Wednesday, November 18, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Big Hurdles Ahead in Rangoon Trash Cleanup

Posted: 18 Nov 2015 04:19 AM PST

Municipal pull trash from the city's drainage system. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Municipal pull trash from the city's drainage system. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

AMSTERDAM, Netherlands — With the UN Climate Change Conference due to sit in Paris at the end of November, ecological issues are once again creeping back into the global agenda.

With the climate talks on the horizon, last month The Irrawaddy was invited along with seven other regional journalists to examine some of the innovative recycling projects underway in the Netherlands.

The tour, organized by the Holland Branding agency and the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, aimed to showcase the work of factories, banks, film projects and local governments involved in either bankrolling, promoting or manufacturing recycled goods.

On our visit to Amsterdam, we met Peter Smith, an artist and photographer who started the Klean Foundation to raise awareness of the environmental impact of garbage on the city's waterways. For the last two years, he has been wandering the canals that ring the capital, collecting litter to fashion into a 12-meter tall statue of the Virgin Mary, which he has dubbed the 'Plastic Madonna'.

"At least 8 million tons of trash are going from the canals to the ocean every year," Smith told journalists, adding that if the trend continued, "our children will have to eat plastic soup in the future."

Elsewhere, we saw municipalities sending refuse to be refashioned into shopping bags and toilet paper, while factories salvaged parts from some of the 400,000 tons of electric appliances discarded annually in the Netherlands.

The scene was a far cry from Rangoon, where gutters and drains are perennially clogged with debris, and the grounds of the alleys behind apartment blocks are impossible to discern through piles of rotting food waste and plastic litter.

Waste collection in the commercial capital of Burma is rudimentary and suffers from a lack of municipal funding. Lowly paid teams of collection workers from the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), often starting in the evening and working into the late hours, roam the streets and collect garbage bags into pushcarts.

Fighting off the occasional stray dog, and mindful of the occasional speeding car racing down otherwise deserted streets, workers push their carts back to waiting garbage trucks, which usually take their cargo to be dumped at one of two landfills on the city's outskirts—either Dawei Chaung in North Dagon or Htein Bin in Hlaing Tharyar.

At present, none of the 1,500 tons of garbage collected by the YCDC is recycled. With the assistance of $8.2 million in Japanese economic aid, the municipal government plans to open a $16 million recycling plant in Mingaladon in 2017.

Even once it is fully operational, it will only be able to recycle 60 tons of rubbish per day, less than 5 percent of the city's total waste production.

Win Myo Thu, cofounder of the environmental NGO Eco-Dev, said that there was little local understanding of the environmental impact of household garbage, and all levels of government into Burma needed to lead a cultural change.

He pointed to the recent development of waste-to-energy plants at Dawei Chaung and Htein Bin as a positive interim step before more sophisticated recycling projects were introduced, such as the separation of recyclable materials from other household waste.

"Most people don't know how to use waste materials effectively, that's why we're now encouraging waste-to-energy projects by the government," he said. "[But] the government has to give people the incentive for recycling projects."

Both power plants now have a combined operational capacity of 37.4 megawatts after a staged construction in the last two years. Khin Hlaing, a member of the YCDC's central committee, stressed that better education was needed to reduce pollution around Rangoon and make recycling projects more attractive to investors.

"People awareness is still weak, they need to know the right way to discard their rubbish," he said.

The post Big Hurdles Ahead in Rangoon Trash Cleanup appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Migrants ‘Wrongfully Accused’ in Murder Case: Rights Group

Posted: 18 Nov 2015 03:08 AM PST

 Burmese migrant workers suspected of murder during a crime re-enactment in the southern Thai border town of Ranong on Oct. 27. (Photo: Foundation for Education and Development)

Burmese migrant workers suspected of murder during a crime re-enactment in the southern Thai border town of Ranong on Oct. 27. (Photo: Foundation for Education and Development)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Nearly one month after four Burmese migrant workers were arrested in connection with the murder of a Thai teenager, a migrants' rights group is saying the suspects have been wrongfully accused.

Wai Lin, Moe Zin Aung, Kyaw Soe Win and Sein Kadone, all of whom work in Thailand's fisheries industry, were arrested last month in connection with the stabbing death of a 19-year-old Thai woman on Sept. 28 in the southern Thai province of Ranong. Though the suspects remain in Thai detention, police do not have enough evidence to bring their case to court, according to Htoo Chit, director of the Foundation for Education Development (FED) and a member of the Burmese Embassy-led Protecting Committee for Burmese Migrants Staying in Thailand, which aims to coordinate and provide assistance to migrants in need.

"Their employer witnessed that they were at work when the murder happened," Htoo Chit told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, adding that the four men's employer also provided CCTV footage to law enforcement authorities as additional evidence in the case.

As for why his team has decided to represent the four migrant workers, Htoo Chit said their support was because the men have been "wrongfully accused." The four men were made to go through a crime scene re-enactment on Oct. 27. Htoo Chit, however, believes that this was a forced act and that the suspects are in no way linked to the young woman's brutal murder.

Their case is the second in the last year to throw into sharp relief the fraught situation faced by many of Thailand's migrant workers, who often take on dangerous employment without adequate pay or legal protection. Last year the murder of two British backpackers on southern Thailand's Koh Tao island sent shockwaves through the country and then, as with the latest case, the finger of blame was pointed at Burmese laborers, Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo. A verdict in the Koh Tao case is due on Dec. 24.

