The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Info Minister, Union Parliament Speaker Defend ‘Pension’ Plan
- Political Dialogue to Begin Jan. 12, as Inclusivity Concerns Linger
- Car Policy Change Helps Push Exchange Rate to New High
- MPT Charity Auction Held for Vanity Phone Numbers
- Wirathu Slams Ma Ba Tha Blacklisting in US Spending Bill
- Kachin IDPs Endure Bitter Cold Snap on Sino-Burma Border
- Yawd Serk: ‘Ethnic Groups Will No Longer Be the Stooges of Others’
- Presidential Protection, Immunity Bill Put Forward
- 19 Face Delta Election Ban after Failing to Report Campaign Expenses
- Trafficking Survivors Struggle to Rebuild Their Lives Back Home
- Gone to Pot? Changing Times Challenge Local Industry in Twante
- Thai Government Says It’s Not Ignoring Shrimp Sheds Slavery
- Indonesian Police Foil String of ‘Jihad’ Attacks
- Gulf War Trauma Began Japan’s Retreat from Pacifism
- Myanmar Beer Undergoes Facelift as New Rivals Emerge
| Info Minister, Union Parliament Speaker Defend ‘Pension’ Plan Posted: 21 Dec 2015 05:30 AM PST  Lawmakers attend a session of the Union Parliament in August 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Presidential spokesperson Ye Htut said the government would distribute "pensions" to outgoing lawmakers and other government administrators in line with existing laws, despite criticism of the scheme in recent days. "We will do [this] according to the law. There is a law and if the law is not amended, our finance ministry will arrange to provide the gratuity," the presidential spokesperson and information minister told The Irrawaddy. Under separate laws relating to the "Emoluments, Allowances and Insignia" of lawmakers and various members of the executive and government bodies, eligible persons are afforded a one-time "political pension" based in part on their monthly salary. Differing views emerged last week after parliamentarians were given the necessary forms to execute the gratuity, which for outgoing Union-level MPs amounts to 5 million kyats (US$3,845) and 2.5 million kyats for outgoing state and division lawmakers. MPs elected in a 2012 by-election would only be entitled to the latter sum. Some critics said the payment was unreasonable, given civil servants needed to work 25-30 years, or up to the retirement age of 60, to receive pensions. "Why should [lawmakers] enjoy a political pension? What have they done [for the country]? With whose money? They should not be given pensions while the country is in poverty," Robert San Aung, a prominent lawyer, told The Irrawaddy last week. Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann emphasized in the chamber on Monday that the one-time "gratuity" would be provided not only to MPs but also to members of administration bodies across the country as well as the president and vice-presidents. "I heard a variety of criticism from the public and lawmakers about pensions in the media," Shwe Mann told lawmakers. "I explain here that it is not only for MPs. All those who took office in the past five years will get the gratuity for their service." The Speaker explained that the president and vice-presidents would receive a one-time gratuity and also monthly benefits according to Article 26 (a) of the "The Law Relating to the Emoluments, Allowances and Insignia of the Union Level Persons." The law was passed under the previous regime, the State Peace and Development Council, in 2011 and amended last year. Shwe Mann said that the relevant government departments were working to calculate pension amounts based on the information lawmakers had provided since last week. The post Info Minister, Union Parliament Speaker Defend 'Pension' Plan appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Political Dialogue to Begin Jan. 12, as Inclusivity Concerns Linger Posted: 21 Dec 2015 05:25 AM PST  Burma's President Thein Sein, government officials, ethnic rebel groups and international witnesses pose for a photo after the signing of a so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement in Naypyidaw on Oct. 15, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) A date has been set for the convening of a political dialogue involving more than 700 stakeholders, with negotiations aimed at bringing an end to the world's longest-running civil war. The long-awaited talks are due to convene on Jan. 12, with President Thein Sein announcing the date on Friday, as concerns linger about the framework's inclusivity and the continuity of negotiations that will see new parliamentary and government representatives swapped in early next year. The Union Peace Conference, as the political dialogue is being called, will come less than a month after a framework for the discussions was finalized last week. A tangled array of issues will be up for discussion, and central to the talks will be ethnic minorities' demands for constitutional reform, federalism and greater autonomy from the central government. Hla Maung Shwe, an adviser for the government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), said in addition to 700 full-fledged participants in the dialogue, non-signatories to the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement will be allocated nearly 50 seats at the table as observers. "We will also send out invitations to a total of 11 non-NCA-signatory groups as observers in early January," he told The Irrawaddy. The observer delegation will include five representatives each from the eight non-signatory ethnic armed groups recognized by the government, and three representatives from three non-armed ethnic groups—the Arakan National Council, Wa National Organization and Lahu Democratic Union. Non-signatories to the ceasefire include some of the country's largest ethnic armed groups, including the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and Kachin Independence Army (KIA). The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Arakan Army will not be invited to attend in any capacity. These two armies have engaged in hostilities with the Burma Army in recent months and have been shut out of the ceasefire negotiations, with the MNDAA and government troops involved in a particularly intense and protracted conflict in northeastern Burma. The capital Naypyidaw will host the political dialogue, with the opening session to run from Jan. 12-22. But even as the government has trumpeted the coming dialogue—state media on Saturday heralded the occasion with a banner headline reading "Let's Party for Peace"—ceasefire non-signatories and civil society groups have aired concerns about pushing ahead with the dialogue under an outgoing government that has excluded some ethnic armed groups from participating. Nai Hong Sar, vice chairman of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), said: "The current government is pushing to move forward to the political dialogue with not enough time. The political dialogue must take a reasonable amount of time." The nationwide ceasefire, signed by eight non-state armed groups on Oct. 15, requires that the political dialogue begin no more than 90 days from the date of the signing. Among the 700 participants, representatives will be divided equally between the Burma Army, ethnic armed signatories and political parties, with 150 delegates each. The outgoing government of President Thein Sein and Parliament will each be allotted 75 seats, and 50 will go both to other ethnic leaders and experts from a variety of fields. Nai Hong Sar criticized those proportions as imbalanced. "The government, Parliament and Tatmadaw [Burma Army] will have the upper hand in the discussion [with representation accounting for 300 of 700 participants], when something is up for a vote," he said. "They have more numbers and the ethnic bloc will not be able to beat them, which will not bring good results." Maran Jaw