Friday, January 19, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Recalling Former UN Sect-Gen’s Legacy and Development

Posted: 19 Jan 2018 04:33 AM PST

If he were alive today, U Thant would be 109 years old.

Long before the country became known for military oppression and pro-democratic struggle, Myanmar (then known as Burma) made international headlines when, at the height of the Cold War, he took the highest position at the United Nations. As the third secretary-general of the United Nations from 1961 to 1971, the educator-turned-civil servant became the first non-European to hold the position.

During his 10-year-and-one-month tenure at the UN, U Thant criticized both West and East for actions and attitudes that he considered threatening to world peace. He helped defuse the Cuban missile crisis, which had brought the United States and the Soviet Union to the brink of nuclear war. He also helped end a civil war in Congo among other achievements.

U Thant died of cancer in 1974 at the age of 65. The Myanmar public viewed him and his contribution to world peace with pride, but this was not shared by the country's former dictator Ne Win, who ruled Myanmar from 1962 to 1988. Ne Win never took U Thant seriously; he was envious and suspicious of U Thant's local and global popularity. As a result, the former UN secretary-general was denied a state funeral, and his biography was excluded from school curriculums in Myanmar.

At the initiative of his grandson, Dr. Thant Myint-U, a writer, historian and the chairman of Yangon Heritage Trust (YHT), U Thant House, a museum dedicated to the life and work of the former UN leader, opened to the public in Yangon four years ago.

On the eve of his grandfather's 109th birthday on Jan. 22, Dr. Thant Myint-U talks to The Irrawaddy about U Thant's legacies, both globally and in Myanmar, his memories of his grandpa, what made U Thant a successful UN leader, and other topics.

What are your fondest memories of your grandfather when he was secretary-general of the UN?

I was 8 years old when he died.  And I remember him very well, as we lived together in the same house outside Manhattan — my parents, grandparents and my little sisters.  I remember swimming together in our pool at home, seeing him reading and writing in his study, watching cartoons on TV in his bedroom, a portrait of Mahatma Gandhi behind him.  I remember only once visiting him at his office at the UN, and that was in 1969 when the Apollo 11 astronauts, including Neil Armstrong, came to see him, though I was so young I didn’t really know who they were.

The Apollo 11 astronauts pose with then UN Secretary-General U Thant and his family on July 20, 1970. From left: Neil Armstrong, Michael Collins, Edwin Aldrin; U Thant; Thant Myint-U; the secretary-general's daughter Aye Aye Myint-U; and her husband Dr. Tyn Myint-U. (Photo: UN)

He was a provincial school teacher and later served as secretary to then Prime Minister U Nu. How did he get to become the unanimously elected leader of the UN? 

He arrived in New York as Burma's Permanent Representative to the UN in August 1957.  By the time Dag Hammarskjold, his predecessor, was killed in a plane crash four years later, he had already established himself as one of the more dynamic and capable diplomats in New York, chairing for example the Non-Aligned Movement's committee on Algerian independence. He was very active on all decolonization issues and Hammarskjold, who believed the next secretary-general should come from the "Third World", had identified him as one of two possible successors. "Third World" and "Developing World" were actually terms Hammarskjold and U Thant came up with together. Burma was then of course a neutral country in the Cold War and in November 1961 he emerged as the only person acceptable to both the Americans and the Soviet Union.

What do you think set your grandfather apart from other UN secretaries-general?

He was the first non-Westerner ever to hold a senior international position. He was the first person from a recently decolonized country to lead world debates on peace and development. In many ways he continued the seminal work of Dag Hammarskjold. And he depended very much on the Nobel Laureate Ralph Bunche, the African-American civil rights leader who had been Hammarskjold's key deputy, as well. But a difference was that he brought to the top job the perspective of the very young governments of Asia and Africa; many like Burma, [were] then desperately trying to hold their countries together. He placed great importance on development cooperation, setting up the UNDP and many other funds and programs. He placed great importance on human rights, saying that nothing was more important than "individual human dignity."

Defusing the Cuban Missile Crisis and ending the civil war in Congo are U Thant's milestone achievements as secretary-general. In your opinion, what qualities allowed him to handle those successfully?

His personal courage and integrity were very important. He did what he thought was right and took responsibility for his actions, never blaming others. People knew they could trust him and trust that he was acting on behalf of the principles of the United Nations and nothing else. And he knew to take the advice of those more experienced and knowledgeable than himself on many issues. He was a good listener and he delegated authority to his many capable aides, like Ralph Bunche. I think he was also a person who was at peace with himself, with a clear mind, who could go home at the end of the day, swim, watch TV and have dinner with his family.

How much do you know about the relationship between U Thant and the late General Ne Win? Why did their relationship turn sour?

They of course knew each other well in the 1950s but they were not particularly close in any way. General Ne Win had a good trip to the UN in 1965 on the sidelines of his visit to President Johnson in Washington. I think the relationship soured in the late 1960s after U Nu set up his government in exile with the aim of overthrowing the Revolutionary Council, and General Ne Win suspected U Thant was colluding with U Nu. U Thant and U Nu had of course been close friends since university days.

