Most of them are women over the age of 70, around rail stations, bus stops and shopping centers. But you don't see them right now. Because of the SEA Games, they are moving out of the city center," said Ma Ei Ei from Pazuntaung Township, referring to the Southeast Asian Games. The government has attempted to clean up the streets and promote a positive image as Burma hosts the regional sporting competition for the first time in over four decades. The Games began earlier this month and close on Dec. 22. According to official figures, over 10 percent of Burma's 60 million or so population is over the age of 60. "There are a lot of volunteers who help at the centers for older people around the country, so we are checking to ensure that each center adheres to regulations," Tin Zaw Moe, deputy director of the ministry, told The Irrawaddy. Nyo Nyo Thin urged authorities to consider new ways of funding homes for the aged. "There is a lot of land space out of Rangoon's city center. If the regional [divisional] government supports land and some local donors link in—for example, through a private-public partnership plan, working together—it can be a success," she said. "Even though they cannot do it right now, it is important to call attention to the need to help older people. If the government cannot manage this issue, it can affect the country's image, too." The post Rangoon Parliament Rejects Plans to Open Homes for the Aged appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Burma Peace Process, as Seen by Civilians Posted: 16 Dec 2013 03:29 AM PST Ethnic rebel leaders and government officials hold talks in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State, in October 2013. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) Since taking office in 2011, Burma's quasi-civilian government has been praised for introducing political and economic reforms. But in ethnic regions where decades of civil war have devastated communities, civilians say the reform package has brought much talk but little tangible progress. International diplomats have repeatedly said that deep-rooted ethnic conflicts threaten to derail Burma's move toward a democratic system. But ethnic minorities, who make up about 40 percent of the country's population, say their needs have not been prioritized by the government, or by superpower nations making moves to forge closer ties with the Southeast Asian nation. In war-affected regions, civilians say they enjoy more freedom after individual ceasefire deals were reached between the government and ethnic rebel leaders in late 2011 and early 2012. But in dozens of interviews, they also unanimously expressed doubt over ongoing peace talks, including efforts to secure a nationwide ceasefire, and said they feared clashes would continue. Due to civil wars, more than 130,000 civilians fled to neighboring Thailand and took refuge over the course of about 20 years. According to The Border Consortium (TBC), 400,000 are also living as internally displaced persons (IDPs) in 36 townships in southeast Burma. Tens of thousands of people have been displaced in northern Burma. At the Je Yang camp for IDPs in Kachin State, more than 8,000 civilians have sought shelter since clashes broke out between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and government troops in 2011, when a 17-year ceasefire between both sides broke down. "In my life I have fled repeatedly from war while they talked about ceasefire," La Htaw Brang Gun, a resident at the camp, told The Irrawaddy in November. "I'm now over 60 years old. I can't even count how many times my family and I have fled from war and been displaced." "We want peace, for sure. We want the peace talks to be successful. But I still have doubts because I have suffered the consequences of war repeatedly, even though a ceasefire agreement was reached in the past," he added, referring to the KIA's 1994 ceasefire deal. Ethnic minority groups that have been fighting against the governments for semi-autonomy since Burma gained independence in 1948 and are believed to have more than 100,000 soldiers combined. The KIA is one of two ethnic rebel groups that has not agreed to a ceasefire with the government since late 2011. But ceasefires are not always a sure sign of peace: In Shan State, for example, clashes have continued between government troops and the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N) or the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), in contravention of ceasefires. In January next year, rebel leaders and the government plan to meet again for talks, perhaps to push forward with a consolidated nationwide ceasefire agreement. But some Burma watchers are growing skeptical. Veteran Swedish journalist Bertil Lintner, the author of several books on Burma, said ethnic groups and the government have exchanged draft proposals for a nationwide agreement, but added that their demands are incompatible. He said a main problem was that the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), a government-affiliated organization that brings together ethnic and government leaders for negotiations, had no other mandate but to encourage ethnic armed groups to sign ceasefire agreements in exchange for economic benefits. "That can never be the way forward," he told The Irrawaddy. "No progress can be made until and unless political talks are held. Simply trying to bribe the leaders of the ethnic armed groups is not going to work. It will only create splits within those organizations." In some cases, civilians have criticized the dominant role of economic development