Monday, February 4, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Sample Italy’s World Famous Dishes, Wines at Italian Food Festival

Posted: 04 Feb 2019 05:47 AM PST

The Italian Embassy will hold Myanmar's first Italian Food Festival on Feb. 10. The event aims to offer a mouthwatering sample of authentic Italian dishes and wines, and the opportunity to learn more about Italy's contribution to Myanmar's culinary scene.

A wide of array of Italian foods and beverages will be offered in the embassy's garden from 4 p.m. to 9 p.m.

"This event aims to reach out to all Myanmar people, because I want to let them know more about Italian millenary food traditions and culture," Italian Ambassador to Myanmar Alessandra Schiavo said at a press conference.

She added, "When people are traveling, the first thing they do is try to taste the traditional foods from that country or city. So, food is the best way to learn more about another country's culture and behavior."

The event was being held in the garden of the embassy because organizers want Myanmar people to feel that they are being welcomed into Italian people's "home" in the country, she said.

She added that, "This is not just an event for selling food; you can also learn how to make authentic Italian homemade fresh mozzarella." Among other activities, the event will include wine tasting, a wine master class and interesting accounts of the origins of the main ingredients used in Italian cuisine.

"It means the chefs will be explaining the origins of each main ingredient, like olive oil—why we use olive oil every time. Why it is important. So, people can get a lot of Italian food knowledge here," she said.

L'Opera, E'Cucina, Casa Mia, Premium, Cellar Door, Il Fornaio, Illy, Plan Bee, Ciao, New Ta Pin, Fresco, Right Field, Campari, Ferrari Spumante, Golden Brown and Myanmar Deaf Chefs will participate in the event.

Food coupons will be available for sale for 3,000, 5,000 and 7,000 kyats.

So, if you are a foodie and wish to learn more about Italian food and wines, check out the Italian Food Festival in the garden of the Italian Embassy on Inya Myaing Road in Yangon's Bahan Township.

The post Sample Italy's World Famous Dishes, Wines at Italian Food Festival appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Parliament to Debate Proposal to Form Charter-Amendment Panel

Posted: 04 Feb 2019 04:22 AM PST

YANGON—Myanmar's Union Parliament will debate a proposal to form a joint committee to work on amending the military-drafted 2008 Constitution on Tuesday. None of the military-appointed lawmakers in Parliament—all of whom boycotted last week's vote to schedule the debate—is scheduled to take part.

According to the Union Parliament, a total of 36 lawmakers from the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), the military-backed, formerly ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and some ethnic parties have registered to join the debate on Tuesday. No military representatives' names appear on the list of those scheduled to participate in the discussion.

The urgent proposal calling on Parliament "to form the joint committee to facilitate attempts to amend the Constitution as soon as possible" was put forward by NLD lawmaker U Aung Kyi Nyunt on Jan. 29. The unelected military lawmakers—who are appointed by the Army chief and hold one quarter of the seats in Parliament under the Constitution—objected to the proposal. However, a majority of lawmakers voted to approve the debate, defeating the military's boycott.

Army chief Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing said on Jan. 31 that he had already made his view known that he is not opposed in principle to amending the Constitution. Nonetheless, the military MPs appointed by him sent a formal letter of complaint to the Union Parliament Speaker objecting to the proposal.

Amending the charter requires approval from more than 75 percent of the total lawmakers in Parliament, effectively giving the military a veto over any proposed changes.

U Aung Kyi Nyunt told The Irrawaddy that he proposed forming the committee as a first step, in order to work for constitutional reform transparently and systematically. The senior NLD member said the proposed committee would include lawmakers from all parties as well as the military representatives.

On Sunday, thousands of people marched in Yangon to show their support for the military. The ultranationalist monk U Wirathu was among those joining the demonstration.