As secretary-general, he was of course restricted from being involved in any way in Burmese politics, but he did meet U Nu when U Nu came through New York in 1968 and spoke to journalists at the UN Correspondents Club, calling for revolution. I'm sure General Ne Win was not happy.

U Thant (center in white jacket) is seen at the Ministry of Information (now the YHT office) in Yangon in the early 1950s.(Photo: Thant Myint-U)

What are his legacies for the world and Myanmar today?

His role during the Cuban missile crisis was indispensable, and helped bring the world back from the brink of nuclear war.  There were many other successful mediation efforts, some so successful, for example in Yemen in 1962 and Bahrain in 1968, that barely anybody remembers them today. He made development a key focus of international cooperation. And he brought environmental issues front and center, speaking out against what he saw even then as the destruction of the planet.

In Burma he represented a liberal tradition that has since almost disappeared. And as Burma's ambassador to the UN he showed that this was a country that could make a real contribution on the international stage.

If he were alive today, what would be his contribution to rebuilding our country?  

Well, he would be extremely old, so I hope he would just be retired and enjoying life. If things were different and he was still alive but somewhat younger, I think he would first and foremost be a voice for "individual human dignity," apart from issues of ethnic and group identity and politics.  He would also be a strong advocate of education.  I'm sure he would see any progress towards democratic government depending largely, if not entirely, on progress in education. He would doubtless be heartbroken to see the violence that has taken place and continues to take place in Burma and to see so many in the country still so poor at a time when Asia was becoming so prosperous. And he would have spoken out very clearly on the importance of a free and spirited media.

Given the situation Myanmar faces today at the international level, how would he respond if he were at the UN now?

I’m not sure. On the one hand he increasingly saw himself as a global citizen and wanted people to rise above nationalism and understand the importance of global cooperation, of finding global solutions to problems. On the other hand,

as someone who had lived through colonialism and had worked in a post-independence government, I don't think he would have been an interventionist, or at least he would have seen the limits of outside intervention. He would likely have placed a high value on quiet diplomacy, a quiet search for how the UN could be useful.

The post Recalling Former UN Sect-Gen's Legacy and Development appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Three Years On, Still No Progress in Rape and Murder of 2 Kachin Teachers

Posted: 19 Jan 2018 03:34 AM PST

Three years since the rape and murder of two Kachin schoolteachers from Kaung Kha village in Kutkai Township, northern Shan State, justice still waits to be served, due to an inability to identify and bring charges against the suspects.

On Jan. 19, 2015, two volunteer teachers, Maran Lu Ra and Tangbau Hkawn Nan Tsin, who were both 20 years old and worked with the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC), were raped and killed in their hut. At the time of the incident, soldiers from the Myanmar Army's Infantry Battalion (IB) 503 were present in the small village and 28 soldiers were suspected of involvement in the double murder.

On Friday, a third memorial service for the two victims was held at the Nawng Nang prayer hill in Myitkyina, where the two victims are buried.

A Truth Finding Committee set up after the killings continues to pursue the case, although there has been no progress on the legal front, said KBC secretary the Rev. Dr. Hkalam Sam Sun.

"It was shocking to see how the victims were brutally murdered and raped," recalled Dr. Sam Sun, noting that he counted 41 stab wounds in Maran Lu Ra’s body and 37 in Tangbau Hkawn Nan Tsin's body when he saw their corpses on Jan. 20, 2015. "We could sense that the two teachers struggled to defend themselves."

He told the mourners gathered to pay their condolences on Friday that “we want to know who committed this brutal act, and we want to know the truth. If we know, we can forgive them. The Tatmadaw [Myanmar Army] leaders have told us that whenever we talk about this case, it damages the Tatmadaw’s dignity. We understand their concerns and we have explained to them that we do not implicate all Tatmadaw soldiers, just those few inhuman actors.”

“Why are they so afraid to reveal the truth even though the leaders know it — it is not a very difficult case to solve,” he told The Irrawaddy.

"The Military Northern Commander told us they had tested all the solders and the DNA did not match,” said Dr. Sam Sun, recalling a meeting with Lt Gen Tun Tun Naing, who is now head of the Bureau of Special Operations No.1 under the Ministry of Defense.

The case has still not yet been brought to the judiciary even though complaints were filed with the Muse Township police. "There have been no developments regarding the case," said Brang Dee, a lawyer from the Kachin Lawyers Network who is providing legal advice to the KBC.

The Muse District police head the investigation team but have rejected the KBC’s request to talk to soldiers about the case.

Questioning of the villagers was conducted long ago, the lawyer said, but the KBC's representatives were not allowed to meet and interrogate the soldiers of IB 503 who were in the village.

During Myanmar's more than 60 years of civil war, sexual violence and rape against women allegedly by Tatmadaw soldiers in the conflict zones has rarely been brought to justice.

However, a number of horrific rapes and killings have received increased public attention in the past seven years.

One case involved Sumlut Roi Ja, who was abducted by members of the Tatmadaw's IB 321 in Loi Jel town in northern Kachin State on Oct. 28, 2011. Her whereabouts remain a mystery more than six years later and she is presumed to have been raped and murdered. Her family filed a case with the courts but the Supreme Court rejected it in March 2012, citing a lack of evidence. "That case [Sumlut Roi Ja] is still pending as only our application of writ was rejected. We will talk to the family for their decision," said U Mar Khar, the lawyer helping Sumlut Roi Ja's husband in the case.