FED is expected to meet with the four accused in Ranong, as well as Thai lawyers, on Thursday.

The post Burmese Migrants 'Wrongfully Accused' in Murder Case: Rights Group appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

UN Torture Watchdog Questions China over Crackdown on Activists, Lawyers

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 09:36 PM PST

  Chinese Ambassador to the United Nations Wu Hailong, left, stands for a photo alongside foreign envoys from seven other countries in Lausanne, Switzerland, on April 2, 2015. (Photo: Ruben Sprich / Reuters)

Chinese Ambassador to the United Nations Wu Hailong, left, stands for a photo alongside foreign envoys from seven other countries in Lausanne, Switzerland, on April 2, 2015. (Photo: Ruben Sprich / Reuters)

GENEVA — UN rights experts pressed senior Chinese officials on Tuesday about persistent allegations that torture is rife in their police stations and prisons, especially of political prisoners, and about deaths in custody.

China said it was working to combat torture but that it had not been eliminated.

The United Nations Committee against Torture's regular examination of Beijing's record came after what the group Human Rights in China says has been "a year of massive crackdowns on rights activists and lawyers" on the mainland.

Chinese government officials told the 10 independent experts that their country was working to eliminate torture, including through better training of police and prison guards, and audio and video recordings of interrogations.

"Our efforts have produced major progress in our combat against torture," Wu Hailong, China's ambassador who heads its delegation of 39 senior officials, told the UN group, which is also reviewing the records of Hong Kong and Macao.

"Since 2014, public security authorities have comprehensively adopted the audio and video recording system for the entire process of interrogation of criminal suspects for major cases, and will gradually apply this system to all criminal cases," he said.

Illegally obtained evidence and forced self-incrimination of detainees are banned, Wu said, "thus preventing interrogation through torture." He conceded that there was "still a long and arduous path ahead before elimination of torture."

Committee member George Tugushi raised various issues, including the use of "rigid chairs, electric shocks and weightened leg cuffs" on detainees. Sleep deprivation remains lawful and mental torture is not explicitly banned.

"We have received reports that torture is particularly pervasive in black jails," Tugushi said, referring to facilities outside the official prison system.

Deaths in Custody

"Please explain the deaths that have occurred in Chinese detention facilities because people were unable to obtain [medical] treatment on time, based on a number of reports the committee has received," Tugushi said.

Other committee members suggested China establish an independent monitoring body to investigate torture and questioned the treatment of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people in prison clinics, including alleged electric shocks.

Amnesty International said last week that China's criminal justice system relies heavily on forced confessions obtained through torture, including beatings and the use of iron restraint chairs. Dissidents and minorities are at highest risk.

Defense lawyers who raise claims of abuse are often threatened "or even detained and tortured themselves," it said, adding that 12 Chinese lawyers and activists are currently detained on state security charges.

Wu said that China's 270,000 lawyers played an increasingly vital role in "law-based governance, protection of human rights and combating torture."

"Lawyers are an indispensable part of China's rule of law," he said.

The post UN Torture Watchdog Questions China over Crackdown on Activists, Lawyers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

All Work and Not Much Pay for India’s Manufacturers

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 09:19 PM PST

A worker separates casting joints of gearboxes inside a small-scale automobile manufacturing unit in Ahmedabad, India, on Oct. 12, 2015. (Photo: Amit Dave / Reuters)

A worker separates casting joints of gearboxes inside a small-scale automobile manufacturing unit in Ahmedabad, India, on Oct. 12, 2015. (Photo: Amit Dave / Reuters)

VADODARA, India — In the office of the small paint factory he helps run, Pramod Patel is clear on the problem holding back India's manufacturing growth: cash, or a lack of it.

Clients, he says, are taking months to pay, sometimes 150 days compared to the standard 30, choking up businesses like his Reliable Paints and hampering the creation of much-needed jobs.

"We have a lot of potential in our business, but we have no confidence in the payments," says Patel, speaking over the noise of a mixer whirring behind him. Workers around him prepare paint to be decanted by hand into cream and gray colored cans.

While there is no comprehensive data for the cash cycle of India's manufacturing industry, manufacturers interviewed by Reuters in the industrial heartland of Gujarat say cash is moving at a glacial pace.

All those interviewed by Reuters reported clients delaying payments, sometimes for the best part of a year, evidence of an uneven recovery and of India's credit drought as banks tackle US$100 billion of troubled loans.

Central bank data shows that loans to medium-sized industrial companies were down 10 percent by mid-September, compared to the start of the financial year in April. Loans to small companies dropped more than 3 percent in the period.

Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who once ran Gujarat as chief minister, India has sought to improve life for manufacturers. He wants to boost a sector that accounts for under a fifth of the economy, compared to a third for China, the world's largest manufacturer.

But the reality on the ground is tough.

Even India's industrial bellwether, Larsen & Toubro, has reported deterioration. Chief financial officer R. Shankar Raman says payments take around 100 days after they fall due, compared to a standard 60-75 days.

That is hovering around the longest payment period in over a decade, he said.

'Made in India'

India badly needs manufacturing to fuel its recovery and create jobs. After all, India will be home to a working age population of 900 million people by 2020, roughly a fifth of the world's potential workers.

Modi's government has promised to make it simpler to operate in the country, with plans for a unified bankruptcy code, a unified goods and service tax, and more flexible labor laws. Last week, it lifted restrictions on foreign investment in 15 sectors, including defense.