in individual peace deals. As part of agreements, the government has offered business projects to rebel groups, with critics saying that projects will pad pockets at the top without offering real benefits to the majority of local people. In Karen State, the Karen National Union (KNU) received tax-exempt car licenses from the government, a gesture seen by some observers as bribery. Such offers have also led to internal divisions among ethnic leaders, with some supporting closer connections with Naypyidaw and others taking a more hardline approach. Soe Aung, a spokesman for the Forum for Democracy in Burma (FDB), a Burmese opposition organization, called on the government and ethnic rebel leaders to agree on terms that would be beneficial to civilians, who were victims of forced labor, displacement, sexual assault and other violence during the wars. "It seems to me that the regime's terms are imposed to have an absolute upper hand over the ethnic armed groups," he told The Irrawaddy. "Under such circumstances, there is no way that these peace negotiations can be successful in our lifetime." Among differing demands, the government has asked ethnic armed groups to disarm, while ethnic leaders have proposed the creation of a federal army combining 100,000 ethnic soldiers with the current 400,000-member government army. Ethnic groups have also called for constitutional amendments to create a federalist system, which would give more power to individual ethnic states. Other key issues for civilians have seen little or no progress, as displaced families say they need assistance to return home, resolve land disputes and find employment. Land mines also continue to pose a major problem for their safe return. Some observers worry that a nationwide ceasefire deal would earn the government praise internationally without actually offering many assurances to civilians on the ground. "Ethnic groups should make stronger demands," said Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese observer based on the China-Burma border. "They should initiate plans by themselves. They should not follow the government's set-up plans." The post The Burma Peace Process, as Seen by Civilians appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Suu Kyi Warns Against Taking Part in 2015 Vote Without Charter Reform Posted: 16 Dec 2013 03:06 AM PST National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi delivers a speech at the party's first ever congress in Rangoon in March. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has spoken against participation in the country's eagerly anticipated 2015 elections unless the military-drafted Constitution is first amended. In front of thousands of people at a National League for Democracy (NLD) party rally in Tharyarwaddy Township, Pegu Division, on Sunday, Suu Kyi, the party's chairperson, appeared to adopt a harder line on Constitutional reform and for the first time raised the possibility of a boycott of the vote. The opposition leader is currently touring the country and holding rallies to drum up support for her campaign to have the 2008 Constitution amended. The current charter gives the military a quarter of parliamentary seats and bars Suu Kyi herself from becoming president. According to an audio recording of her speech, posted on the NLD's Facebook page, Suu Kyi warned that the reputations of those taking part in an election under the current Constitution would be damaged. "I believe that there are people who have dignity in the army and [other] political parties, or organizations. Those who have dignity should not join the 2015 elections unless there is an amendment to the Constitution. There will be no fair elections with the current Constitution," said Suu Kyi. "There is a lot at risk in joining the elections. If we join the elections, we'll have no dignity in the eyes of the people. This is why I urge you not to join these elections unless [the Constitution] is amended. If not, those who join these elections will have no dignity." Suu Kyi, who has traveled widely since her release from house arrest in 2010, said she is often asked by foreign journalists about the 2015 elections. She said she always tells them that while the voting might be free, the current Constitution means the elections cannot be considered fair. The NLD and Suu Kyi have been vociferously campaigning for the charter—which was drawn up by the former military regime and approved in a referendum widely considered as rigged—to be amended. Ethnic leaders are also opposed to the current Constitution, and want to it overhauled to reflect a federalist system. But the government, which is dominated by former generals, has not made any moves toward amending the document, with time running out to do so before the vote. In her speech, Suu Kyi spoke specifically of the current charter's guarantee that a quarter of parliamentary seats are reserved for the military, but did not mention the clause that prohibits her from becoming president due to her marriage to a foreigner. "The army comes from the people, so why do they have a different level [of parliamentary seats] to the people?" she asked, arguing Burma's army should not be given any special privilege. "All should be equal, so our country can more easily become a developed country. This doesn't mean I do not like the army or that I blame the army by saying this." Some former generals in the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party—which came to power after elections in 2010 that the NLD boycotted—have publicly warned against hasty changes to the Constitution. "There