Since the war broke out in 2011 in Kachin and northern Shan State between the Myanmar Army and ethnic armed organizations such as the Kachin Independence Army, Ta'ang Nationalities Liberation Army and the Arakan Army, "the violence against women, including Maran Lu Ra, Tangbau Hkawn Nan Tsin, Sumlut Roi Ja, Ja Seng Ing, persists and women still lack protection," said Khon Ja, the coordinator of the Kachin Peace Network. Ja Seng Ing was a 14-year-old girl who was shot and killed on Sept. 13, 2012 by a column of Tatmadaw soldiers in Sut Ngai Yang village in Kachin State.

The use of sexual violence against women has a long history as a war tactic, as documented by international research agencies, she added. The pattern of sexual violence has never changed and the perpetrators are still at large, as detailed in the Women's League of Burma's report Same Impunity, Same Pattern, which was released in January 2014.

Khon Ja told The Irrawaddy that justice could be obtained if guarantees were provided for the safety of witnesses, the investigation was transparent and the case was forwarded to the correct legal institution.

"Even though the perpetrators have not yet been brought to justice, if there was a safe and protective environment for the women, and young girls did not have to suffer like them, I hope that Maran Lu Ra and Tangbau Hkawn Nan Tsin would be happy," Khon Ja said.

Sharing the views of many gender activists, Khon Ja said, "Women are also entitled to our citizen's rights to protection and safety … We have the right to choose whether we keep the same pattern [of abuses] or create a safe environment for women, elders and children or take legal action against those perpetrators."

She said a long-term protection and prevention plan for women should be implemented based on the policies set in accordance with the United Nations' Security Council Resolution on women, peace and the security sector, and by allowing media access to conflict zones.

In order for the women and the victims to recover from traumatic experiences, both long- and short-term support is crucial, as well as providing capacity-building for the related ministries and allocating funds to the relevant institutions.

Most of all, allowing meaningful participation by women in every stage of the peace-building process would result in better implementation, Khon JA said.

The post Three Years On, Still No Progress in Rape and Murder of 2 Kachin Teachers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Speculation Mounts over President U Htin Kyaw’s Health

Posted: 19 Jan 2018 03:24 AM PST

Speculation over President U Htin Kyaw's health is growing among politicians, army officers and diplomats. U Htin Kyaw has been receiving medical treatment in Bangkok since late last year, and plans to visit Singapore for further treatment soon.

Top army officers and diplomats have noted U Htin Kyaw's frail appearance, and the president has been advised not to attend state functions. The 71-year-old recently traveled to Japan at the invitation of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to attend the Universal Health Coverage Forum in Tokyo. However, he also received treatment there, according to unconfirmed reports.

The president was seen eating rice soup at a state dinner. Believing this to be inappropriate, and likely to fuel concern, senior NLD leaders advised U Htin Kyaw to avoid regular state functions.

One of his most recent appearances came in the second week of this month when U Htin Kyaw, accompanied by First Lady Daw Su Su Lwin and high-ranking officials, flew to Putao, Kachin State, where he attended a bridge-opening ceremony.

In December, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was forced to deny speculation that U Htin Kyaw's health had deteriorated following an operation in September. Other NLD leaders said the president had undergone stomach surgery, but did not have cancer.

"There is no need to worry. We have the first lady who will take care [of the president]. So why do we need to worry when there is someone to take care of him?" Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said. This has not stopped speculation over who would replace U Htin Kyaw should he step down, however.

Pope Francis and Myanmar’s President Htin Kyaw attend a welcoming ceremony at the presidential palace grounds in Naypyitaw, Myanmar November 28, 2017. / Reuters

The son of a respected national poet, U Htin Kyaw is loyal to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and previously served as an adviser to her and the party.

The president, himself a respected writer, holds an economics degree and studied computer science at the University of London.

He was a schoolmate of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at Methodist English High School in Yangon. In the 1970s, he worked at the ministries of Industry and Foreign Affairs, and married Daw Su Su Lwin, a politician and NLD lawmaker since 2012.

Ineligible to be president, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi nominated U Htin Kyaw to fill the position. According to the 2008 Constitution, the president has executive power but U Htin Kyaw's role has been seen as ceremonial, with the State Counsellor wielding the real power.

He is seen as a gentleman with a soft-spoken style and few enemies; the generals don't have any issues with U Htin Kyaw and seem to respect him. A top general once said the military has no problems with the president, as he had never antagonized the Army. However, they are now closely watching what's going on in the presidential palace and with U Htin Kyaw's health.

The president has made few public appearances since taking office early last year. He appeared thin and pale when he received Pope Francis in Naypyitaw in December.

According to the Constitution, if the president passes away while in office or retires, the first vice president becomes acting president and an election must be held to elect a new vice president. The president is then elected from among the three vice presidents. Former Army General Myint Swe is the current first vice president.

It remains an open question whom Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would choose to replace U Htin Kyaw should he retire.