But in this corner of Gujarat—a state that was ranked top in a World Bank-supported study on the ease of doing business in India's 29 states—manufacturers say the smallest and weakest among them could be pushed to the wall, unless reform is implemented and recovery arrives swiftly.

A plethora of different taxes still wrap small firms like Reliable Paints in red tape. Others report battling outdated factory rules: Some are fined for a lack of spittoons, for example, in areas where spitting on the floor is forbidden.

There are signs of hope. L&T's Raman says he expects the numbers to have hit the bottom, provided promised government spending kicks in and banks pass on lower rates.

"The way the recovery is structured right now, it is not broad-based," said economist Sonal Varma at Nomura. Government spending, however, could improve cash flows even for smaller firms within six to 12 months, she estimates.

Gujarat, for one, has pushed taxes online, cutting down on the paperwork and opportunities for corruption, and manufacturers say that had made processes smoother.

But until reforms come in, the bureaucracy is overhauled and real spending starts, factory managers in this baked corner of Gujarat—where paints, pumps and engineering parts dominate production —say their clients will continue to struggle.

"Our big problem is client liquidity," said the director at one European firm supplying the construction industry. "And of course we have to deal with bureaucracy and corruption."

Four years after shutting an office in Mumbai, he said he was still battling to conclude the process.

And with lots of workers, India needs more skilled ones.

"We have a young workforce," said Vivek Sarwate, who runs plants outside the city of Vadodara for Schneider Electric, making components for the Indian power sector.

"But if this young country is not a skilled country, instead of an asset, this becomes a liability."

The post All Work and Not Much Pay for India's Manufacturers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Domestic Worker Rescues Sister from Decade of Slavery

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 08:56 PM PST

 Aye Than Dar, right touches the head of her sister Hla Thidar Myint at a park in Bangkok on Saturday. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / Reuters)

Aye Than Dar, right touches the head of her sister Hla Thidar Myint at a park in Bangkok on Saturday. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / Reuters)

BANGKOK — When Aye Than Dar and her little sister Hla Thidar Myint paid a broker in Mon State to smuggle them to Thailand for domestic work, it was the start of a decade-long ordeal that would see the pair separated and Hla held as a slave.

After paying the broker $600 to get them over the border, Aye and Hla were sent to work in separate homes in Ban Pong, in Thailand’s Ratchaburi province, west of Bangkok.

“When we arrived in Thailand, an agent came to pick us up. We got jobs in two different places in Ratchaburi, but we didn’t know where each of us was sent, so we couldn’t contact each other,” Aye said.

It was February 2004, and Aye heard nothing from her sister until she found her more than nine years later.

Hla, who is intellectually disabled, had been barred contact with her family and denied a salary.

“She was completely unable to go outside by herself. She could only go with her boss. She never knew what her salary was. When she wanted something, she had to ask her boss,” said Aye, now 34, sighing in frustration.

Hla would start work at 4am, mop the floor and clean her employer’s stationery shop. After that she cleaned the house.

“He let me go to sleep at 8pm., but I would stay up watching soap operas,” Hla, 32, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation in an interview with the sisters at a McDonald’s in Bangkok.

Thailand hosts around 3 million migrant workers, 80 percent of them from Burma. They take jobs in construction, agriculture, the seafood industry and domestic work.

While many migrants work in what campaigners call “3D” jobs that are dirty, dangerous and demeaning, domestic workers can suffer the most abuse because they work behind closed doors, in isolation, hidden from public view.

Many employers, like Hla’s, think they are being generous by taking in poor young women and having them do household chores—often not seen as real work— in exchange for room and board. They say they treat their maids “like family”.

“I want to vomit when I hear this. It’s too often that employers say things like this. Will you treat your sister or your mum like this?” said Elizabeth Tang, the general secretary of the International Domestic Workers Federation.

“This is a huge perception problem: employers like this think they are actually doing charity because this worker came from Burma, she didn’t speak the language. She was alone, she just arrived. She had no job, so taking her into the house and giving her food and a place to sleep was a big charity.”

Clues

Aye had no idea what had happened to her sister. Five or six years after they had gone to Thailand, came the first clue: Hla’s boss sent pictures of her to the family’s home in Burma.

“I realised she was alive, still in Ban Pong,” said Aye, who is now a domestic worker in Bangkok and a member of Network of Migrant Domestic Workers which supports Burmese women. “Why didn’t she try to reach us? Why couldn’t we contact her?”

At the end of 2012, Aye made a push to find her sister, whom she refers to by her Thai nickname, Rak. She had just scraps of information to go by.

“When Rak’s photo was sent to us, it included her migrant identification number, along with the name of the broker in Thailand,” she explained.

A Ban Pong district officer suggested Aye contact a man who was well connected in the community. He recognised Hla from her photo, and said he had seen her somewhere before.

Six months later he contacted Aye to say he had found her. In June 2013, Aye went to the house and rang the doorbell. Hla’s boss asked for proof she was their housemaid’s sister, including her passport and visa. Aye also showed them a photograph of Hla as a child. Eventually, he let her in.

“When she came out, I was so happy, I cried,” Aye recalled. “But she was emotionless. I asked her, ‘Why didn’t you go home?’ She said she didn’t know how to go home. The employer told me to pick her up in a week, but I took her that day.”

Gold Necklace

Despite having paid her nothing for nine years, Hla’s Thai boss was convinced he had treated her well. Unlike many domestic workers, Hla had suffered no physical abuse.