are people who are worried about our party coming to power to run the country," said Suu Kyi. "They are worried that we are going to take revenge if we get power. But we will never do this." The post Suu Kyi Warns Against Taking Part in 2015 Vote Without Charter Reform appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Star of the Show? Posted: 16 Dec 2013 01:07 AM PST Star of the show? The post Star of the Show? appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Photo of the week (Dec 16, 2013) Posted: 16 Dec 2013 12:50 AM PST a The post Photo of the week (Dec 16, 2013) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Neighbors Burma and Thailand Draw in SEA Games Football Clash Posted: 15 Dec 2013 11:12 PM PST A Burma football fan cheers during the 1-1 draw with Thailand at Rangoon's Thuwanna Stadium on Saturday night. (Photo: Simon Roughneen / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — In a close-fought contest played Saturday night in Rangoon, the eagerly-anticipated Southeast Asia Games duel between neighbors Burma and Thailand finished level after both sides spurned gilt-edged chances. The outcome leaves both sides with seven points—joint-top of their pool going into the final round of group-stage games Monday. After a tentative start with few openings created, Thailand striker Adisak Kraisorn missed an open goal in the 27th minute, failing to react sharply enough to turn his close-range header into a gaping net, with the home crowd sighing in relief. Six minutes later Burma took the lead with a header of its own, with Nay Tin Lun nodding past the Thai keeper Kawin Thamsatchanan. Nay Tin Lun had earlier replaced Burmese star player Kyi Lun, who was carrying a knock going into the game. However Burma seemed to switch off defensively at the start of the second half, conceding an equalizer and what turned out to be the game's final score after just a minute of play in the second half. Thailand defender Praweenwat Boonyon turned in from close range after Burma's defense made a mess of dealing with a free kick whipped into the box. The 46th minute jolt sent the stadium quiet, save for the cheers of the thousand or so Thais boxed into the middle of the thirty thousand sellout. Both sides had half-chances before the end, with Burma having a goal disallowed for offside three minutes before time, prompting a volley of expletives from the raucous hometown crowd. The result that will likely better suit the Thai team, who spent the final few minutes of the game killing time—tactics which drew the ire of the Burmese in the stadium and prompted two yellow cards in quick succession from the referee. Face painted in the green, red and yellow of the Burmese national flag, business student Min Lwin watched the game from a vantage point near one of the corner flags. "I am not so happy with the result, I thought we could have won," he told The Irrawaddy, speaking as the final whistle went. Min Lwin said that he arrived at the stadium at 8 am on Saturday morning, waiting two hours in line to buy a ticket for the 630 pm kick off. "Some of my friends could not get tickets, so that is disappointing too," he added. Outside the Thuwanna Stadium in north-eastern Rangoon, thousands of Burmese supporters watched on a big screen, many disappointed at not being able to get one of the 30,000 tickets, which were selling on the black market at ten times face value close to kick-off time. An official announcement said east Rangoon's Thuwanna Stadium was full to capacity with a crowd of 30,000 people. Taw Win Phyo was one of seven friends standing in the dark on the main road outside the ground, a few minutes before kick off. "None of us have tickets, we have been here all day looking, but they are gone and the black market is too expensive," he said. Inside, hundreds were without seats, and most wore the white shirts of the home side. The rivalry between the two nations was evident in angry shouts from the home crowd when Thailand were on the ball, vitriol that was amped-up during a few second-half pushing matches between the players, mostly reacting to perceived fouls or diving by the opposition. Adding some triumphalist historical edge to proceedings, some Burmese painted their faces to look like King Alaungpaya, the 18th century Burmese monarch who fought a war with Thailand. Saturday night's 1-1 draw means that both Thailand and Burma will likely qualify for the semi-finals from Group B, after Indonesia's surprising failure to beat East Timor. Burma will face Indonesia in a crunch match on Monday, with the Burmese favored to do enough at home to make the semi-finals, given Indonesia’s 4-1 loss to Thailand earlier in the competition. Burma and Thailand are level on seven points, with the Thais ahead on goal difference. The semi-finalists from Group A will be Singapore and either Vietnam or Malaysia. The result came at the end of a day which saw Burma slip to third in the overall SEA Games medal table, behind Thailand and Vietnam, and ahead of Indonesia, though at time of writing Burma had moved back to second place behind Thailand. The post Neighbors Burma and Thailand Draw in SEA Games Football Clash appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Japan, Burma Sign Investment Pact Posted: 15 Dec 2013 10:47 PM PST Burma's President Thein Sein, left, is led by Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe after ending a joint media briefing at the prime minister's residence in Tokyo on Dec. 15, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Kimimasa Mayama) TOKYO — Japan and Burma on Sunday signed an investment treaty to nurture closer business ties as the once secluded Southeast Asian country opens its fast-growing economy to more foreign commerce. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Burma President Thein Sein signed the deal in summit talks following a gathering of leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) in Tokyo. Japanese businesses have been eager to invest in Burma and have stepped up their activities there after Thein Sein's reformist government came to power in 2011 after nearly 50 years of military rule. Japan's trade ministry said the agreement is intended to provide greater protections and a stable legal environment for investors. Attracting foreign investment and lending is crucial for aiding the expansion of Burma's resource-rich economy. The country has significant growth potential but is burdened with an inefficient farm sector. It also lacks a manufacturing base after decades of foreign sanctions and restrictive laws under military rule. The treaty calls for Japanese investors to receive the same protections provided to other foreign investors under international rules and prohibits the imposition of export, technology transfer or other requirements in exchange for such investments. It is also intended to improve transparency, key for a country struggling with endemic corruption. Japan is Burma's largest aid donor. To help clear the way for the investment treaty, Tokyo agreed to forgive about US$5.32 billion in debt owed by Burma and extended bridge loans to help clear the rest. Abe has promised to help support Burma's economic and political reforms with both public and private help, including fresh loans for infrastructure building and major development assistance that will support Japanese business interests in the Southeast Asian nation. Japan had close ties with Burma before the junta took power in 1988 and Tokyo suspended grants for major projects. Japan did not impose sanctions on Burma in 2003 when the military regime put pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest, unlike the United States and other Western countries, though it did scale back most business activity and cut government aid. Japan's investments in Burma still lag behind those of China and India, though that is fast changing. Trading companies Mitsubishi, Marubeni and Sumitomo are leading a project to develop the 2,400-hectare (5,900-acre) Thilawa Special Economic Zone, located near Rangoon, Japan's biggest investment in Burma so far. The post Japan, Burma Sign Investment Pact appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Military Sees Role in Ensuring ‘Fair’ Election Posted: 15 Dec 2013 09:51 PM PST Military personnel deliver meals to soldiers and police over the fence at a protest site in Bangkok. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) BANGKOK — Thailand's military offered on Sunday to help the politically polarized country hold a "fair and clean" election next year, suggesting the armed forces may play a role in a vote aimed at ending protests seeking to topple the government. The idea was raised at a forum organized by the caretaker government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, who last week called an election for Feb. 2 to try to defuse protests targeting her brother, ousted ex-Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, and his influence on Thailand's political system. The protesters, backed by Bangkok's elite, have rejected the proposed election and want to set up a "people's council" that would eradicate the influence of the "Thaksin regime" and introduce reforms following a decade of election wins by Thaksin or his allies on broad support from the urban and rural poor. Gen Nipat Thonglek, the Defense Ministry's permanent secretary, said at the forum: "The military wants to see the Feb. 2 election. If there are signs that the election will not be fair, the military is ready to make it fair and clean." It's unclear how the military would do that. Nipat did not elaborate, but armed forces chief Gen Tanasak Patimapragorn said on Saturday he wanted to see the general election take place and that there should be "a central panel" to help educate the public about free and fair elections. Although army leaders have expressed neutrality in the crisis, the military has a long history of intervening in politics in support of the traditional Bangkok elite that includes generals, royal advisers and old-money families who have backed both the protests and the opposition Democrat Party. The military has staged or attempted 18 coups over the past 80 years, including one in 2006 to remove Thaksin. Military sources say protest leader Suthep Thaugsuban is backed by two powerful retired generals, former Defense Minister Gen Prawit Wongsuwan and former army chief Gen Anupong Paochinda. Both have a history of enmity with Thaksin and remain influential in the current military establishment. Suthep is a former deputy prime minister in the previous Democrat-led government that Yingluck's party beat by a landslide in a 2011 election. The forum comes a day after Suthep outlined his movement's aims at an armed forces seminar, urging the military to join his movement and repeating his demands that Yingluck resign to make way for an interim government of appointed leaders whose reforms would clean up a political system he says Thaksin corrupted. Thailand's eight-year political conflict centers on Thaksin, a former telecommunications tycoon popular among the rural poor because of policies pursued when he was in power and carried on by governments allied to