Gun, spokesman for the 11th Civil Society Forum for Peace (CSFoP) held in Rangoon on Dec. 16-17, said better would be to wait until the incoming National League for Democracy (NLD) government is sworn in next year. "We want what will be a solid foundation for the best interests of the political dialogue, with the next government, rather than starting the dialogue now," he said. A January political dialogue risked creating misunderstanding and doubt among the ethnic armed groups, he said, referring to ongoing conflicts in northern Shan and Kachin states. But Hla Maung Shwe said he saw the proportional arrangement as offering equal representation to the military, ethnic armed groups, political parties and a government-parliamentary bloc. He pointed out that the dialogue's parliamentary representatives would change when a new Parliament takes its seats in February, with the government delegation following suit in April. "I am responsible for my role until March 2016, after that I will be leaving my role," said Hla Maung Shwe, who is also a secretary of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee, which drafted the framework for the political dialogue this month. Nang Lwin Hnin Pwint contributed to this report. The post Political Dialogue to Begin Jan. 12, as Inclusivity Concerns Linger appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Car Policy Change Helps Push Exchange Rate to New High Posted: 21 Dec 2015 04:27 AM PST  Cars wait at a traffic intersection in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Burmese government has altered the country's car import policy, one of a number of recent developments to see the foreign exchange rate climb to an eight-year high against the greenback. The new policy, set to come into effect on Jan. 1, stipulates that the only type of automobiles manufactured between 2006 and 2013 allowed for import are private passenger vehicles. Buses, trucks and other vehicles must be manufactured between 2014 and 2016 to qualify for import permission. Separate import permits have been created for the two categories, with importers required to pay taxes based on the vehicle's list value. Local sellers have until Dec. 24 to import automobiles under the current policy. The ban on imports of older models of buses and trucks will raise business costs at a time when Burma is laboring under a structural trade deficit, which has helped weaken the value of the local currency by over 30 percent against the US dollar since November 2014. Since the policy was announced on Dec. 15, the official exchange rate set by the Central Bank of Myanmar has climbed to 1,307 kyats per dollar, while black market traders are offering prices of around 1,315 kyats. The rate is the highest since the aftermath of the 2007 Saffron Revolution, when the black market was offering around 1,400 kyats on the dollar. "There's been an increase in demand for the dollar recently because the old car import policy is set to expire very soon," said Soe Tun, chairman of the Myanmar Automobile Dealers Association. "But I think the value of the kyat will increase again once we've passed this month's deadline." A number of other factors are also depressing the value of the kyat. The World Bank forecast a slump in Burma's economic growth in October, following the wet season's nationwide flooding disaster and lower than expected foreign investment pledges. The US Federal Reserve's decision to raise interest rates for the first time since 2006 also suggests the American economy is continuing its slow recovery from the depths of the global economic crisis at the end of last decade, and has helped the US dollar continue to perform strongly against other currencies. Maung Aung, senior economist at the Ministry of Commerce, said that the next government faced a number of challenges in attempting to reverse the kyat's slide. "Our export values are going down, especially for natural gas, jade, and gems," he said. "We also need to stabilize everything, economically and politically." Yet Myo Thet, vice president of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), is optimistic that this stability can be achieved under the incoming government. "We need an inflow of dollars from abroad. Investors have a 'wait and see' attitude during this politically uncertain period in time, which is why large quantities of investments have yet to come into Burma. I think that dollar prices will stabilize more quickly once the new government is sworn in," he said. "The new government needs to adopt effective economic policies. It's also important that it adopts clear policies, because if the policies are good, the economy will be good, too," he added. The post Car Policy Change Helps Push Exchange Rate to New High appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| MPT Charity Auction Held for Vanity Phone Numbers Posted: 21 Dec 2015 04:01 AM PST  MPT's headquarters in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — There was a touch of nostalgia in Burma over the weekend after Myanma Posts and Telecommunications auctioned off mobile SIM cards for thousands of dollars apiece. Saturday's auction by the state-owned telco for 126 vanity phone numbers netted MPT more than 300 million kyats (US$230,500), including a single bid of 22 million kyats ($16,900) for a number with seven recurring digits. "MPT's commercial department organized this auction after forming a joint venture with a Japanese company, it's kind of a business strategy," said Chit Wai, deputy permanent secretary of Ministry of Communications and Information Technology. A total of 164 buyers attended the auction, for which MPT said the auction raised three times as much money as the firm had expected. The proceeds will be donated to the Phaung Daw Oo monastic school in Mandalay and to fund solar lighting installations in other monastic schools. During military rule, local SIM cards cost upwards of $1,500. Since the Burmese government's 2012 telecommunications reforms and the subsequent entrance of foreign competitors into the sector, retail prices have crashed down to around 1,500 kyats ($1.15). The Communications Ministry says that 28.1 million SIMs were in service by the end of March, more than half of the total population of Burma. Vanity phone numbers with recurring digits are a sought after commodity in other parts of the region. In Cambodia, for instance, vendors typically charge more for SIM cards attached to phone number with recurring instances of the number eight, which is considered lucky in numerous Asian cultures. Those who made winning bids have until Dec. 28 to make good on their pledges at the Myanma Economic Bank and collect their SIM cards from the MPT office in downtown Rangoon. The post MPT Charity Auction Held for Vanity Phone Numbers appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Wirathu Slams Ma Ba Tha Blacklisting in US Spending Bill Posted: 21 Dec 2015 03:33 AM PST  Buddhist monk U Wirathu talks in a supporter's home during a Reuters interview in Rangoon on Oct. 4, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — The firebrand monk U Wirathu has panned restrictions on a recently passed US spending bill that rule out any American funding for the Buddhist nationalist group of which he is a leading member, the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion. The group, better known by its Burmese acronym Ma Ba Tha, is explicitly referenced in the budget bill, which states that US funding to Burma "may not be made available to any organization or individual the Secretary of State determines and reports to the appropriate congressional committees advocates violence against ethnic or religious groups and individuals in Burma, including such organizations as Ma Ba Tha." The 2,009-page, $1.15 trillion spending bill was signed into law by US President