“He said, ‘I’ve been taking care of your sister as if she were my own daughter or niece. I didn’t give her a monthly salary. She’s a good person. I’ve been saving her money for her. She wouldn’t have known how to save it. I also bought her some gold.’

“He brought out a gold necklace, and said he would give her 200,000 baht ($6,500).” He handed over her passport, saying he hoped she would return to continue working for him.

Aye took her home to Burma, finding Hla in physically bad shape, and unable to make simple decisions, like choose her clothes.

“When I found her, she had very bad breath, it was hard to even talk to her face to face, and I had to take her to the dentist. She had to have a tooth pulled and some fillings.

“She didn’t know how to go home, so I took her all the way there. I stayed only one day because I had to go back to work. She stayed for four months.”

There was no work at home. Aye suggested a new job in Thailand, but remarkably, Hla, who had become accustomed to her life, and didn’t see herself as a slave, wanted to go back to her old employer.

“She said that she understood how things worked at her boss’s house and wasn’t comfortable working in a new place. Her brain couldn’t handle it,” said Aye.

So Aye took her sister back, giving her a phone, and demanding a monthly salary of 7,000 baht ($195) and one day off per week.

“We settled on 6,000 baht ($165). She worked every day,” said Aye. “Her employer says that since I got involved with my sister, she has changed. She is no longer obedient and likes to talk back.”

On Nov. 3, Aye went to the house again, to take her sister away, this time for good. They will return home in December to see their father who is about to have eye surgery, and their youngest sister who is graduating from university.

At McDonald’s, the two sisters, dressed in fitted jeans, pretty blouses and chunky-soled flip flops, seemed to blend in with other women in Bangkok.

Only their accents gave them away as Burmese, and the worn, peeling skin on Hla’s fingers hinted at the years of hard work.

“This time, I don’t want to go back,” Hla said, looking to her sister for reassurance. “My boss doesn’t like my sister, so I think I just want to go home and work at home for my parents.”

The post Burmese Domestic Worker Rescues Sister from Decade of Slavery appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

North Korea Says Laborers Work Abroad Legally, Denies Mistreatment

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 08:47 PM PST

North Korean Ambassador Ri Hung Sik speaks to reporters in New York on Tuesday. (Photo: Mike Segar / Reuters)

North Korean Ambassador Ri Hung Sik speaks to reporters in New York on Tuesday. (Photo: Mike Segar / Reuters)

NEW YORK — North Korea said on Tuesday it has sent laborers to work abroad legally in Russia, China and elsewhere and that it was a “vicious slander” to say they were mistreated or forced to go.

UN human rights investigator Marzuki Darusman last month raised concerns that North Korea (DPRK) has forced some 50,000 people to work abroad “under overall conditions that reportedly amount to forced labor.” He urged countries where they have been sent to grant him access to investigate.

“They are saying thousands of DPRK laborers are under harsh treatment and they are engaged in forced labor,” Ri Hung Sik, ambassador-at-large for the North Korean Foreign Ministry, said at a news conference in New York.

“This is totally false. This is fabricated,” he said. “This is vicious slander towards my republic.”

Ri said North Koreans were working in countries including Russia, China, Kuwait and Angola but could not say how many were working abroad. “We have our laborers working in foreign countries under legal contract,” he said.

Darusman told a UN General Assembly committee last month that the laborers were sent abroad to circumvent sanctions and earn foreign currency that amounted to between $1.2 billion and $2.3 billion annually.

The committee is expected to vote this week on a resolution drafted by the European Union and Japan that would condemn human rights abuses in North Korea.

The vote is an annual occurrence but Ri urged the European Union and Japan to withdraw their draft resolution and “remedy their own shortcomings and reflect on their dire human rights situations before they criticize the others.”

The UN Security Council also added the issue of human rights in North Korea to its agenda in December, after a UN Commission of Inquiry report detailed abuses in the impoverished country that it said were comparable to Nazi-era atrocities.

UN diplomats, speaking on condition of anonymity, have said the council could hold a second meeting on human rights in North Korea next month when the United States is president of the 15-member body.

“It is not an organ to deal with human rights issues,” Ri said of the Security Council.

North Korea is under UN sanctions for carrying out nuclear tests and missile launches. In addition to an arms embargo, Pyongyang is banned from trading in nuclear and missile technology and is not allowed to import luxury goods.

The post North Korea Says Laborers Work Abroad Legally, Denies Mistreatment appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Voxpop: Transition of power

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 11:58 PM PST

Taking the political temperature: How do you think the transition of power will go, and what will be the priorities over the next few months?

Delayed post-election talks put transition in doubt

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 11:09 PM PST

President U Thein Sein appears to have delayed indefinitely a meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to discuss the transfer of power to a new government following her party's landslide election victory.

US election observation team hacked, robbed

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 11:07 PM PST

An internet scam has robbed US-based election observation group the Carter Center of more than US$40,000, according to members of the monitoring team.

Defeated USDP candidates intend to file complaints to UEC

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 11:05 PM PST

Large numbers of defeated Union Solidarity and Development Party candidates intend to file complaints to the Union Election Commission over what they saw as unfair conduct by their rivals, according to a senior party official.

After NLD victory, village seeks a name change and no ruling party association

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 10:57 PM PST

Set in concrete they may be, but many Mandalay Region residents believe the time has come to change the signboards bearing the name of their village. Several villages, in fact.

Government drives up budget deficit with additional spending

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 10:51 PM PST

President U Thein Sein's outgoing government has submitted a supplementary budget request to parliament of K2.464 trillion (US$1.92 billion) with the defence ministry in line to receive the largest allocation, while health and education spending remain close to the bottom of the list.