him after he was toppled. He gained an unassailable mandate that he used to advance the interests of big companies, including his own. Since 2008, he has chosen to live in exile after being sentenced in absentia to jail for abuse of power, a charge he calls politically motivated. The chances of the election taking place may become clearer at the start of this week when the opposition Democrat Party, Thailand's oldest, decides whether to take part. Yingluck's Puea Thai Party seems almost certain to win again. Democrat lawmakers resigned from parliament on Dec. 8 and joined the street protests. Suthep had resigned earlier to lead the movement, which gained impetus in early November after Yingluck's government tried to push through a political amnesty bill that would have allowed Thaksin to return home a free man. As deputy premier, Suthep authorized a military crackdown to end weeks of anti-government protests by Thaksin supporters in central Bangkok in 2010. Scores of protesters died and Suthep has been charged with murder in connection to the crackdown. Additional reporting by Aukkarapon Niyomyat. The post Thai Military Sees Role in Ensuring 'Fair' Election appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Japan PM to Push Security Agenda Next Year With Fresh Urgency Posted: 15 Dec 2013 09:44 PM PST Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, right, reviews Japan Self-Defense Forces' troops during the annual SDF ceremony at Asaka Base in Asaka, near Tokyo, on Oct. 27, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) TOKYO — Prime Minister Shinzo Abe will likely push with fresh urgency next year a bid to ease legal limits on the Japanese military's ability to fight shoulder to shoulder with allies overseas, a goal that eluded him in his first troubled term. Lifting Japan's self-imposed ban on exercising the right of collective self-defense would mark a major turning point for Japan's post-war security policy and could increase tensions in the region, where a row over tiny uninhabited islands in the East China Sea encapsulates growing Sino-Japanese mistrust. Since its World War Two defeat in 1945, Japan's military has not engaged in combat. However, successive governments have stretched the limits of the US-drafted, pacifist Constitution to allow non-combat missions abroad. Abe—whose first term as premier ended when he abruptly quit in 2007 due to parliamentary deadlock and ill health—returned in triumph a year ago this month, pledging to revive Japan's stagnant economy and bolster its global security clout. "Although there is no national election scheduled until 2016, if he doesn't resolve various issues in parliament next year, momentum will falter and he will run out of time," said Hokkaido University professor Jiro Yamaguchi. "Abe probably feels strongly that next year will be the last chance to implement his long-held goals." Until last month, Abe's popularity ratings were above 60 percent, rare for a Japanese leader after a year in office, thanks to an economic recovery and buoyant stock prices which were in turn fueled by hyper-easy monetary policy, a pillar of his "Abenomics" growth agenda. Last month he achieved one cherished goal in his conservative agenda when Parliament enacted a law to create a National Security Council, which will concentrate control over security and diplomatic policies in the prime minister's hands. A first-ever National Security Strategy to be approved next Tuesday will underscore Abe's push to bolster the military and raise Japan's security profile in the face of a rising China. Public concerns in Japan about China's growing military assertiveness have so far provided support for Abe's stance. Abe's support, however, slid to about 50 percent this month after his ruling bloc steamrolled through Parliament a strict state secrets act that the government says is vital to persuade allies to share intelligence. Critics, however, say it echoes Japan's wartime authoritarian regime and will muzzle the media. Ironically, the drop in opinion polls—plus fears of an economic relapse after the national 5 percent sales tax rises to 8 percent in April—may encourage the Japanese leader to push for the change rather than wait and risk further declines that would undercut his clout in his own party, some experts said. "You should not forget that the strength of Abe comes not from his conservative agenda but from his management of the economy," said a former government official. "An economic downturn could change that picture." Another sales tax hike to 10 percent, to rein in Japan's huge public debt, is slated for 2015 and would be especially controversial if the economy sags, sapping political energy. Wary Domestic Ally "If he pushes it [lifting the ban] through, it will be disastrous but it is quite likely that he will," said lawmaker Seiichiro Murakami. A rare outspoken critic of Abe in the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, Murakami predicts that steamrolling controversial security policies risks sparking a voter backlash, especially if the economy stumbles. "The state secrets act, the National Security Council, collective self-defense and a revision of US-Japan defense co-operation guidelines are a package," he added. Tokyo and Washington have agreed to update guidelines on how their militaries interact by the end of next year. Still, a continued fall in support ratings would complicate Abe's efforts but would not deter him. "There will be no change in his stance, but the problems have increased," said former defense official Kyouji Yanagisawa. "If he rushes, criticism