Barack Obama on Friday. For years the US budget has contained specific provisions on Burma intended to support a pro-democracy agenda. Saying the US Congress "got the wrong information" about Ma Ba Tha, Wirathu told The Irrawaddy on Monday that his group was not an advocate for violence. "Their government is useless for having accepted the wrong information. It is very shameful," he said. "They wanted to show the world that they do not support our Ma Ba Tha. But our Ma Ba Tha does not use guns, we use non-violent means." The US prohibition, he added, was no problem for his group, which was not looking for an American handout. "We accept donations from our own people, not from America or even any organizations from within our country. Our Ma Ba Tha is run with money from our own donors," he said. "The American government has no brain if they think our Ma Ba Tha would be able to use their money for our movement." Ma Ba Tha earlier this year did accept a sizeable donation from Thai Buddhists, who provided some 40 million kyats (US$30,770) in equipment to set up a radio station for the nationalist cause. That cause has been viewed negatively by US and other international human rights groups, which have accused Ma Ba Tha of helping to incite violence against Burma's Muslim minority in recent years. The group was a leading advocate for four "race and religion protection laws" passed earlier this year that critics say target Muslims and impinge on the rights of religious minorities and women. Regarding the US spending bill's accusations, Wirathu invited US policymakers to take another look at the organization. "We want them to come and check us openly. We welcome them to do this any time. We are a transparent group. We could explain to them about our movement," he said. Wirathu on Monday also offered his take on US geopolitical maneuvers elsewhere in the world. "America only tries to get rid of military regimes, this is their policy. … This is how they operate in the world. In Syria, they are trying to topple the military regime. They supported the rebels to fight the Syrian regime, but ISIS [Islamic State] got their support and they are running the revolution. So, ISIS came from American [foreign policy]," he said. "In the case of ISIS, it is very shameful for America. They made a mistake and they tried to hide it, but the world knows their mistake." The post Wirathu Slams Ma Ba Tha Blacklisting in US Spending Bill appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Kachin IDPs Endure Bitter Cold Snap on Sino-Burma Border Posted: 21 Dec 2015 03:24 AM PST  A photo purporting to show Da Bu Bum IDP camp on the Sino-Burma border which has been hit by snow in recent days. (Photo: Saga Brang San Nan / Facebook) RANGOON — About 1,800 Kachin internally displaced persons (IDPs), living in makeshift shelters along the Sino-Burma border, are enduring freezing conditions with minimal supplies, aid workers said. Pictures circulated online show IDP camps at Border Post 6, including Da Bu Bum camp, situated on the Sino-Burma border near Chipwi Township's Pangwa, covered in snow. "It's getting colder these days. Most people stay indoors without going out," Hing Wawn, head of the Kachin Independence Organization's IDPs and Refugees Relief Committee (IRRC), told The Irrawaddy. The displaced are in need of warm clothes, blankets and medicine, according to Hing Wawn, who said the IRRC would travel to Border Post 6 on Monday to assess IDPs' needs and provide any supplies they can. Da Bu Bum hosts around 1,000 IDPs and they have enough food supplies until the end of the year, the IRRC head said. Items most in need are medicines, with some IDPs suffering respiratory problems due to the cold weather. Zaw Raw, secretary of the IRRC, said people are bracing against the cold weather as best they can. They usually grow vegetables, he said, but this would be impossible in the snow. Hing Wawn said the organization was still awaiting confirmation for food supplies promised by local and international organizations for nearly 50,000 IDPs sheltering in Kachin Independence Organization-controlled areas for 2016. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said earlier this month that about 1 million people in Burma, including victims of conflict and natural disasters, needed support, citing a shortage of assistance to IDPs in 2015. Since a 17-year ceasefire between Naypyidaw and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) broke down in 2011, fighting in Kachin and northern Shan states has displaced over 100,000 people. The post Kachin IDPs Endure Bitter Cold Snap on Sino-Burma Border appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Yawd Serk: ‘Ethnic Groups Will No Longer Be the Stooges of Others’ Posted: 21 Dec 2015 02:27 AM PST  Lt-Gen Yawd Serk is chairman of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS). (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy) Burma's ethnic armed groups may have once attacked each other as a result of political ploys, but now they have learned their lesson, claims Lt-Gen Yawd Serk, chairman of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and its militant wing, the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S). Following a meeting with the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) last week, the RCSS/SSA-S said that it would negotiate with the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) to find a solution to end clashes over territorial disputes that first broke out on Nov. 27. The Irrawaddy sat down with Yawd Serk to talk about a range of issues, including that conflict, the SSA-S's military tensions with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), relations with the powerful United Wa State Army (UWSA) and moving Burma's peace process forward. Regarding territorial disputes, the TNLA has accused the SSA-S of joining up with the Burma Army to fight against them after having signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement [NCA] with the government [on Oct. 15]. This is a misunderstanding. The Burma Army did not seem happy that we went back to our region. A couple of days ago, I met with Maj-Gen Yar Pyae [head of Bureau of Special Operations-2], and he talked about this. It seemed that they [the Burma Army] are not quite willing to allow us to go back to our region. We have our own policy. It is totally unacceptable to us to join with this or that group and then attack another ethnic armed group. It is totally false, [claims] that we joined the Burma Army and fought against the TNLA. What do you have to say about the criticism that the NCA signed in October is not a 'nationwide' agreement because it was not signed by all ethnic armed groups? I don't quite agree [with this criticism] because the NCA was drafted by all ethnic armed groups and the drafting process took more than two years. In fact, committees have signed the final draft. I don't think that non-signatories of the NCA actually oppose the NCA since they took part in the drafting of the agreement. If they do not accept the NCA, then it would mean that they want to destroy the very thing that they themselves helped to create. The problem is that the NCA is still not all inclusive. The government has set certain preconditions for groups such as the TNLA and the Kokang group [the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army]. For example, it says that state- and national-level ceasefire talks have yet to be held with the TNLA. Such talks have only just started. This, however, is not a strong enough reason [for not allowing the TNLA to sign the NCA]. These [state- and national-level talks] are just trivial matters. But we don't know what the political motivations for them might be. What is your opinion regarding the criticism that some NCA signatories have signed the