Cheated husband seeks revenge by Monogamy Law

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 10:50 PM PST

A Mandalay husband suspicious that his wife was having an affair filed a case against her under the newly enacted Monogamy Law.

NLD asked to intervene in ethnic conflicts

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 10:46 PM PST

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is being called upon to intervene in fighting between government forces and ethnic armed groups in Shan and Kachin states.

Detained Myanmar activists halt hunger strike

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 10:42 PM PST

Detained student activists called off their hunger strike yesterday after nearly 20 days of protesting, according to a student union statement.

A tale of two Sittwes

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 10:35 PM PST

Were it not for the handful of burnt-out and dilapidated mosques that dot the dusty Rakhine capital of Sittwe, a tourist could be forgiven for thinking that there were no Muslims in the town at all.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Little aid, no contact: Shan State’s IDP crisis

Posted: 18 Nov 2015 06:23 AM PST

Shan State's 10,000-plus internally displaced people (IDPs) are now dispersed between more than ten locations in six townships, according to data collected by the Tai Youth Network (TYN), a group of local volunteers worried that the basic needs of the displaced are not being met.

Children displaced by fighting in Shan State eat rice and cabbage in an IDP camp in Mong Hsu Township. (Oum Mwe: S.H.A.N)

"No organization is helping them," said Sai Hseng Murng, of TYN, after visiting Wan Wa, a Kesi Township village now hosting nearly 1,000 IDPs. The aid that has reached the IDPs has been collected and distributed through community-based relief networks rather than international organizations, local sources explained.

"Cold season is coming and they need more help," he added. TYN delivered 300 bags of rice and 500,000 kyat (almost $400 USD) to the informal camp yesterday.

Concerned about conditions at Hai Pa, an IDP host site in Mong Hsu Township, Sai Thurein Oo, an MP representing Namzang in the Shan State Parliament, intended to travel to check on those displaced there—an estimated 1,500 people. 

"The local people told us, 'don't go,' because the Burma Army won't let anyone through," he said. "No one has been able to contact the Hai Pa IDPs since November 8."

Burma Army checkpoints on area roads are also allegedly blocking the transport of any large amounts of rice to Mong Hsu, according to local merchants, in order to restrict the amount of aid that reaches IDP camps.

Also the site of repeated clashes, Kesi and Mong Hsu townships were previously host to a total of 6,000 displaced civilians, a number which increased by 40 percent after the current wave of offensives began more than one week ago, on November 10, two days after Burma held its first general election in 25 years.

In the past week, the crisis has extended to new locations, as IDPs have also sought refuge in Laikha, Mong Yai, Namzang Townships and northern Shan State's Lashio.


Today marks the third day of escalated Burma Army offensives near the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N) headquarters, according to a statement released today in Burmese by the SSPP/SSA-N.

 "They attacked with artillery and fighter jets and reinforced their troops," the statement read. "The refugees are increasing day by day. They have lost their property and they have had to leave their homes and flee. The farmers cannot harvest their rice. The children cannot attend school."

On November 16, the Burma Army once again attacked the village of Wan Saw, formerly an IDP safe haven, with helicopters and fighter jets, displacing the civilians who remained or had returned after an artillery attack there six days earlier.

Major Sai Su, spokesperson for the SSPP/SSA-N told SHAN that civilians from five villages surrounding Wan Saw fled when they saw the jets on Monday, adding to the number of area IDPs.
Fighter jets reportedly dropped bombs near the SSPP/SSA-N Wan Hai base on November 17. Ground forces continued this attack in the early morning hours today from Kyu Mawk Khao, a Burma Army base; this was reportedly carried out through the repeated use of heavy artillery, a tactic documented regularly since the Burma Army initiated military offensives in central Shan State on October 6.

By SIMMA FRANCIS / Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)

Reporting by NANG HOM and SAI YIPHONG / Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)


BURMA AFTER POLITICAL TSUNAMI: Tactical voting, ethnic political parties, armed organizations and peaceful co-existence

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 09:37 PM PST

Burma's political landscape will not be the same any more, after Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory, now popularly dubbed as "political tsunami" by keen observers, including Sai Nyunt Lwin, the secretary general of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), a party representing  Burma's largest ethnic group after the majority Bamar, whose party won sizeable seats in the nationwide elections, ranking fourth in Upper and Lower Houses – Amyotha and Pyithu Hluttaw - combined, after Arakan National Party (ANP), another party that did quite well.

SNLD comes out third and ANP fourth in State/Region parliament with 26 and 23 seats respectively.

Let us ponder on how the prospective change could affect the ethnic political parties, ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and the whole spectrum of non-Bamar ethnic nationalities after the change of guard that would take place in February next year.

The assumption before the NLD landslide win of the historic nationwide elections was that the ethnic parties would be able to act as king maker or coalition partners with the NLD and form a coalition with either one or two influential ethnic parties like SNLD and ANP. But now the whole game plan has to be altered and instead all will now depend solely on Aung San Suu Kyi's initiative, on how her utterance and commitment of national unity cooperation will unfold in the real world of Burma's politics.

Ethnic Parties

Let us first ponder on the faith of ethnic political parties.

Defying the ethnic parties' calls of not to run candidates in their home states, the NLD has surprisingly won the elections almost in all the ethnic states, leaving many ethnic parties without representation, or with just a handful of seats in the national and local assemblies.