One of the strongest candidates is Dr. Myo Aung, a member of the central executive committee of the ruling National League for Democracy. The former physician and political prisoner was tipped for a vice presidential role two years ago. He now holds the powerful position of chairman of the Naypyitaw Council. He is considered loyal to the State Counselor and is trusted by her.

The second-most-likely candidate is Dr. Zaw Myint Maung, chief minister for Mandalay Region. His status as a potential president was the topic of speculation when he accompanied Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on a trip to China recently, but he now seems to be very much a second-choice candidate, well-informed sources said.

A more controversial candidate is Thura Shwe Mann, a former general and House speaker who was the third-most-powerful man in the former ruling State Peace and Development Council.

A one-time senior figure in the formerly ruling Union Solidarity Development Party, Shwe Mann has expressed presidential ambitions in the past. He was kicked out of the party after a long-running dispute with former President Thein Sein that began in 2012.

He was appointed in February 2015 as head of the Commission for the Assessment of Legal Affairs and Special Issues. He is seen as close to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and is in weekly contact with her in Naypyitaw. However, Thura Shwe Mann's relationship with top army leaders is in a tailspin.

To improve relations with the armed forces the State Counselor will likely choose someone who can maintain cordial relations with top brass. More importantly, she will need someone she can trust and from whom she can expect absolute loyalty. U Htin Kyaw was a safe choice. But with his health now an issue she is no doubt developing contingency plans. Should the president retire, whoever takes the keys to the castle from U Htin Kyaw will need to have Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's full confidence.

The post Speculation Mounts over President U Htin Kyaw's Health appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Traffic Control System To Launch This Year, Officials Say

Posted: 19 Jan 2018 03:22 AM PST

YANGON — After more than a year in limbo, the Yangon Traffic Control Center is expected to launch operations this year, according to the Yangon Region Transport Authority (YRTA).

"The system has some faults, which are still being fixed. That's why there have been delays. But it is likely that it will begin operating this year," Dr. Than Win, joint secretary of the YRTA, told The Irrawaddy.

U Thein Sein's government awarded Myanmar Shwe Ying Co. and China Railway 21st Bureau Group Co. Ltd. a contract to build a traffic control tower in People's Park. The contract with the Yangon regional government was signed in February 2016.

The tower will direct traffic through computer-controlled cameras set up at 154 traffic lights on congested streets across Yangon. The cameras will monitor traffic build-up at each light in order to better regulate vehicle flow.

The center's operations are expected to reduce Yangon's notorious traffic congestion by 30 percent, said Dr. Than Win, adding that the system should reduce the number of accidents, as it will allow for greater monitoring of traffic violations.

"According to the contract, the center should have been up and running within six months, but the company is new and had some troubles installing the system," he said.

So far, installation of new traffic lights and CCTV cameras, and construction of the control tower are 90 percent complete. Installation of underground fiber-optic cables is 80 percent complete and the improvement of road signs is 60 percent done, according to the YRTA.

Meanwhile, Myanmar Shwe Ying Co is still working on technical aspects of the CCTV camera system, said Dr. Than Win said.
There were rumors in December that the two companies had abandoned the project, but YRTA denied the rumors and announced in newspapers that the project was continuing.

"YRTA said the companies are still working with them, but admitted that [Myanmar Shwe Ying] has no experience at all," said U Than Naing Oo, a Yangon regional lawmaker from Pabedan Township.

According to the YRTA, the company is paying 100,000 kyats daily to Yangon municipality for failure to complete the project on schedule.

The post Yangon Traffic Control System To Launch This Year, Officials Say appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Record Narcotics Haul in Shan State

Posted: 19 Jan 2018 03:10 AM PST

MANDALAY — Myanmar's Minister of Home Affairs reported a record haul of narcotics from northern Shan State's Kutkai Township on Wednesday.

Seizure of more than 12 kilos of heroin and 4,000 methamphetamine tablets from two men at a tollgate at the exit of Hseni Township, by the Lashio police force's anti-drug department on Tuesday, led to the record of 72.8 billion kyats worth of confiscated drugs.

According to a statement of the home affairs ministry, the local joint forces – the police anti-drug branch and the army – searched an abandoned house in Lwel Kan village, Kutkai Township, following the tollgate investigation of the two men.

"The joint forces seized 30 million pieces of methamphetamine tablets, 1,750 kilos of Ice, 502 kilos of heroin, and 200 kilos of caffeine, worth 72,800 million kyats, from the house of Lao Yao during the raid," said the statement.

"The amount is equal to one-fifth of total narcotics seizures in 2017," the statement continued.

Kyaw Tun and Sai Hla Kyaw, who were arrested in Hseni Township, and Yan Aae and Ku Kyan Lyan—the alleged owners of the seized drugs—were charged under anti-narcotics acts. Police are still in search of Lao Yao, the owner of the house in Lwel Kan village.

According to local lawmakers, Hseni and Kutkai regions have seen an increase in drug abuse, particularly among youth, in recent years.

"The number of youth using drugs is increasing. Even teenagers – aged 13 – have been among those arrested," said Daw Nan Khin Htar Yee, a lawmaker from Hseni constituency.