will emerge from inside the ruling parties," added Yanagisawa, who handled security matters at the prime minister's office during Abe's first term. Abe's high popularity rates have been a key factor silencing potential critics in the ruling bloc. Critics have said lifting the ban is more likely to mean Japan gets involved in armed conflicts overseas that put Japanese lives at risk. A panel of Abe advisers is set to urge Japan to lift the ban in a report next year, a change the United States would welcome as a way for Tokyo to take on more of the burden for the alliance but that China would likely see as a disturbing sign Japan wants to flex its military muscle. Tensions between the two Asian rivals spiked last month after China announced a new air defense zone that overlapped with air space above disputed isles in the East China Sea. The report by Abe's advisers, however, has been delayed until after the passage of the budget for the year from April because his junior coalition partner, the more dovish New Komeito, is wary. The party, which gets most of its votes from a lay Buddhist group, has a track record of compromising to stay in power, but how far it is prepared to bend this time is unclear. "For the New Komeito, its stance as a peace party is fundamental. They cannot reject that," Yanagisawa said. "The question is, to what extent can the New Komeito make its views felt." If Abe can persuade the New Komeito to sign off and thus gain cabinet approval, the government would need to submit to parliament bills to provide a legal basis for the change. Liberal media and intellectuals would probably try to rally public opinion against the change, but many in the opposition Democratic Party and smaller parties support lifting the ban. "It is important to have a more effective framework for Japan-US [military] operations, including collective self-defense," said Democratic Party lawmaker Seiji Maehara, a former foreign minister. The post Japan PM to Push Security Agenda Next Year With Fresh Urgency appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Kerry Says North Korea’s Leader Reckless, Ruthless Posted: 15 Dec 2013 09:31 PM PST North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, center, accompanied by military officers, inspects air drill at an undisclosed airbase on Feb. 1, 2012. (Photo: Reuters) WASHINGTON — US Secretary of State John Kerry described North Korea's Kim Jong Un as reckless and insecure after the execution of the leader's powerful uncle, and said Kim's actions underscored a need for a unified stand against Pyongyang's nuclear program. The execution of Jan Song Thaek, considered the second most powerful man in the secretive country, showed why China, United States and other countries must work together to limit North Korea's nuclear weapons development, Kerry said in the interview on ABC's "This Week" program aired on Sunday. North Korean state media on Friday reported the execution of Jang. North Korea said earlier it had stripped Jang of his power and positions and accused him of criminal acts including mismanagement of the state financial system, womanizing and alcohol abuse. North Korean politics are virtually impenetrable from outside and Jang also could have been purged over a falling out with Kim or other personal reasons. "It tells us a lot about, first of all, how ruthless and reckless he is," Kerry said of Kim. "And it also tells us a lot about how insecure he is, to a certain degree. "The insights that we have tell us that he is spontaneous, erratic, still worried about his place in the power structure, and maneuvering to eliminate any potential kind of adversary or competitor and does so obviously ruthlessly." The top US diplomat, in some of the most detailed remarks of a US official since the news on Friday, said the execution was not the first under Kim's rule and pointed to the urgency of addressing the North Korean nuclear state. "It tells us a significant amount about the instability internally of the regime, with the numbers of executions," Kerry said. "It's an ominous sign of the instability and of the danger that does exist." The young Kim, believed to be about 30, has carried out two long-range missile tests and a nuclear weapons test in defiance of UN sanctions since he took control two years ago after the death of his father, Kim Jong Il. The Obama administration is working with China, the closest thing Pyongyang has to an ally, in seeking help to prevent any internal upheaval in North Korea from destabilizing the Korean peninsula, US officials say. Kerry, in the interview, said the nature of "this ruthless, horrendous dictatorship" and Kim's insecurities raised the stakes for China, Russia, Japan, South Korea and the United States to "stay on the same page" and push ahead on denuclearization. "To have a nuclear weapon potentially in the hands of somebody like Kim Jong Un just becomes even more unacceptable," Kerry told ABC. Senator John McCain, a leading Republican voice on foreign policy issues, echoed Kerry's concern about the threat posed by Kim's latest behavior and called on China to step in. "They've got to rein this young man in, and they can," McCain said on CNN's "State of the Union" program on Sunday. "I think it's pretty obvious this young man is capable of some very aberrational behavior and given the toys that he has, I think it's very dangerous." The post Kerry Says North Korea's Leader Reckless, Ruthless appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy Magazine To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 20 West Kinzie, Chicago IL USA 60610