It was a total political onslaught and to the chagrin of many, the remaining "last man standing" parties were only the SNLD, in the country's eastern Shan State, and the ANP, which is based in the restive western state of Rakhine.

The final count published on 16 November, in the Global New Light of Myanmar for the two best ethnic parties are: 13 Pyithu Hluttaw, 3 Amyotha Hluttaw, 26 State/Region Hluttaw for SNLD; and 12 Pyithu Hluttaw, 10 Amyotha Hluttaw, 23 State/Region Hluttaw for ANP.  Other than that, PNO and Ta'ang National Party got 4 seats each in Pyithu and Amyotha Hluttaw combined, and 6 and 7 seats respectively in State/Region Hluttaw. All the rest either didn't get elected at all or just got neglectable one or two seats.

According to Reuters,  NLD spokesman Win Htein said the party would choose members of ethnic parties for cabinet positions, including the vice presidency and would consider appointing non-NLD chief ministers in Shan and Rakhine states.

He added that the NLD would not consider a coalition with ethnic parties, since it has won a landslide majority.

Many took  the NLD approach as being high-handed and ANP chairman Aye Maung told Reuters:
"I'm sceptical about their ability to handle this perennial issue without the active participation of ethnic parties," and that if the NLD asserts control over regional governments in ethnic areas, "it will be just like the situation under the USDP government."

And thus, the ethnic parties' hope of becoming a king maker has turned into a minor junior partner, where coalition will be defined not on party coalition basis, but picking individuals from ethnic parties in union-level administration, but possible coalition arrangement between NLD and SNLD in Shan State, state-level government. The ANP that won the majority vote in Rakhine State would form the government, but the chief minister must have the approval of NLD-installed President.

Why ethnic parties failed?

Sadly, the election losers were not just the regime's Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and other assorted political parties, but also the ethnic bloc as a whole, only with the  exception of the SNLD and ANP.

Quite a few reasons were given why such a landslide or political tsunami happened in ethnic homesteads. But Sithu Aung Myint, a well known political commentator has made a convincing supposition, which included some of the following points.

The first point was the ethnic parties' election campaign issues were too general and not much of a difference with the NLD, which also lobbied with the general theme of federalism, right of self governance. A detailed persuasive thematic approach was not seen during the campaign, but were  only banking on the fact that the ethnic population would vote for their same kind. This has proven otherwise and the ethnic parties received less votes than they have expected.

The second point was that except for the ANP, all the other ethnic parties were too divided, which made it hard to unify and organize the ethnic population, leading to the spreading of votes and denying them the victory.

The third point was the ethnic parties popping up after 2010, due to the military clique creation of ethnic parties, their participation in the elections and made them won seats so as to make the parliaments colourful. Some were even wooed and  given minister posts. The old ethnic parties formed since 1990, with the populace backing, had tried in vain for the fusion to enter 2015 elections, but were rejected for most were satisfied to work for the ruling party as subordinate parties. This behaviour also made them lost the elections and some didn't even win a single seat in the elections.

The NLD candidates competing in the ethnic states were not Bamar, but the ethnic people themselves and when this was combined with the aura of Aung San Suu Kyi, the home stead ethnic parties lost the elections.

Another factor was that many of the voters were of mixed blood between various ethnicities and  mixture of Bamar ethnic with different ethnic groups, due to increased urbanization and they didn't any reason to vote of the home grown ethnic parties.

The most important deciding factor may be the consideration and implementation of tactical voting by the ethnic population. For by voting for the NLD, which also fielded ethnic candidates, the spread of their votes on various ethnic parties could be hindered and in turn, helped to realize the call for change of the government.

Aung San Suu Kyi's call for "just look at and vote for the NLD party, not the candidates, if you want change" had been totally effective, although people at first thought this wouldn't be in line with acceptable political ethics.

Ethnic armed organizations

After the government initiated partial-ceasefire signing, dubbed nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) on 15 October, between the 8 EAOs and the regime, the ethnic political landscape is divided into signatory and non-signatory factions among themselves, apart from categorically and effectively being separated into a country of ceasefire and war zones.

The eight signatory groups included the Karen National Union (KNU), the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army South (RCSS/SSA), the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council (KNU/KNLA-PC), the Chin National Front (CNF), the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLA), and the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF).  The government has announced that the seven remaining invited signatories may sign when they are ready; however, these armed groups have announced that they will not sign the NCA unless an additional six armed groups are included.  To date, the government has refused to include these groups.

Non-signatories include the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA), the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), the Shan State Progress Party/ Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the New Mon State Party (NMSP), and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland -Khaplang (NSCN-K)

The six armed groups that the government has refused to include in the NCA are the Ta'Ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), and the Arakan Army (AA), as these groups do not have bilateral ceasefires in place with the government; and the Wa National Organization (WNO), the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), and the Arakan National Council (ANC), as the government believes that these organizations do not have active armies.

Meanwhile the Burma Army known as Tatmadaw continues its offensives on SSPP/SSA, KIO/KIA, TNLA in Shan and Kachin States, particularly targeting the SSPP/SSA by shelling its Wan Hai headquarters and staging fake battles to create the climate of war and more pretext to heightened the military offensives.

On 11 November, SSPP/SSA released a rebuttal statement, regarding the Burma Army's accusation.

The rebuttal said that on 9 October, the Tactical Command (sa-ka-hka) 2 in Mong Nawng resorted to firing heavy weapons as well as small arms in the darkness of the night as if a battle was taking place. Later, referring to this incident, the Myawaddy News Agency reported in an article on 10 October, that the Burma Army garrison of Mong Nawng was attacked by the SSA.