agreement out of self-interest rather than out of national interest? People have a right to criticize and to analyze. But if we did not care for the people, we would still be fighting, and we would not have signed the NCA. We have been fighting for almost six decades now, but we can't solve any of our problems while everyone is suffering. President U Thein Sein has paved the way for negotiation. It is of the utmost importance that we engage in political dialogue. In fact, we should thank the president for this. We've heard that tensions have arisen between the SSA-S and KIA Brigade 4 in northern Shan State. What is the likelihood that there are clashes there? The 1947 Panglong Agreement demarcated the borders between Kachin State and Shan State. We believe that everyone ought to understand that there is a clear land boundary. We have never had any problems with the KIA. But at present there are lots of KIA deployments, and in turn, we have received lots complaints of human rights violations. So I would like to ask that the KIA care for the people as well as for Shan State. The KIA has its own clearly defined land. It's not concerned about Shan State. It has to solve its problem in its own region. If there are increased military deployments and increased tensions, then fighting is inevitable. The SSA-S has held talks with UNFC representatives, but these representatives are not from the groups that are actually clashing with the SSA-S. What measures will you take to confront what is happening on the ground? Those discussions were not meant to focus on the problems between the RCSS and TNLA on the one hand and KIA Brigade 4 on the other. They were meant to figure out how the RCSS and UNFC can cooperate within Burma's future political landscape. We exchanged views on past experiences and future plans. We need further discussions about the conflicts between the TNLA and the RCSS. In the meeting with the UNFC, we just made plain our standpoint. What is your view on the election victory of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy? What are your expectations for the new government regarding the peace process? I am happy about the NLD's election victory. I met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for the first time during my first trip to Yangon. It was a meeting to build a political relationship. I still remember what she said at the meeting, that a federal union needs to be built and that federalism prevents separation. I agree with her point of view. We hope that she takes the lead role in bringing about changes in line with people's expectations. I am ready to cooperate with her. I have to wait and see if I can meet with her again after the NLD forms the new government. What will be the challenges for an NLD-led government regarding peace talks? I have no idea, as power has yet to be transferred and the new government has yet to be formed. I also don't know what the structure of the new government will be. Does the military play a major role in the ceasefire and peace processes? Do you think that the Burma Army is doing as much as you had expected in the peace process? We have only discussed these issues with the current government and the military. We have not yet discussed political matters. However, the military does take a hard line on ceasefire talks, and they are also not considerate of ethnic groups. In fact, the military is largely responsible for ongoing clashes [between the Burma Army and ethnic groups] because it is the military that initiates these attacks. There has been no case of an ethnic group's opening fire on the military first. Ethnic armed groups are just defending themselves. The UWSA once told a local media outlet that it would continue demanding [an autonomous] Wa State even when an NLD-led government is formed. As a major ethnic armed group in Shan State, will the SSA-S accept this? It will depend on the government. It [the UWSA] has a right to demand this. However, it will depend on the new government and the people [as to whether or not this demand is fulfilled]. What are the latest developments on the relationship between the UWSA and the RCSS? It is much better compared with in the past. The relationship has been brotherly. There were clashes between Shan and Wa. The clashes have inflicted injuries to both sides. But I think that everyone has learned his lesson now. In the past, different ethnic groups have fought against each other as a result of political ploys. But now I believe that ethnic groups will no longer be the stooges of others, and I hope that relations between the Wa and Shan people, as well as the RCSS, will get better. There are several other ethnic armed groups in Shan State, and some of them have forged alliances. There is criticism that the RCSS has not joined any of these alliances because it does not recognize any of the involved ethnic armed groups. What are your thoughts on this? We haven't joined because we think that joining would lead to unnecessary problems, while not joining would result in nothing. For example, with the UNFC, some members have signed the NCA and some haven't. Because we haven't joined any alliance, we can decide for ourselves whether or not we want to sign the agreement. And we can still hold bilateral talks with ethnic armed groups. This is also a democratic way [to approach the peace process]. In an interview with The Irrawaddy in 2013, you said that the RCSS would be able to eradicate the prevalence of drugs in Shan State in six years, but only if the government cooperates. How are these anti-drug efforts going? What are some obstacles? We have never received government cooperation, which is necessary. We've reached and signed agreements with the government regarding drug eradication, but when it's come down to implementing these agreements, the government hasn't cooperated. However, we've also failed to take action. We were busy arguing with the military over allowing military personnel to carry guns for security reasons but not wanting us to do the same thing. Translated by Thet Ko Ko. The post Yawd Serk: 'Ethnic Groups Will No Longer Be the Stooges of Others' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Presidential Protection, Immunity Bill Put Forward Posted: 21 Dec 2015 12:52 AM PST  President Thein Sein attends a meeting in Rangoon on Nov. 15, 2015, with political parties following the general election. (Photo: Reuters) A proposed piece of legislation published in Monday's state-run newspapers seeks to protect the former president after he or she steps down, including a provision granting blanket immunity to the head of state for actions taken while in office. The 14 clauses of the "Former President's Security Bill" are aimed at ensuring the chief executive's safety in retirement and would allow him or her "to be immune from any prosecution for his actions during his term," which is covered in Article 10 of the proposed law. Printed in state media for public scrutiny, the legislation would appear to complement Article 445 of Burma's military-drafted Constitution, which effectively shields the country's former junta from legal prosecution in connection with its actions during its term of government. "No proceeding shall be instituted against the said Councils or any member thereof or any member of the Government, in respect of any act done in the execution of their respective duties," that clause reads. The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and its predecessor, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), ruled Burma from 1988 to 2011, a period that saw Western sanctions imposed on the military regime over its abysmal human rights record. Outgoing President Thein was prime minister under the SPDC. In the proposed legislation, either the Defense Ministry or Home Affairs Ministry would be