The post Parliament to Debate Proposal to Form Charter-Amendment Panel appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Protesters Angry With Aung San Statue in Kayah State Move Camp to NLD Office

Posted: 04 Feb 2019 04:14 AM PST

Mon State — Residents of Kayah State opposed to the recent arrival of a statue of Gen. Aung San in the capital city of Loikaw have set up a protest camp in front of the local office of the National League for Democracy after police broke up their camp near the statue last week, according to a local activist.

Khun Thomas said the protesters blame the ruling NLD for the statue of the late independence hero and that about 40 of them have been camping out in front of the party office since Saturday to demand that NLD officials meet with them and discuss their objections.

"They came to open their office, but no one has come to negotiate with us yet," Khun Thomas told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

"We set up a strike camp in front of their office because the NLD members, including the chief minister of the state, L Phaung Sho, led the project. Therefore, the state government and the NLD have a duty to solve this problem. Our intention in setting up a strike camp in front their office was to have negotiations," he said.

Khun Thomas said township authorities have threatened to break up the new camp as well, because it was a restricted area and they did not ask for permission. But he said it would persist until party officials agreed to meet with them.

U Taung Htay, who heads the NLD’s Loikaw office, said the office has written to NLD headquarters about the protesters’ demands and was awaiting instructions.

"I am still communicating with headquarters about it," the told The Irrawaddy, insisting that those opposed to the statue were in the minority.

"It was not a good reason to come and set up a protest camp in front of our office. Their current action isn’t against the statue. Their action seems to attack the NLD office,” he added. "I even asked them to stop the protest and go home."

Protesters said hundreds of people rallied in support of the statue during an inauguration ceremony on Saturday and that several NLD members, including the state chief minister, attended the event.

But U Taung Htay insisted the statue was not erected on orders from senior NLD officials and denied claims that local party members were involved in the project.

NLD spokesman U Myo Nyunt declined to comment on the controversy.

Twenty protesters were arrested during a demonstration against the statue in Loikaw on Friday. They were charged with violating the Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law and released on bail the same day.

The post Protesters Angry With Aung San Statue in Kayah State Move Camp to NLD Office appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police Arrest Dozens on Suspicion of Ties with AA in Northern Rakhine

Posted: 04 Feb 2019 03:14 AM PST

YANGON—Police arrested 26 people in northern Rakhine State's Kyauktaw Township early Monday morning on suspicion of having connections with the Arakan Army (AA), state legislator U Maung Than Sein said.

He said authorities did not explain the reason for the arrests, but he inquired with Kyauktaw Township court and confirmed that Major Aung Naing Soe from Light Infantry Battalion No. 375 filed lawsuits against the villagers. Apart from one woman, the authorities transported all the detainees to Sittwe.

Social activist Ko Zaw Win from Kyauktaw Township, who witnessed the police's initial questioning of villagers in the town on Sunday afternoon, said 24 displaced villagers from Shin Let Wa village, located in an active conflict zone in the upper Paletwa region in Chin State, were temporarily staying at a home in the town.

He said the house belongs to married couple Ko Thein Soe and Daw Hla Hla Yee, who hosted the displaced villagers and had already reported to the ward administrative official about their guests. In the evening, more than a dozen fully equipped police and township administrative officials returned to question the villagers.

Lawmaker U Maung Than Sein explained that many villagers were suffering due to the armed skirmishes between AA and government troops in rural areas of upper Paletwa, as artillery shells sometime landed near their villages. He said some of the suspects were aged between 40 and 50, and some of them frequently traveled from Shin Let Wa village to Kyauktaw to sell goods in the market.

"I have no idea why they sued these people under the Unlawful Association Act's Article 17 (1)," said MP U Maung Than Sein.

The authorities did not arrest the displaced villagers in the daytime, likely to avoid attracting public attention. They discreetly detained all 26 at about 1 a.m. on Monday. He explained that several villages from the upper Kyauktaw region have been facing a lack of food, as the Army had blocked aid shipments by relief workers since January and left the village for safer locations.