The statement said that Mong Nawng incident was a ruse by the pro-war hawks to cook up and frame the SSA. The Burmese military operations that began on 6 October has been solely retaliated by its own troops and there have been no aid or help from other armed organizations.

It further stressed that the SSPP/SSA have no intention whatsoever, of going on a warpath; and although its organization has been deployed all over the Shan State and capable of initiating attacks and raids, it has refrained to do so except for self-defence in unavoidable situation.

The statement explicitly refuted all allegations and accusations of the Burma Army's Mong Nawng fiasco.

Again, on 15 November, the department of information and news of SSPP/SSA released an analysis on the ongoing Tatmadaw offensives as a deliberately planned operation, much more than the normal area cleansing procedure, with the aim to declare emergency military rule, in the wake of the government's party election landslide loss to the NLD.

The analysis pointed out some hard facts for its above mentioned assumption, which included the Tatmadaw carrying out sudden attacks on SSA positions; even after withdrawal from Ta Hsam Poo jetty area as demanded by the Tatmadaw, in the hope of ending the armed clashes, the attacks still continue; the Union Peace-making Working Committee (UPWC), the government organ, was not really involved to help stop the war; Tatmadaw staging fake battles and employing air raids on SSA positions; and shelling of Wan Hai headquarters and surrounding villages.

Similar to what has been happening with the SSPP/SSA, the KIO/KIA also faces offensive threat to its headquarters.

On 15 November, Kachinland News reported that the Myitkyina-based Northern Regional Command of the Burma Army has warned the KIA that the Burma Army will launch attacks on the KIA headquarters if the KIA cannot account for an incident that took place in Sinbo Township. Several unknown individuals approached the Burma Army's 141st Light Infantry Battalion Headquarters on 13 November, leading to a skirmish on that evening. According to the Burma Army, these individuals were from the KIA.

At this writing, the Tatmadaw has heightened its offensives on Kachin and Shan positions with aerial bombings and infantry operations.

VOA report of 16 November said that one local resident, who did not want to be named, told VOA, "We can see aircrafts flying in the sky and the whole Mohnyin town can see it clearly.  We saw bombarding, but couldn't see the explosions as they were dropped behind mountains."

Colonel Sai La of Shan State Army, another rebel group which refused to sign the government initiated ceasefire deal, told VOA Burmese "the heaviest attack" in recent clashes began early on 16 November and continued until evening.

"Six helicopters and three jet fighters were used in heavy assaults with bombardments and gunfire. Today's attack is the heaviest," Sai La said.

Ying Harn Hpa of Shan Human Rights Foundation told VOA Burmese thousands of civilians have been forced to flee the conflict.



"The latest clashes forced more than 2,000 people (from their homes), reaching a total of more than 8,000 to nearly 9,000," Ying Harn Hpa said.



NCA Process

The NCA structure has Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM) at its top. The formation of two committees followed after several rounds of JICM. They are: Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee (JMC)-- the word ceasefire not initialled-- and Union Political Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC).

According to The Global New Light of Myanmar report on 29 October, representatives from the government and the 8 EAOs signatories of the NCA held a Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC) meeting in Yangon on 28 October. It was the first meeting of the committee after its formation, according to the MPC's Senior Advisor Hla Maung Shwe. Following the NCA signing, the committee was formed along with the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) during the three-day Joint implementation Coordination Meeting (15-17 Oct) in Nay Pyi Taw. The JMC will be responsible for dealing with military matters, while the UPDJC will deal with political issues. According to the NCA, ceasefire monitoring activities will be undertaken transparently and responsibly to ensure strict adherence to the military Code of Conduct agreed to by all signatories. Once finalised, the Code of Conduct will use clearly-worded language, as will the monitoring guidelines for Union, State and Regional level committees. These are to be completed within 30 days of the NCA signing. Likewise, the ceasefire signatories will have to establish a Framework for a Political Dialogue within 60 days and hold political dialogue within 90 days, in accordance with the NCA.

As the JMC is strictly concerned with military matters of demarcation of operational territories and maintaining ceasefire arrangement on the ground, it is believed the government would not interfere much in it. But the UPDJC is quite different and political parties have been allotted with 16  seats, which is now going to be populated by representatives on behalf of some 90 political parties. The legitimacy problem may arise if the non-elected people's representatives should be entitled to participate, now that the NLD and a handful of ethnic political parties are to be seen as popularly elected people's representatives.

The initial suspicion of scaling down the NLD's role among political parties is high and the MPC and UPWC's U Aung Min pushing hard to form such a political representation within the NCA decision-making procedure might be to limit the NLD clout with one against 15 votes in any future decision-making process.

The JMC is said to be formed on three levels of Union, State/Region and Local and the first UPDJC is scheduled to meet on 24 November, shortly after the selection of 16 representatives from some 90 political parties targeted to have finished by 21 November, according to U Aung Min's directive or suggestion.

On 15 November, the President promises smooth handover of the administration and the NLD in turn  stresses national reconciliation, where he delivered a speech touching the NCA issue. He said: "Within my government's five years in office, we have given our best efforts at implementing the required tasks. In particular, we fostered a new political culture of resolving issues through dialogue and negotiations between political forces. In the area of peace, we signed a nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) with eight Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs). We continue to strive for the inclusion of the remaining EAOs. The importance of the agreement lies in the political guarantees for resolving armed conflict through political means, and together establishing a federal and democratic Union through political dialogue. The NCA is the best foundation for peace that we leave behind. Efforts are being made to begin political dialogue soon in accordance with the timeline provided in the NCA. I believe the next government will do its best to continue to build on this good foundation."