charged with approving a presidential bodyguard for life, who is to be put forward by the president. That same ministry would pay the bodyguard's salary and any other costs associated with protecting the ex-president and his or her residence after leaving office. Aung Thein, leader of the Myanmar Lawyer's Network, told The Irrawaddy that although Parliament had the power to enact such legislation, the broad immunity granted in Article 10 should be stripped from the text or narrowed to apply only to actions carried out "in the public interest." "The president's actions must be for the public interest. If it is against the public benefit and done for his own benefit, he should not be immune from prosecution," Aung Thein said. The 2008 Constitution also affords the president and vice presidents, with the exception of their impeachment, with "pensions and suitable allowances on retirement in accord with the law after the expiry of the term of office," under Article 70 of the charter. Information Minister Ye Htut, who is also the presidential spokesman, told The Irrawaddy: "The bill is proposed by the executive [Thein Sein administration], but I wasn't [involved] in the drafting. I understand that the bill is based on a US Former Presidents Act." A law passed by the US Congress in 1958 does contain provisions granting former American presidents health insurance, a pension and other benefits for life, but contains nothing resembling the immunity enshrined in Article 10 of the bill published Monday. Responding to criticism of the bill and whether it was needed, Ye Htut said it was ultimately in the hands of Parliament. "The lawmakers will debate this when it is in Parliament, as it is the job of the legislative sector. It is Parliament's decision. I have no comment to make [on the criticism]." He added that the bill was put forward to fill a legislative hole. "There was no mention or guarantee for the security in the current law, which allows for pension and allowance. This bill guarantees his security. It is the same as that of the US system, where the law protects the retired president as well as his wife as long as they are alive. We only have [these protections proposed] for the president." The post Presidential Protection, Immunity Bill Put Forward appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| 19 Face Delta Election Ban after Failing to Report Campaign Expenses Posted: 21 Dec 2015 12:42 AM PST  A candidate from the National League for Democracy campaigns in Irrawaddy Division during the 2015 election campaign. (Photo: Salai Thant Zin / The Irrawaddy) PATHEIN — Of the 503 people who contested the Nov. 8 election in Irrawaddy Division, 19 are facing a five-year campaign ban after failing to disclose their expenses, according to a report by the divisional office of the Union Election Commission. Election regulations require all candidates to submit campaign expense reports to district offices of the commission, within 30 days of the announcement of the election winner in the relevant constituency. The state and divisional offices of the commission then have a week to display the reports outside their offices and forward them to the UEC's head office in Naypyidaw. "We informed the candidates by phone to submit their expense reports and we waited until the 14th of this month," said Ye Kaung, the Irrawaddy Division commission office's assistant director. "But 19 of them have yet to submit their reports. We'll therefore report it to the UEC to declare those candidates disqualified." Of those candidates who failed to submit their expenses, four each come from the Myanmar Farmers' Development Party and the Democratic Party (Myanmar), three from the Karen People's Party, two from the National Prosperity Party, two independents, and one each from the National Development Party, the National Democratic Force, the Karen National Party and the Federal Union Party. None of the 19 candidates won the seats they were contesting in Irrawaddy Division, in an election resoundingly won by the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD). The NLD won 88 of 92 divisional and Union seats contested in the delta, with the remaining four won by the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the outgoing incumbents. Myint Naing, also an assistant director of the divisional UEC office, told The Irrawaddy that disqualified candidates would be barred from contesting the 2020 general election or any byelections in the interim. Under election bylaws, candidates are only permitted to spend up to 10 million kyats (US$7,685) on their campaigns over the two months preceding an election. Candidates who have failed to submit their expense reports have 15 days to contest their disqualification. The post 19 Face Delta Election Ban after Failing to Report Campaign Expenses appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Trafficking Survivors Struggle to Rebuild Their Lives Back Home Posted: 21 Dec 2015 12:18 AM PST  Migrant fishermen from Burma sort the catch after returning from the ocean to Ban Nam Khem, a small fishing village on Thailand's Andaman Sea coast, December 14, 2014. (Photo: Damir Sagolj / Reuters) RANGOON — Several months after arriving back home, Hlaing Min is still struggling to adjust. "I feel like I double my mother's worries because I'm yet to find any job for my living," said the 33-year-old who was one of over 500 trafficked Burmese fishermen rescued from Indonesia earlier this year. Two days ahead of International Migrants Day on December 18, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and Burma's Department of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement co-organized a discussion in Rangoon on devising ways to assist the rehabilitation of trafficking survivors. For Hlaing Min, who spoke to The Irrawaddy on the sidelines of the discussion on Wednesday, where about 40 survivors shared their horrifying, years-long experience of slavery aboard fishing boats in Indonesian waters, it all started in 2008. A neighbor came by Hlaing Min's house in Karen State's Myawaddy claiming that he could earn more money in Thailand. With the hope of a brighter future, Hlaing Min agreed to go with a broker to Burma's eastern neighbor. After two years working as a shrimp peeler in a seafood factory, he fell victim to a Thai broker who promised to bring him to Malaysia. Instead, he was trafficked onto an Indonesian fishing boat where he remained for some 29 months, ensnared in a situation of debt bondage. He tried to escape on three occasions before his eventual rescue. Two friends who attempted to flee with him were not so fortunate. "One [drowned]. The other one died due to severe health problems after we escaped to an island," Hlaing Min recalled. "I felt sorry for my two friends when I arrived back to Burma. They risked everything just to escape but they didn't make it." According to Hlaing Min, many Burmese fishermen died at sea, due to health issues or abuse at the hands of employers. Others, like his two friends, died while attempting to escape the appalling conditions. "Their bones could be made into an island," he said. "I would name it 'The Island of Burmese Bones.'" Back living in Burma since June this year, Hlaing Min has found new hurdles in the struggle to rebuild his life. "I have no capital to start my own business, even for a small shop that sells little things. No one wants to help me. Sometimes I feel so depressed that I become regretful about coming back," he said. "Things have changed a lot. I am like a stranger to the community." According to Yu Yu Swe, a Director in the Department of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement, trafficking survivors at Wednesday's discussion were able to share the many challenges they have faced since returning home. "We want to know what kind of