Ko Zaw Win said more displaced villagers were believed to be on the way to urban areas from their villages on Monday. Despite the authorities' arrest of more than two dozens residents, they declined to confirm the reasons. The Irrawaddy contacted police officer in charge U Soe Lwin and officer U Thant Zin for additional information but the calls went unanswered on Monday.

Another Kyauktaw resident, Ko Kyaw Hla Myint, confirmed that the host family lives in Ywar Ma ward and was also detained by police. According to him, the displaced people had been staying there about three days and had officially informed the ward administrator.

In January, about 30 village administrators in northern Rakhine submitted resignation letters to their local General Administration Department (GAD) offices for fear of being hit with Unlawful Association lawsuits. As of Monday, it was unclear whether the authorities had accepted the resignations.

Local relief groups estimate that more than 6,000 people have been displaced by the recent violence between the AA and government troops in northern Rakhine. Including IDPs from Chin State, the actual number could be higher than 7,000.

The post Police Arrest Dozens on Suspicion of Ties with AA in Northern Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Private Equity Fund to Boost Myanmar Companies with up to $100M

Posted: 04 Feb 2019 03:13 AM PST

NAYPYITAW—Singapore-based Ascent Capital Partners Pte. Ltd. launched its first Myanmar-focused private equity fund backed by sovereign wealth fund Temasek and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) in January. In December, ADB signed an agreement to provide a $10 million equity investment to the Myanmar-focused private equity fund to provide much-needed capital investment for the growth and expansion of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). The fund aims to support local companies, particularly SMEs led by women or with potential to make a significant contribution to inclusive and sustainable economic growth in Myanmar.

The Irrawaddy spoke with founder and managing partner of Ascent Capital Partners Pte. Ltd., Mr. Lim Chong Chong, a man who has deep strategic and operational knowledge of Myanmar’s investment and business landscape, about the first Myanmar-focused fund, its key goals, potential for the foreign investment sector and whether the government's Look East policy can revive the decline in foreign direct investment (FDI) in Myanmar.

Tell me about this Myanmar-focused private equity fund? 

We are Ascent Capital, a Singapore-registered fund management firm that announced a Myanmar- focused private equity fund—Ascent Myanmar Growth Fund I L.P. (AMGF). The Myanmar Growth Fund is managed by us independently. We have a few investors from Temasek in Singapore, the Asian Development Bank (ADB), JG Summit Holdings from Philippines,Myanmar’s U Aung Moe Kyaw and Singapore's Tony Chew.

But the fund is independently managed by us—our investors don't participate in the management of the fund. The fund is supported by strategic institutional, corporate and individual investors with long, successful track records of investing and building businesses across sectors globally and in Myanmar.

In terms of sectors, we will invest in any sector as long as it can help us achieve our investment target. But AMGF will mainly focus on companies in five sectors—consumer, education, financial services, healthcare and technology. We are looking to invest at least $5 million in each Myanmar home-grown company. On average, we will invest between $5 million and $20 million in each company. We have the capital to invest more than $20 million in each company if bigger opportunities arise.

Meanwhile, we are holding discussions with a few Myanmar companies. We don't set up the companies ourselves, we only invest in existing companies, so it takes time to talk to each other, to understanding each other. I have seen some quite interesting companies so far.

What are the key goals of Ascent Myanmar Growth Fund?

Not just myself, but our investors including ADB, are not just here to make money. We also focus on social goals that we call environmental, social and governance (ESG). We will help build the foundations of Myanmar companies which allow for sustainable growth, and we will work closely with the companies to advocate ESG objectives. One of our goals is to help [build] a sustainable economic environment that is in line with ADB's objectives, which includes creating opportunities and support for women entrepreneurs and women-led companies.

We hope, through our investment, we can also make a positive impact on Myanmar and its people. ESG is a big part of our focus as well. We hope to create positive change in Myanmar. We also support the new Myanmar Sustainable Development Plan which is known in the private sector as the main engine for [driving] balanced and sustainable economic growth.

Based on your experiences, which sector do you think has the most potential to attract foreign investment in Myanmar?