Perspective

To conclude, since national reconciliation and federal democracy are the NLD's professed and cherished mission, it would be well advised to map out the political configuration on the ground reflecting those ideals.

But before speculating further, it is imperative to seriously consider and accept the fact that the people's tactical voting, whether intentionally or unintentionally, consciously or unconsciously, have paved the way for the landslide win of the NLD, making it possible to embark on the path of   national reconciliation and the much touted federal system of democracy.

In this respect, Dr Yan Myo Thein, a well known and famous political commentator's recent suggestions are valuable.

He said that in order to realize and empower the NLD's mission statement, incorporating the members with ethnic background from NLD party, together with  ethnic political parties members, as chairman and vice chairman in the State and Regional parliaments could foster federalism and nurture trust between Aung San Suu Kyi's party and the ethnic nationalities.

Also, in Amyotha Hluttaw (Upper House) it should be the same, as Pyithu Hluttaw (Lower House)  speaker's chair will probably be occupied by Aung San Suu Kyi.

If either the ANP or SNLD will be chosen as vice chairman in Amyotha Hluttaw, it will be able to  foster and empower the mission's ultimate goal.

Taking into account that the military is there to stay, at least for sometimes, due to its constitutional privilege of having 25% non-elected seats in all the parliaments and authority to appoint defence, home and border affairs ministers, the NLD according to its reconciliation procedure should only make use of modus vivendi (temporary practical compromise) with the Tatmadaw. But on how this should be implemented depends on Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD leadership.

But despite such built-in, fail-safe constitutional guarantee with 350,000 strong army and 80,000 police force, the military is still nervous and shows that it is not ready to totally yield to the people's power administration of Suu Kyi. To put it differently, it is hesitant to compromise on the military's political edge or the status of "a state within a state".

Already the military is preparing ground and gearing to place Shan and Kachin States under emergency military rule, which is explicitly allowed with the endorsement of the President if the military deems it is necessary, to show that it is the one who is calling the shots, although other considerations like strategic and economic interests – natural resources extraction and land use - might also play the big role.

Dr Aye Maung head of the ANP, on 16 November told RFA that the NLD has broken the ethnic defence line, probably meaning protection of ethnic identities and rights of self-determination, which leads to the depletion of trust between the Bamar-dominated NLD and the ethnic communities. He stressed that to regain back its lost of trust, it will depend on how power sharing in governmental formation, in union and state level, reflects the ethnic composition.

Thus to sum up, the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi will be well advised to first accept that the tactical voting of the bulk of the mass, including all ethic groups, is a mandate given to change the course of the political system from quasi-civilian, unitary to genuine federalism.

Secondly, fostering ethnic cooperation and trust should be the main theme and that the NLD should relentlessly strive to prove by appointing the ethnic members in the governance of the country. Furthermore to win back the trust of the ethnic groups, a hint or even the promise of not to field candidates in ethnic homelands, in future elections, so as to prevent the roll-over effect with the weight of Suu Kyi's international and domestic aura, like that has happened in the recently finished elections.

Thirdly, to dampen the nervousness of the military that the NLD is in no way going out to destroy or revenge, but to professionalize the military in a gradual manner and that there is no point to escalate the war in Shan and Kachin States to show its displeasure and project its importance  within the power structure; plus entertaining the idea to stir up a mini-Cold-War by heightening the war along the Burma-China border unnecessarily.

Finally, implementation of modus vivendi with military is the way to go, if national reconciliation form of governance is to be achieved. It is a tall order, but the first step of securing the mandate to make a change is already secured and there is no reason not to believe that the rest of the tasks could  be fulfilled.


The contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SDU) - Edirtor

Homemade explosive detonates, killing two girls in Laikha Township

Posted: 17 Nov 2015 07:13 PM PST

A crude explosive device detonated and killed two girls yesterday after it was handled by children in southern Shan State's Laikha Township, according to a local elected representative.


The blast took place at about 2:30 p.m. near Nam Teng Bridge, two miles east of Laikha town, while the two girls were playing with their three siblings, confirmed Sai Mon, a recently elected member of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) in Laikha.

The funeral pyre for the two young victims. ( Sai Mon; Facebook)
"Five children were playing with an explosive that they had found nearby, when it went off," he said. "The explosion killed two girls and wounded three other children."
The two girls who lost their lives in the explosion were eight and 13 years old, respectively.


Sai Mon described the explosion as "very powerful," making recognition of the victims difficult.


Local authorities came to the scene after the incident. Although the origin of the explosive could not be confirmed, Sai Mon said it was suspected that the bomb was of the same variety used for "blast fishing", a controversial local practice of throwing explosives into water to kill large numbers of fish instantaneously and indiscriminately. It is also called "fish bombing."

An example of the explosive devices commonly used in blast fishing in Shan State, which may be to blame for the death of two children in Laikha Township. (S.H.A.N)
Other than the risk of premature or delayed detonation, blast fishing has been criticized for its environmental impact, which includes the destruction of all marine life at the site of the underwater explosion.



This is the second explosion in Laikha Township within the last month; the first was on October 17 at Honong Loong temple, just before a Shan literature conference was to take place. But, no one was injured in the incident. 


By SAI AW / Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)