assistance they need. Do they need counseling, psychosocial support or sustainable vocational skills? The most important thing for them is not to be re-trafficked," Yu Yu Swe said. State and divisional governments and local enterprises should help create job opportunities for survivors, Yu Yu Swe said, adding that similar workshops were scheduled for Mon State and Tenasserim and Irrawaddy Divisions in the coming months. National project officer in the IOM's Rangoon office, Yin Yin Han, said that while NGOs and organizations such as the IOM could support survivors monetarily, such support should be sustainable and go towards building their individual futures. "We need to know what their strong skills are and what kind of businesses they want to [be involved in] so that we know how to help them," she said. "It's not an easy job or a short-term project. We will do [ongoing] evaluations to see how it goes." Unable to find a job in Myawaddy, where he lived before setting out for Thailand years ago, Hlaing Min has even found himself wondering whether he should try his luck in Indonesia again, before promptly dismissing the notion. "I won't ever be someone's worker again. That's enough for me, following someone's orders. Never again!" he said. Hundreds of trafficked Burmese fishermen were rescued in 2015 from brutal conditions at sea as a result of an Associated Press investigation into slavery in the industry. The post Trafficking Survivors Struggle to Rebuild Their Lives Back Home appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Gone to Pot? Changing Times Challenge Local Industry in Twante Posted: 20 Dec 2015 11:28 PM PST Click to view slideshow. TWANTE TOWNSHIP, Rangoon Division — Situated on the Twante canal, which connects the Irrawaddy and Rangoon rivers, the town of Twante, about 15 miles southwest of the commercial capital Rangoon, has long been known for its pottery industry. The small town's glazed clay pots of various sizes—from simple flower vases to pots taller than some preteens—are widely used across the Irrawaddy Delta and Lower Burma, serving various functions: holding bouquets of flowers offered at Buddhist shrines, collecting rainwater for year-round household use, or storing cooking oil, fish paste or other staples of Burmese cuisine. These days, however, the once-thriving industry is challenged, with the rise in popularity of plastic containers that are much lighter and more durable than their clay competitors. During a recent visit to the town, The Irrawaddy found most of the pottery sheds, once abuzz with the whirring of pottery wheels, were idle due to a lack of product orders. Only a few large pottery sheds are still actively producing, with most called into service only when orders come in. In their courtyards, large glazed clay pots now mostly seen as decorative items in hotel lobbies are laid in rows, waiting for prospective buyers. The post Gone to Pot? Changing Times Challenge Local Industry in Twante appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Thai Government Says It’s Not Ignoring Shrimp Sheds Slavery Posted: 20 Dec 2015 11:00 PM PST  A migrant worker from Burma arranges shrimps at her shop in the Thai border town of Mae Sot, November 7, 2010. (Photo: Chaiwat Subprasom / Reuters) BANGKOK — Thailand's government said Monday it is not ignoring the slavery and forced labor in its lucrative shrimp industry that was highlighted in an Associated Press investigation published last week. Government spokesman Sansern Kaewkamnerd, flanked by several police and navy officials, held a news conference specifically to address issues raised by the AP report. Sansern said the government was already aware of slavery in the industry before the AP report was released Dec. 14. "Authorities found it first," he said. Kornchai Klaiklung, the head of the anti-human trafficking wing of the police, said "a number of things including the report about debt-bound laborers interest us and we are looking into it and will prosecute them [the culprits]." Thailand is one of the world's biggest shrimp providers and its seafood export industry is estimated to bring in about $7 billion annually. The AP report revealed the widespread use of undocumented migrant laborers, many from neighboring Burma. Many of these laborers end up being tricked or sold into shrimp-peeling sheds where they are forced to work 16-hour days with no time off and little or no pay for sometimes years at a time. Some end up locked inside. Others are allowed to go out, but only if they leave their children or spouse behind as a guarantee against running away. A day after the AP report, Thiraphong Chansiri, the president of Thai Union, one of the world's biggest seafood exporters, expressed frustration and promised change. He said the AP investigation should be a "wake-up call" to the industry. Many exporters have bought shrimp from, or outsourced peeling work to, smaller operators who have less oversight. At the news conference Monday, government officials did not deny the existence of forced labor but disputed parts of the story, especially the AP's assertion that police took bribes and turned a blind eye to the practices in the industry. "This is not true," Sansern said without elaborating. He said Thailand could not have become one of the top shrimp exporters in the world with the use of slave labor alone. "There are a number of criteria needed to become leader in the field such as quality of the product… not just cheap labor alone." The AP stood by its report, which was part of a series of investigations this year into slavery in the fishing industry in the region. More than 2,000 trapped fishermen were freed earlier this year from an island in Indonesia as a result of the AP's work. The reports also have led to a dozen arrests, millions of dollars' worth of seizures and proposals for new federal laws. "We stand firmly behind our reporters' coverage, which has been scrupulous, thorough and fair," said Paul Colford, an AP vice president and director of media relations. "Their stories exposing the enslavement of workers in the Southeast Asian fishing industry have been a source of great pride throughout The Associated Press." The post Thai Government Says It's Not Ignoring Shrimp Sheds Slavery appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Indonesian Police Foil String of ‘Jihad’ Attacks Posted: 20 Dec 2015 09:46 PM PST  Children ride a bike past a house with police tape around it, following a raid by anti-terror police in Mojokerto, East Java, Indonesia, December 20, 2015. (Photo: Antara Foto / Reuters) JAKARTA — Indonesian counter-terrorism police said on Sunday they had arrested suspected Islamist militants in locations across the island of Java, foiling separate plots to bomb minority Shia communities and target Christmas and New Year celebrations. Bomb-making materials and 'jihad manuals' were seized after the arrest of six men in central and west Java who were either members or supporters of the Sunni militant group Islamic State, the Jakarta Globe daily said on its website. Chemicals and weapons were found buried under a tree at one raid site in the city of Solo. National Police Chief General Badrodin Haiti told the Globe that the raids to round up the men, which began on Friday, were prompted by intelligence from the US Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Australian Federal Police. The Globe said their plan was to launch attacks in Java and neighboring Sumatra on communities of Shia, who represent a tiny minority in Indonesia. Indonesia has the world's largest Muslim population, the vast majority of whom practice a moderate form of the religion. Separately, police said four men suspected of being weapons specialists and strategists of the al Qaeda-affiliated Jamaah Islamiah group had been arrested in east Java. "They