This also is going back to our investment thesis. Our firm's investment thesis has two factors—one is Myanmar's growth story because Myanmar is at a very early stage of development so there is a lot of growth potential. We believe that any sector or company can rise according to the growth potential and will be able to do well.

The second factor is Myanmar's consumption story because Myanmar has a relatively large and young population of 53 or 54 million people. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi mentioned that half [of Myanmar's population] is below 30 year olds and also has a rising income. So it is positive for the consumption story. Anything can have leverage in Myanmar's consumer sector—it can be retail, food and beverages, fast-moving consumer goods, healthcare or education. As income goes up, as people get older, you'd need more healthcare and more education.

Myanmar's foreign investment has declined for two consecutive years. You already know about Western sentiment towards Myanmar due to the Rakhine crisis. Why did Ascent Capital decide to investment millions of dollars in Myanmar this year?

Our intention is quite simple. Let me first talk about your point that [investment in] Myanmar is declining for two years. I don't think that way—Myanmar's average growth is 6 to 7 percent, so [overall] growth has not declined. It's just that Myanmar did not grow as fast as was expected.  

Despite all the challenges Myanmar has faced in the last two years, it still managed to achieve 6.5 percent [economic] growth. Just imagine if Myanmar's government, private sector and everybody came together and gave more effort, focus, and energy—it would be easy to achieve a lot more.

We are long-term investors. We are not here to expect short-term profits or returns. Our investment period is between 10 and 15 years. We asked ourselves where will Myanmar be by 2030. If we look at that perspective instead of thinking where Myanmar will be in 2020, I think the conclusion is quite different. If investors only think about 2020 it may not be the right time for Myanmar. If investors think about 2030, it is the right time [to invest]. It is about being early movers.

Myanmar's government has adopted a new Look East economic strategy in an effort to revive the significant FDI decline. What do you think? Does it really have potential to revive the decline in FDI?

Let's look at the facts. The fact is that if you look at the last eight or nine years since Myanmar opened up, look at where FDI was coming from, a lot of FDI—tangible concrete FDI—was from Asia. It is a fact. So if you ask me, the Look East strategy may have been there since 2011, not 2017 or 2018.

I am not a politician. My personal view is that we should not choose whether to look east or west. I think maybe we should welcome whoever does want to invest in Myanmar and how to contribute to Myanmar's long-term sustainable development. I say that because I have met a lot of European and US investors who the media says don't want to talk with Myanmar, that they want to stay away from Myanmar. It is not true—they do want to invest in Myanmar. They do want to support the long-term development of Myanmar; they do want to invest in Myanmar. As we all know, western companies and investors are more advanced in their focus on environmental and social [issues]. Their investments tend to bring higher levels of governance which can benefit Myanmar. I don't think we should think "let's not talk to western investors" or "let's talk only with Asian investors." We don't have to draw a line in the centre.

The post Private Equity Fund to Boost Myanmar Companies with up to $100M appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Interim Arrangements in Conflict Zones Key to Peace in Myanmar

Posted: 04 Feb 2019 03:05 AM PST

The “interim” period in the peace process is likely to be long-lasting — until there is a realignment in state-society relations and changed attitudes among Bamar elites who have long dominated Myanmar. Therefore, interim arrangements are about long-term support for ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and civil society as precursors for a future federal state. Interim arrangements are self-determination arrangements, and preconditions for the emergence of a truly democratic state embracing Myanmar's different peoples.

In a November 2018 report by the Myanmar Interim Arrangements Research Project, interim arrangements are defined as "service delivery and governance in conflict-affected areas, including the relationship between EAOs and government systems, during the period between initial ceasefires and a comprehensive political settlement." The arrangements establish EAOs' governance and administrative functions, and services in their areas of authority and influence. As viewed from the perspective of the peace process, the interim period is from the initial ceasefire until negotiation of a comprehensive political settlement. However, reaching an accord acceptable to key ethnic stakeholders seems unlikely, at least for the foreseeable future.