The lawmaker said there were numbers of local civil society groups that address drug dealers and users, but that those groups have never played a part in large-scale drug busts.

"There hasn't been an arrest like this before. We hope authorities arrest more drug dealers, to stop the drug abuse in the region for the future of our youth, she added.

The post Record Narcotics Haul in Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Four ‘Lenders’ to Be Grilled Over Prawit’s Watches

Posted: 18 Jan 2018 11:18 PM PST

The National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) will question four people linked to the scandal over luxury watches worn by Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwon.

NACC president Watcharapol Prasarnrajkit said Thursday the NACC has set the date for the questioning, which will be held at venues agreed upon by the individuals.

According to NACC procedures, the questioning can either be held at the NACC office or at other locations, Pol Gen Watcharapol said. But he did not give further details.

He said he had not yet seen Gen Prawit's two letters explaining the luxury watches.

Pol Gen Watcharapol, former close aide to Gen Prawit, added the NACC's Bureau of Asset Inspection in the Political Sector is investigating the matter before submitting the findings to the NACC main panel for consideration.

Asked whether Gen Prawit might have breached the rule that bars holders of political positions from receiving gifts worth more than 3,000 baht, Pol Gen Watcharapol said NACC investigators "are looking into the matter."

Gen Prawit has taken flak for owning a large collection of luxury watches and not declaring them among his assets, sparking concern about how he was able to afford them on his military salary.

He told reporters at Government House on Tuesday that he borrowed all of the timepieces from friends and only wore them infrequently.

The watches have since been returned to their owners, he claimed, saying that he was ready to resign if the NACC concludes he has committed any wrongdoing.

The public heavily criticized him for the excuse, saying it was ridiculous.

But Supreme Commander Thanchaiyan Srisuwan said Thursday the armed forces still trust Gen Prawit and believe he will get through this problem.

Gen Prawit has been spotted wearing at least 25 watches worth about 39.5 million baht, according to CSI LA, a Facebook page that has been encouraging online sleuths to submit photos detailing the expensive trinkets sported by the regime’s "big brother."

The post Four 'Lenders' to Be Grilled Over Prawit's Watches appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Fall and Rise of Dr. Aye Maung

Posted: 18 Jan 2018 10:57 PM PST

A combination of smart campaigning, name recognition and nationalist sentiment helped propel Dr. Aye Maung to a victory many thought unlikely in local by-elections in Rakhine State in April 2017, argued political observer Aung Myo Oo. Following the Arakan National Party lawmaker's arrest on Thursday for alleged association with an unlawful organization, The Irrawaddy revisits Aung Myo Oo's analysis of his path to victory, which originally ran on April 7.

The news of Dr. Aye Maung's electoral success in Ann Township, Rakhine State, in the April 1 by-election came as a complete surprise for many political observers who live far from the area. Putting aside judgments on partisan politics and values, and employing a closer, hands-on observation will certainly reveal that the once-beaten party leader deserves the success at this time.

I have written in a previous article that his bid to run for election in Ann Township was a reckless venture. While that statement held true to the last minute, closer observation reveals that a mix of factors influenced his victory. On a superficial level, most commentators will readily attribute this triumph to the rise of Rakhine ethno-nationalism.

Though ethno-national sentiment definitely leverages his success, there are other important factors that gave rise to the victory of Dr. Aye Maung.

Aggressive and Careful Campaign Efforts

As the leader of the powerful, ethnic Arakan National Party (ANP), the shameful loss in Manaung Township in the 2015 general election must have incurred a sense of insecurity in him and in his party. Considering that feeling, his decision to run in Ann Township for a Pyithu Hluttaw seat amazed Rakhine's political watchers. It was risky business. Dr. Aye Maung must have been stupid to be oblivious to this situation, but he was not.

In order to overcome the challenge, he gathered a large force of volunteers. Providing him with a persistent flow of workhands was one of his old allies from Taungup who lost to the rivals of National League for Democracy (NLD) during the 2015 election. The general secretary of the party and ANP Union lawmakers joined him for days and nights. Young politicians from Ann Township combined forces to navigate his campaign's direction. Individual supporters from almost all of the townships in Rakhine State arrived at Ann Township to make sure Dr. Aye Maung got a chance. He spent two months of the campaign period wisely and effectively on the ground, quite contrary to what he did in Manaung in 2015.

He likened his campaign strategy to that of the Burmese Communist Party (BCP) during an interview. He spent several days visiting the outlaying villages to gauge voters' alignment before embarking on the centers with big populations. During the final days of the campaign period, he tried to keep himself glued to his supporters. He was seen "only" in the region of his supporters—Ann region 2, where there are big population centers like Tat Taung Township, and villages Rue and Sachanmaw. This tactic is correct in that he was able to get the supporters out on election day. Campaign managers usually call this tactic 'Get Out the Vote (GOTV).' It is important that the supporting voters turn out at the polling stations. That is what matters to win an election—get your voters out.

In order to understand this dynamic, I interviewed some local political observers. They told me that during the concluding days of the campaign period, the NLD candidate and the USDP candidate spent less time on their supporter base and more on non-supporters. Although I have not independently verified that, if it is true then Dr. Aye Maung got his campaign strategy more correct than his opponents.