had made plans for actions in the near term, in relation to Christmas and New Year," Budhi Herdi Susianto, chief of police in the east Java regency of Mojokerto told Metro TV. He gave no details of their plans. News agency AFP reported that, according to arrest documents, they were planning a suicide bombing in Jakarta, the country's capital, during New Year celebrations. A police source said that, in all, there were "interlinked" arrests in five cities across Java. The Globe said that in one raid, police had seized bomb-making material, including detonators, lengths of piping, nails and buckshot, and various chemicals. They also found a book on waging jihad and a map of the Greater Jakarta area. Fears of Militant Resurgence Indonesia saw a spate of militant attacks in the 2000s, the deadliest of which was a nightclub bombing on the holiday island of Bali that killed 202 people, most of them tourists. Police have been largely successful in destroying domestic militant cells since then, but officials now worry about a resurgence in militancy inspired by groups such as Islamic State and Indonesians who return after fighting with the group. Authorities plan to deploy more than 150,000 security personnel and several religious organizations to safeguard churches and public places around the country during Christmas and New Year's Eve celebrations, the country's military chief said on Friday. Security and surveillance had already been stepped up in some areas following the attacks in Paris last month that killed 130 people and for which Islamic State has claimed responsibility. Indonesia is home to an estimated 25 million Christian people, roughly 10 percent of the total population. They live mostly not on smaller, more remote islands, not on the two most populated islands of Java and Sumatra. The post Indonesian Police Foil String of 'Jihad' Attacks appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Gulf War Trauma Began Japan’s Retreat from Pacifism Posted: 20 Dec 2015 09:41 PM PST  A protester holding a placard takes part in a rally against Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's security bill and his administration in front of the parliament in Tokyo, Japan, September 17, 2015. (Photo: Yuya Shino / Reuters) TOKYO — As the first Gulf War raged in February 1991, Japanese army major Nozomu Yoshitomi was supposed to be playing war games with US officers at a military facility in Tokyo. But the Americans appeared distracted, watching the conflict live on CNN. On another TV, local news showed Japanese troops sculpting ice figures at a snow festival. "They asked how Japan could be a true US ally if it hadn't sent troops," said Yoshitomi, recalling the shame he felt watching Japanese personnel build snowmen as US-led coalition soldiers fought to evict the Iraqi army from the Kuwaiti desert. Unable to send troops because of its war-renouncing constitution, Japan, which at the time bought 90 percent of its oil from the Middle East, instead contributed US$13 billion to help fund the military operation. For a generation of Japanese military planners and policymakers including Yoshitomi, who went on to advise the cabinet from 2005 to 2007 before retiring as a major general in April this year, that humiliation was a pivotal moment. While many assume today's more muscular security policy has been driven solely by conservative Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, interviews with dozens of current and former Japanese military officers and government officials show it has much deeper roots, and is therefore likely to remain robust after he leaves office. The 1991 experience firmed Japan's resolve to move away from the state pacifism that had defined the country since its defeat in World War Two, the officials involved told Reuters. "We learned from the Gulf War that just sending money and not people would not earn us international respect," said Tetsuya Nishimoto, then a senior Japanese Ground Self Defense Force general and now retired. Abe in September pushed through legislation allowing Japanese troops to fight abroad for the first time since World War Two. But rather than in distant lands, it's in nearby waters that Japan's military is flexing its muscles under an evolving strategy backed by Washington that could counterbalance China's growing naval might. "The roots of Abe's changes lie in the Gulf War, but the driver of change is the serious challenge posed by China," said Yoshitomi, now a professor at Nihon University in Tokyo. China Rising While Japanese officers and policymakers felt humiliated by the Gulf War, China was shocked at the scale and precision of US firepower. Soon after, Beijing embarked on a bold program to modernize its military. Chinese bitterness over Japan's World War Two aggression has grown since Abe—seen by critics as a revisionist who wants to play down the dark side of his country's wartime past—and his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) returned to power in late 2012. Sino-Japanese ties have also been frayed by a dispute that flared up shortly before Abe took power, over tiny isles in the East China Sea. Japan's shift to counter China, however, was well under way before Abe returned to power for a second term in 2012. In late 2009 the defense, foreign and finance ministers in a government led by the Democratic Party of Japan responded to years of double-digit growth in China's defense spending with a strategy to make the defense of Japanese islands in the East China Sea a priority. Calls for the shift had emerged under previous LDP administrations, but opposition from military sectors that feared cuts had blocked the change, said Akihisa Nagashima, who was senior vice minister for defense in that DPJ government. The DPJ also proposed creating a National Security Council, now a key component of Abe's security architecture, and eased a ban on overseas arms sales that Abe fully lifted in April 2014. "The changes in defense posture weren't made because Abe is prime minister, it was something we had to do. It just happened to be when Abe is prime minister," said LDP lawmaker Ryota Takeda, who served as Japan's Vice Minister of Defense for a year until September 2014. Legal Steps Former general Nishimoto was one of many who felt embarrassed by Japan's checkbook diplomacy in 1991. In January 1991, when Operation Desert Storm kicked off, Nishimoto was at home watching television. As the first cruise missiles slammed into Baghdad, he jumped on a bicycle and rode to defense ministry headquarters in Tokyo. "I kept thinking this is going to end before Japan is able to do anything," said Nishimoto. As a direct consequence of that perceived humiliation, Japan in 1992 enacted a contentious law allowing its military to take part in UN peacekeeping operations. Nishimoto, then Japan's army chief, oversaw the dispatch of 600 army engineers to Cambodia to rebuild bridges and roads, and two small contingents to help monitor a peace accord in a country still traumatized by Khmer Rouge rule from 1975-1979. "That was the starting line," he said. A year later Nishimoto became chairman of the Joint Staff Office, Japan's most senior military officer. By 1994 a regional crisis was brewing, with the United States on the brink of war with North Korea after Pyongyang began harvesting weapons-grade plutonium from its Yongbyon nuclear plant. In preparation for conflict, the commander of US forces in Japan, General Richard Myers, gave Nishimoto requests ranging from shelter for civilians evacuated from the Korean peninsula to security for US bases in Japan that would be used in any attack on the plant. "We thought it would be doable because it was a basic question of how many blankets, how many tents," Nishimoto said. But without a legal framework allowing rearguard logistic support even close to