The focus of interim arrangements is on supporting EAO and civil society governance and service delivery systems, as recognised in Article 25 of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). However, despite insisting on the NCA as the only vehicle for realising the peace process, the government and Myanmar military have so far proved reluctant to operationalize interim arrangements.

For ethnic stakeholders, certain circumstances, local governance and service delivery systems might be coordinated with the government, which could lead to collaboration, and even convergence. However, this is not the primary purpose of interim arrangements, which focus on maintaining ethnic systems. Furthermore, interim arrangements are broader and deeper than the NCA. Important EAOs in Myanmar that have not signed the NCA, such as the Kachin Independence Organization, have developed impressive, state-like functions and play important roles in providing services to communities in areas under their authority or influence. Furthermore, a number of ethnic-based civil society organizations (CSOs) provide elements of local governance in communities they serve, engaging in mobilisation and advocacy in support of locally relevant agendas.

There are three main arguments for supporting interim arrangements. First, they provide the best outcomes for vulnerable people in ceasefire areas by utilising locally trusted and already existing mechanisms. Second, Myanmar's principal EAOs have political legitimacy, and supporting only government systems  — thereby strengthening the state vis-a-vis EAOs — changes the balance of political power on the ground. Third, EAO and associated CSO service delivery and governance functions, ethnic language schools for example, are the building blocks of federalism.

There are three main elements to the peace process architecture, as structured by the NCA. The political dialogue mechanism is in deep crisis because the government and military refuse to address key issues of concern to ethnic communities, leading to a subsequent decision by the Karen National Union (KNU) to suspend participation. The Joint Monitoring Committee is also in crisis for similar reasons, and because the Restoration Council of Shan State has also suspended participation. The third pillar of the peace process designated by the NCA are interim arrangements, which, unlike political dialogue and ceasefire monitoring, have no implementation mechanism.

Arguably, opportunities to reach a preliminary political settlement existed between 2012-15, under the previous U Thein Sein regime. However, under the NLD-led government since 2016, progress has stalled. The peace process will likely be subsumed and either sidelined or co-opted in the run-up to the general elections in 2020. There is a risk that the government may quickly foreclose discussions and move toward forcing through a Union peace accord before the elections. The KNU was therefore wise to suspend participation until general agreement can be reached with the government on fundamental issues underlying decades of armed conflict.

For these reasons, a political settlement is very unlikely — at least until after the next elections, and probably not until there are major changes in relations between majority and minority communities in Myanmar. There is a need for fundamental shifts at the level of basic identities and interests, particularly on the part of Bamar elites that have long dominated the state of Myanmar and its armed forces. A substantial and sustainable political settlement will take a generation or more to achieve and can only be delivered once members of the Bamar community better understand the realities and aspirations of ethnic minority communities, particularly in conflict-affected areas.

The interim period is likely to be lengthy. Therefore, interim arrangements are really about long-term support to ethnic armed organization and civil society systems of service delivery and local governance. Interim arrangements can be viewed through the lens of self-determination, which ethnic political actors have been struggling for since independence. They are also an essential step for building federalism from the bottom up. These self-determination arrangements are important not just for ceasefire groups, but also for other EAOs struggling against a still-militarised state dominated by urban-based Bamar elites, and also for community-based and other civil society groups seeking to build and support local capacities and maintain indigenous cultures.

Ashley South is an independent author, researcher and consultant, and a research fellow at Chiang Mai University.

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Aid Workers Race to Batten Down Rohingya Refugee Camp with No Sign of Crisis Ending

Posted: 03 Feb 2019 08:15 PM PST

COX’S BAZAR, Bangladesh—In hotels and restaurants near the beach at Cox’s Bazar in southeast Bangladesh, international and local aid workers sent to help the Rohingya in the world’s largest refugee settlement talk nervously of the major challenge ahead – the weather.