Brand Recognition

The interest in Ann Township election brought forth many international observers including foreign embassies. The reason behind this interest lays with Dr. Aye Maung, who they consider a hard liner—some even a rabble-rouser. Many people also think that the local interest that arose from this election was because of Dr. Aye Maung. As mentioned before, this article does not engage in value judgment of Dr. Aye Maung's political outlook and his past activities, but intends to recognize that his name has become well-known (famous or notorious) locally and internationally.

That simple fact became more visible when his rivals tried to establish name recognition and failed. One international observer told me frankly that he came to observe the by-election in Ann Township because he wanted to see how Dr. Aye Maung would do. But he had to keep looking back at his notebook to remember the names of the other candidates. One local observer even told me that a singer from an NLD music concert did not remember the NLD candidate's name.

Brand recognition is an important element in pushing a candidate to success and Dr. Aye Maung certainly enjoyed this advantage over his opponents during the by election.

The Spread of Ethnic Nationalism

This last factor serves as the backbone of Dr. Aye Maung's success. But political watchers were unable to verify how much ethno-national sentiment had spread to Ann Township—a township that is seen generally on the periphery of Rakhine's national domain. Ann people speak a dialect closer to Burmese and they recognize the people from Sittwe as Rakhine people, as if they are not Rakhine. Whether that sentiment has changed and to what extent remains to be researched and verified. But Rakhine nationalists have already celebrated the spread of ethno-nationalist sentiments to Ann Township through this by-election.

One can realize that the 2012 communal conflict in Rakhine State has injected a revived dose of national sentiment to communities living across the state's different townships. The feeling of insecurity, imagined or real, due to the "presence of foreigners" has connected the people in Rakhine State. It is tantamount to conclude that they came to express this feeling through their electoral rights. And Dr. Aye Maung is not hesitant to capitalize on the changing dynamics of the political landscape. He exhibited electoral talent and his supporters were quick to act. For these reasons, he deserves this success regardless of his political stance.

Aung Myo Oo is a native of Sittwe and an active commentator on social media about political activities in Rakhine State. He received a Master of Human Rights and Democratization from the University of Sydney.

The post The Fall and Rise of Dr. Aye Maung appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Keeping Alive the Art of Handcrafted Danu Umbrellas

Posted: 18 Jan 2018 10:00 PM PST

Apart from its limestone caves, which enshrine thousands of Buddha images of various sizes, Pindaya, a small town in the Shan Danu Self-administered Zone, is famous for its traditional Danu umbrellas, which resemble the famous Pathein parasols of the Irrawaddy Region.

Only a few villages in Pindaya produce traditional Danu umbrellas as a cottage industry, as the majority of Danu people engage in farming for their livelihoods. But in the village of Nga-pyaw-taw, U Kyaw Shwe is the only person who has maintained this ancestral business to keep the tradition alive.

The family business is a major attraction of the village for both local and foreign visitors, said U Kyaw Shwe who also exports umbrellas to western countries, mainly France.

The traditional umbrellas are made from jute and bamboo and the whole production process is done by hand. Today, umbrellas are still used as ornaments by Danu damsels during their traditional festivals.

The Irrawaddy has captured the production process of Danu umbrellas at U Kyaw Shwe's umbrella workshop.

The post Keeping Alive the Art of Handcrafted Danu Umbrellas appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

More Rohingya Flee Myanmar as Bangladesh Prepares to Start Repatriation

Posted: 18 Jan 2018 09:15 PM PST

TEKNAF, Bangladesh — More than 100 Rohingya Muslims have crossed into Bangladesh from Myanmar since Wednesday, with the latest refugees saying army operations are continuing in troubled Rakhine State, raising doubts about plans to send back 655,500 who had already fled.

Scores more were waiting to cross the Naf river that forms the border, even as Dhaka prepares to start repatriating next week some of the Rohingya who have escaped from what the Myanmar military calls counter-insurgency operations since late August.

Bangladesh and Myanmar said on Tuesday they had agreed to complete the return of the refugees within two years, with the process due to begin on Jan. 23.

The UN has described the Myanmar military operations in the northern part of Rakhine, launched in response to attacks by militants on police and soldiers on Aug. 25, as a classic case of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya.

One boat crossed the Naf River carrying 53 people early Wednesday, and another boat arrived from the Bay of Bengal with 60 people Thursday morning, according to a Bangladeshi intelligence official in Dhaka, and aid officials at the sprawling Rohingya camp in Kutupalong, near Cox’s Bazar.

Those waiting on the Myanmar side to cross were stuck there because they did not have enough money to pay the boatmen, the recent arrivals said. They said they paid between 30,000 and 40,000 kyat ($20-$30) a person for the nighttime trips on rickety boats to Teknaf, in the southernmost part of Bangladesh.

Most of the recent arrivals said they came from Sein Yin Pyin village in Buthidaung District, and escaped because they feared they would be picked up by the military if they left their homes to go to work.

Looting in the Forest

Mohammad Ismail, 48, and four others said two weeks ago they saw a dead body hanging by a rope in a forest where Ismail used to collect wood to sell at the market.