home, Nishimoto had to turn down most of what Myers wanted. "The Americans were pounding tables. All we could do was apologize," Nishimoto said. Diplomacy averted war, but for Nishimoto and other senior officers, the experience was a re-run of the first Gulf War and firmed their resolve to stretch the limits of the constitution. In 1997, Japan and the United States revised defense cooperation guidelines to expand the scope for Japan's rear support. Two years later, in a further stretching of the limits of the pacifist constitution, parliament passed a law allowing logistics support in areas close to Japan. A Burden Lifted After the Sept. 11 attacks, Japan passed another one-off law allowing its tankers to refuel US and other allies' warships supporting the invasion of Afghanistan. Japan's air force also flew supplies into Iraq from a base in Kuwait in 2003 following the ouster of Saddam Hussein. Under US pressure to put "boots on the ground," Tokyo also enacted a law permitting the dispatch in 2004 of military engineers on a reconstruction mission in Iraq. Tight curbs on weapons use meant the 550 troops stayed behind the perimeter fence of their base in southern Iraq much of the time. That same year China overtook Japan to become Asia's biggest military spender, and by last year Beijing was second only to the United States globally, spending more than triple Japan's defense budget. "The biggest impetus under which the Japanese people are now living is this obvious surge of Chinese power," said Tomohiko Taniguchi, an adviser to Abe on foreign policy. Laws enacted in September allow Japanese forces to aid friendly countries under attack, relying on the Abe government's reinterpretation of Japan's constitution. Such collective self-defense was banned by previous governments as a violation of the post-war charter. "For the first time, we are just about to be able to exercise collective defense with the US and others, so the feeling is we have finally been able to get the [Gulf War] burden off our shoulders," said Taniguchi. In 2012, Kenneth Pyle, then a professor at the University of Washington, described Japan's post-1945 security policy as the "eight noes": no overseas deployments, no exercise of collective self-defense, no power projection capability, no nuclear arms, no arms exports, no sharing defense technology, no military spending above 1 percent of GDP and no military use of space. Now, says Pyle: "The 'eight noes' are all gone, except the nuclear option." The post Gulf War Trauma Began Japan's Retreat from Pacifism appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Myanmar Beer Undergoes Facelift as New Rivals Emerge Posted: 20 Dec 2015 09:34 PM PST  A waiter carries a tower of Myanmar Beer in Rangoon's 19th Street on Dec. 8. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — Drinkers buying a beer at Rangoon's roadside bar shacks used to face a limited choice: more likely than not, they would order a mug of Myanmar Beer, sometimes with a shot of coarse whisky to give the light local brew an extra kick. These days there is more variety, thanks to the arrival of Denmark’s Carlsberg and its Dutch rival Heineken, which began brewing in Burma this year as economic reforms uncorked a market protected under military rule. Now, Myanmar Brewery Limited (MBL), the military-linked producer of the old favourite Myanmar Beer and four other brands, faces stiff competition from global giants for a rapidly growing consumer market set to lift beer consumption from among Asia’s lowest. Just months after opening, Heineken is doing so well it plans to double capacity at its Rangoon facility to 50 million litres from 25 million litres, said Lester Tan, managing director at the APB Alliance Brewery Company which produces Heineken. The company has accelerated an expansion plan it had expected to execute after three or four years, he said. “Heineken volumes have just gone through the roof, it has taken us all by surprise,” Tan said. Heineken’s economy brand Regal Seven is “slowly chipping away” at Myanmar Beer’s competitive advantage, he said. Still, Myanmar Beer commands about two-thirds of the country’s beer market by volume. And the company has not sat complacently on its market dominance—like other state-backed firms, MBL has moved swiftly to overhaul both its image and products to appeal to Burma's new consumers. “There are a lot of the challenges in the market,” said Hiroshi Fujikawa, who became MBL managing director this year after Japan’s Kirin purchased a 55 percent stake for $560 million from Singaporean firm Fraser and Neave (F&N). “One is that Heineken and Carlsberg came into this market this year and launched premium and local beer products. So the competitive situation in the market will definitely be changing and be more and more fierce.” While Heineken and Carlsberg were building their breweries, MBL rolled out a sleeker bottle, ramped up its promotional efforts and began targeting a younger generation by sponsoring hip-hop and electronic dance music concerts, a work around to the country’s strict ban on alcohol advertisements. The history of investment of foreign brewers in MBL—even during sanctions—has helped keep it in contention. Kirin’s purchase came following a dispute between F&N and Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (UMEHL), a military-backed conglomerate that holds a 45 percent stake in the brewery. F&N had been involved in the firm since the mid-90s. As in other industries in Myanmar’s emerging economy, one of the biggest challenges to growth for the brewers is finding skilled workers. “If I take a look at the individuals, the workers here, there is a lot of potential to be improved,” Fujikawa said of MBL and UMEHL. Kirin has started taking staff to Japan for training, he added. UMEHL is one of the country’s two major military-backed conglomerates with sprawling interests in industries ranging from gem production to supermarkets. Its profits help fund pensions and welfare for members of the armed forces and their families. UMEHL is targeted by US sanctions, which prohibit US businesses from working with the group. Japan’s firms have not been subject to similar restrictions, but Fujikawa said that he was aware there was reputational risk for Kirin in working with the group. New Generation of Drinkers MBL posted a net income of $51 million on sales of $201 million in 2014. Research firm Euromonitor International estimates the $375 million market will quickly grow to be worth $675 million in 2018. The country’s 51 million population consumed an average of 3.2 litres per person in 2013, a tenth of the volume washed down in neighbouring Thailand. Capturing the loyalty of the growing number of young drinkers will be as important as keeping the existing customer base, said Fujiwaka. “We have to be innovative,” he told Reuters. “They do not want to drink what their fathers drank.” MBL plans to introduce a new premium beer to compete with Carlsberg and Heineken’s play for the pricier market. MBL is not alone in responding to the threat from challengers who until recently were locked out of the country. State-owned telecoms provider Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) struck a deal with Japan’s KDDI Corp and Sumitomo Corp last year to compete against foreign telecoms firms in the newly opened sector. MPT plans to start selling pre-loaded SIM cards to tourists for a couple of dollars, unthinkable just a few years ago when a SIM cost hundreds of dollars and mobile phones were a rarity. State-run Myanmar Airways rebranded itself as Myanmar National Airlines last year. It has upgraded its fleet and added international routes. The post Myanmar Beer Undergoes Facelift as New Rivals Emerge appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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