Cox’s Bazar was mainly known as Bangladesh’s top local tourism spot, famed for the world’s longest natural sea beach, until the 2017 arrival of more than 730,000 Rohingya fleeing persecution in Myanmar in a human exodus of unprecedented scale.

Joining thousands of Rohingya Muslims already in Cox’s Bazar, they cleared forests and built shelters from mud and bamboo to create a sprawling mass of camps that now house more than 900,000 people, of which 80 percent are women and children.

Over 18 months the Bangladesh government, with thousands of staff from about 145 non-government organisations (NGOs) and aid agencies, have brought order to the chaos, building more stable shelters, roads, sanitation and setting up community projects.

But while life in the settlement has started to stabilize, aid workers said they were rushing to secure the camps for the longer term with no sign of the crisis ending and one factor hanging over them – the monsoon in May then cyclone season.

“This is not an easy place to work because we are constantly worrying about things over which we have no control,” said Nayana Bose, spokeswoman for the Inter Sector Coordination Group (ISCG) that coordinates the humanitarian agencies’ work.

“It’s challenging in terms of terrain, weather, and population,” she said, adding this made it harder than other refugee crises and Bangladesh’s biggest ever humanitarian task.

Aid workers recalled how the early months of the crisis were focused on life-saving work, such as building shelters and latrines, food supplies, and dealing with health emergencies.

They worked around the clock in the camps located about 40 kilometers (25 miles) south of Cox’s Bazar – a 1.5-hour drive that can take much longer depending on traffic on the pot-holed roads where aid agencies’ four-wheel drives vie with auto rickshaws.

Fly in, fly out

Most international staff came for three month stints but as time went on were replaced by staff on six-month and one-year contracts, working eight-week shifts before flying out for one week of rest and recreation and to visit their families.

Leisure activities are limited in Cox’s Bazar, with alcohol in Muslim Bangladesh only available at some international hotels, so some aid staff set up yoga classes and book clubs.

Women must be dressed conservatively so swimming is not an option, although some aid workers value beach walks, and international workers are told not to leave hotels after 10 p.m.

Firas Al-Khateeb, a spokesman for the UN’s refugee agency UNHCR, said he had worked with refugees in five other countries but the Rohingya crisis was more challenging.

First there was the sheer numbers involved, then language problems as most Rohingya are illiterate, complicating awareness campaigns about risks in the camps, and also the fact the Rohingya are not recognized by Myanmar and have nowhere to go.

Chances of the crisis ending soon are remote. Bangladesh’s government has vowed not to repatriate anyone unwillingly, garnering global praise for Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina who just won a third term despite reports of poll irregularities.

UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, said on Jan. 25 it was clear the Rohingya cannot return “in the near future” with the situation unchanged and Myanmar still denying all accusations of persecution.

“The Rohingya are stateless and had been suffering back home. Some talk about the freedom they have here,” said Al-Khateeb, whose organization is frequently quoted saying the average length of stay in a refugee camp is around 15-20 years.

Getting ready

But he added that the weather was a major problem, with efforts now underway to make the camps as secure as possible in case of a severe monsoon or cyclone season. Last year the Cox’s Bazar area was not badly hit.

Anjum Nahed Chowdhury, a project manager with Christian Aid working on disaster risk reduction with BRAC, Bangladesh’s largest NGO, is focused on strengthening bamboo for shelters, digging ditches, landslide protection, and building brick roads.

“We must be ready for the monsoon season and we are much better prepared this year. If the cyclones had been bad last year it would have been a disaster,” she said.

While life in the camps is becoming normalized, the Rohingya are not allowed to formally work as this could impact local jobs, but they can earn about $5 a day on NGO projects in camps.

With this they can trade with each other at stalls that line the main roads winding through the camps that sell food, plastic toys and clothes as stray dogs and cows wander past.

Gemma Snowdon, a spokeswoman for the World Food Programme, said food in the camps was also changing to a longer-term plan.