“After this I never went to the forest again, and all my money was gone, so my family had nothing to eat for three days,” said Ismail.

Myanmar Police Colonel Myo Thu Soe, spokesman for the military-controlled Home Affairs Ministry, said “there’s no clearance operation going on in the villages.” But, he added, “security forces are still trying to take control of the area” in northern Rakhine. He declined to elaborate.

Government spokesman Zaw Htay did not respond to requests for comment.

Myanmar’s military said in October that it was withdrawing soldiers from western Rakhine State.

Villagers from Sein Yin Pyin said a group of soldiers caught around 200 of them sleeping in the forest on their journey to Bangladesh and looted them of their belongings, including rice, phones, solar chargers and money.

They were stopped again later that day at a beach in Dongkhali village, where around 20 soldiers recorded video of them on their smartphones, while questioning the group and urging them to stay.

“Why are you leaving? You are safe here, don’t go. We will give you a car, go back to your village. If you leave, you will not be able to come back again,” Arif Ullah, 20, said the soldiers told the group.

More than two dozen refugees that Reuters interviewed recounted a similar version of events.

“First their men looted us, and then they stopped us again to ask why we were leaving,” said Umme Habiba, 15. “We left because we were scared.”

Fayazur Rahman, a 33-year-old laborer from southern Buthidaung, said 12 soldiers barged into his home two weeks ago and sexually assaulted his 18-year-old sister. “Day by day, things were getting worse,” he said.

Reuters could not independently confirm the accounts the new arrivals gave. Myanmar has denied most allegations of abuses leveled against its security forces during the operations in Rakhine.

Repatriation Start Date?

In Dhaka, a senior foreign ministry official told Reuters that the deadline of next Tuesday for starting the Rohingya repatriation to Myanmar “may not be possible.”

“The return has to be voluntary, safe and dignified,” said the official, who was part of a 14-member team at talks with Myanmar this week about the repatriation.

He said Myanmar would take back 1,500 Rohingya a week, “although our demand was 15,000 per week,” adding the number could be ramped up over the next few months.

They would shelter in a temporary transit camp in Myanmar before being moved to “houses as per their choices.”

“They [Myanmar] will create all kind of provisions including for their livelihood. We want to make sure there’s a sustainable solution to the crisis,” the official said.

The post More Rohingya Flee Myanmar as Bangladesh Prepares to Start Repatriation appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Cambodia’s Hun Sen Appoints Son-in-law to Senior Police Post

Posted: 18 Jan 2018 08:49 PM PST

PHNOM PENH — Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen has appointed his son-in-law as deputy national police chief, in a move apparently aimed at consolidating his power ahead of an election this year.

Dy Vichea, who is married to Hun Sen's eldest daughter, Hun Mana, was promoted to the post on Tuesday, according to a government decree seen by Reuters on Thursday.

The appointment comes amid political tension in the Southeast Asian nation, including a government clamp down on critics, civil rights groups and independent media.

"Prime Minister Hun Sen aims to cement total control over Cambodian government and business, and appointing his son-in-law as deputy police chief is part of that ongoing effort," Phil Robertson, deputy director for Asia at the Human Rights Watch group, told Reuters.

Hun Sen celebrated 33 years in power on Sunday, and has spoken of staying on for many more years.

The main opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party, which had attracted the support of a new generation of voters not content with what they see as the corruption and nepotism that has stalked Cambodia’s politics, was dissolved in November at the request of Hun Sen's government.

Exiled critics of Hun Sen recently said they had founded a new movement following the ban but signs of division have emerged over the new group.

Interior Ministry spokesman Khieu Sopheak defended Dy Vichea's appointment and compared it with how US President Donald Trump made his daughter, Ivanka Trump, his informal adviser.

"There is no law that says we can't appoint him," Khieu Sopheak told Reuters.

Business and government are entwined in Cambodia and the leadership and its family members control many of its biggest enterprises.

National police chief Neth Savoeun is married to Hun Sen's niece. Hun Sen's daughter, Hun Mana, is chairwoman of the Kampuchea Thmey Daily and Bayon TV and Radio among at least a dozen other firms.

Hun Sen's eldest son, Lieutenant-General Hun Manet, is deputy commander of the armed forces and has for years been seen as likely to follow in his father's footsteps and become a national leader.

The post Cambodia's Hun Sen Appoints Son-in-law to Senior Police Post appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shady Triangle: Southeast Asia’s Illegal Fuel Market

Posted: 18 Jan 2018 08:35 PM PST

SINGAPORE — An alleged oil heist in Singapore that has already led to 20 arrests, the seizure of at least one tanker and allegations that thieves siphoned thousands of tons of fuel from Shell's biggest refinery is shining a spotlight on an illegal trade worth tens of billions of dollars worldwide.

Working routes in a triangle of sea anchored by Thailand, Vietnam and Singapore and encompassing the oil facilities of Malaysia, the smugglers take advantage of a difficult-to-patrol sea and enticing black market prices, experts say.

The suspects in the latest case are accused of stealing oil from Royal Dutch Shell's Pulau Bukom refinery, often during business hours, and distributing it around the region.

Several of the men charged worked for Shell. Employees of a major Singaporean fuel trading company and a London-listed business that inspects and certifies cargos have also been charged.