At first they handed out rice, lentils and oil but now they are supplying people with cards with monthly amounts based on family size with which they can buy fresh food, dried fish and eggs from stores set up by local retailers in the camps.

Another program, run by the UN’s Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), International Organization for Migrants (IOM) and WFP, is supplying all households with stoves and a monthly canister of LPG to reduce pollution and deforestation.

The loss of forest has been a key source of tension with some local people, who are now outnumbered two to one by the Rohingya, and lost some traditional income from the forest.

While other locals, like Theotonius Gomes who runs the Mag Darin restaurant, have welcomed the influx of aid workers which has boosted businesses and prompted the government to start work on an international airport terminal and extended runway.

But all the aid work comes at a cost.

Last year UN agencies and NGOs launched a $950.8 million appeal to provide essential humanitarian assistance, including to nearly 400,000 Bangladeshis in nearby communities, some of whom are as poor as the Rohingya, in a bid to diffuse tensions.

A new funding plan will be launched later this month, with initial drafts of the proposal, seen by the Thomson Reuters Foundation, showing the target will be about $920 million.

Aid groups are well aware raising funds could get harder as the crisis rolls on and new emergencies hit the headlines.

“But this emergency is not over yet. Still the Rohingya need our help and support,” said Al-Khateeb.

The post Aid Workers Race to Batten Down Rohingya Refugee Camp with No Sign of Crisis Ending appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Stop Pigging Out and Save the Planet, Chinese Told Ahead of Lunar New Year

Posted: 03 Feb 2019 07:58 PM PST

KUALA LUMPUR — As Chinese people celebrate the new Year of the Pig this week, environmental campaigners are urging them to eat less pork and help save the planet.

China consumes more meat than any other country and accounts for half the world’s consumption of pork, which is used in everything from dumplings and stir-fries to hotpots.

That has helped make it the world’s biggest emitter of climate-warming greenhouse gases — according to the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), livestock are responsible for about 14.5 percent of global emissions.

“Chinese emissions can be reduced by almost 10 percent in the next decade if Chinese people just ate half as much meat,” said Jen Leung, China climate director at the U.S.-based charity WildAid.

“So just try eating a little less pork in honor of a healthy Year of the Pig,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Twelve animals make up the traditional Chinese zodiac and this week marks the transition from year of the dog to year of the pig.

The weeklong holiday starts on Monday, the eve of the new year, and is the most important in the Chinese calendar, when millions of people travel home.

Many restaurants have special menus to mark the festival, which is celebrated by Chinese communities around the world.

In Hong Kong, famous for its dim sum and barbeque pork, one company is partnering with restaurants to promote Lunar New Year dishes cooked with its “vegan pork” made with ingredients including soybeans and peas.

“Traditional belief dictates that we should not eat the same animal during their year in order to bring good luck, so pig year don’t eat pork,” said Alvin Lee, marketing manager at Green Monday, a social enterprise that promotes sustainable living.

“But more importantly it’s to address the issue of food safety and to mitigate climate change,” he said, referring to a recent outbreak of deadly African swine fever on pig farms in China.

On Weibo, China’s equivalent of Twitter, animal rights group PETA has launched a campaign to honor the “playful” animal with the hashtag #PigYearDontEatThem.

“Animal agriculture is responsible for more greenhouse gases than all the world’s transportation systems combined,” PETA Asia campaigner Jason Baker said.

China issued dietary guidelines in 2016 recommending people halve their meat consumption — a move lauded by environmentalists as a way to cut greenhouse gas emissions as well as boosting public health.

Experts said people were unlikely to give up on their pork dumplings any time soon in China, where meat is still associated with wealth and status.

“It’s quite challenging because culturally there are quite a lot of values attached to being able to eat meat,” Beau Damen, an expert on climate change at the FAO in Bangkok, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

“But one thing consumers do have to keep in mind is that choices about what we eat do have a direct impact on the environment,” he warned.

The post Stop Pigging Out and Save the Planet, Chinese Told Ahead of Lunar New Year appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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