"Siphoning off fuel is a common thing in Southeast Asia. There is a huge black market for it," said Ben Stewart, commercial manager of the shipping security firm Maritime Asset Security and Training, which has helped authorities in the region fight fuel theft and smuggling.

Singapore is by far the world's biggest ship refueling port, and Southeast Asia's petroleum refining hub. Hundreds of vessels pass through the small city-state's waters every day.

Security officers say the sheer amount of traffic makes checking every ship impossible, opening the door to illegal trade.

In most cases, oil is discreetly siphoned from legal storage tanks and sold into the black market. But there have also been thefts at sea and even hijackings of entire ships to steal their fuel.

Data from the Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP), based in Singapore, shows more than half of the serious shipping incidents reported in the past year have occurred off the east coast of the Malaysian peninsula.

Some officials put the value of the illegal trade in Southeast Asia at $2 billion to $3 billion per year. But Yousuf Malik, principal at security consultancy Defense IQ, estimated about 3 percent of Southeast Asia's consumed fuel is sourced illegally, worth $10 billion a year.

"The scale of the illegal oil trade varies with oil prices – when oil prices are high, so is the level of smuggling," said Praipol Koomsup, former Thai vice minister of energy and professor at Thammasat University.

Crude oil prices have risen by more than 50 percent since mid-2017 to about $70 per barrel, the highest level in over three years. That increases the black market demand in poorer Southeast Asian countries, including Vietnam and Thailand.

"Smuggled oil has been known to be sold to factories for industrial use, or unnamed roadside oil stations. Regular citizens and fishermen are involved in the smuggling," Koomsup said.

Open Sea Fuel Stations

Several fuel traders told Reuters that the illegal sale of fuel is common enough that companies plan for losses of 0.2-0.4 percent of ordered cargo volumes.

Stewart said one common method of theft involves a simple fudging of paperwork at sea: captains overstate how much fuel their ship is using, then sell the excess.

Sometimes entire ships are captured for their fuel cargo.

When fuel is stolen on such a large scale, it tends to be transferred to other ships at sea.

Legal ship-to-ship transfers frequently happen between oil tankers in registered zones. In the South China Sea, however, illegal traders use purpose-built ships – with some even disguised as fishing trawlers – to take in and distribute fuel.
According to ReCAAP, the waters around the remote Natuna Islands, which sit between peninsular Malaysia and Borneo but belong to Indonesia, are a hot spot for piracy and illegal fuel transfers.

The Atlantic Council, a policy research group, said many of the region's illegal fuel operations had links to organized crime.

Police in Thailand and Vietnam said most illegal fuel comes into the country by sea, usually transported on mid-size trawlers in unmarked drums. Smaller vessels then bring the fuel ashore for sale on the street.

"The coasts of Thailand and Vietnam are vast, and its cities big. To catch or even trace the illegal fuel in this area is virtually impossible. That’s why it happens," said one security source, speaking on the condition of anonymity, as he was not cleared to talk to media about contraband operations.

The Bukom Heist

Bukom, just south of Singapore, is an island serving just one purpose: 1.5 square kilometers (0.6 square miles) of tropical land devoted to the biggest petroleum refinery owned by Anglo-Dutch Shell. It can process 500,000 barrels of crude oil per day.

As global markets were gearing up for a new year in early January, Singapore authorities conducted coordinated raids across the city-state, arresting 20, charging 14 Singaporean and Vietnamese men, and seizing millions of dollars in cash. They even confiscated an oil tanker.

At the heart of the police operations is Bukom, where suspects, including current and former Shell employees, are accused of stealing oil worth millions of dollars in the past six months.

Singapore's biggest marine fuel supplier, Sentek, last weekend saw its marketing and operations manager, as well as a cargo officer, charged in connection with the case.

Another person charged works for Intertek in Singapore, a British-listed company specializing in quality and quantity assurance, including for fuel products.

In a statement to Reuters, Shell said, "Fuel theft is an industry problem globally and not something that anyone can solve on their own." The company added that it was working with governments and ReCAAP to address the issue.

A representative for Intertek was not immediately available for comment. Sentek declined to comment.

A lawyer representing one of the accused men said he had not yet had opportunity to obtain instructions from his client. Lawyers for some of the others charged were not immediately available for comment.

The Prime South, the small 12,000-ton Vietnamese tanker police seized, frequently shipped fuel between Singapore and Ho Chi Minh City. The ship had also recently made stops at Rayong, Thailand.

Between ports, the tanker often switched off its transponder, which every merchant vessel is required to carry.

The scale of the theft was big enough that Shell did not think it could handle the case internally. Instead, in August the company contacted authorities, triggering one of the biggest police operations in Singapore in years.

Police investigations are ongoing. The charges in court documents allege the suspects in the Singapore case stole over $5 million worth of oil.

Globally, oil theft could be worth as much as $133 billion, said Malik of Defense IQ.

"Its sheer scale and the flows of illicit cash related to oil and fuel theft and smuggling exacts a toll on virtually every aspect of the economy," Malik said.

The post Shady Triangle: Southeast Asia's Illegal Fuel Market appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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