Monday, April 8, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Once Again, Myanmar’s Media in the Cross Hairs

Posted: 08 Apr 2019 06:24 AM PDT

Like never before, Myanmar's media are under serious threat. Private and independent news outlets and their journalists have been receiving death threats since last week for their coverage of the fighting between government troops and the Arakan Army (AA), an ethnic Arakanese armed rebel group seeking greater autonomy in Rakhine State.

Since mid-March, the two sides have accused each other of opening fire on civilians. The Tatmadaw claims such incidents occur because AA troops try to mingle with local residents.

The civilian causalities of the conflict have dominated the headlines of local publications.

Early last week, prominent local media including The Irrawaddy, Eleven, 7 Day, the Voice, Mizzima and others received threats, either verbally by phone or digitally via fake email accounts, to their safety and that of their employees. The message can be summarized thus: "Don't write anything bad about the AA. Otherwise, we will blast your office."

The anonymous callers and emailers did not claim to be from the AA, but the contents of their threats are clearly related to the organization.

Threats have been made from both sides of the conflict. On Sunday, another email from a group calling itself Myochit Tatmadaw (Patriotic Army) with a subject line reading: "the last warning" hit the inboxes of The Irrawaddy and the Burmese-language services of the RFA, BBC and VOA. The email warned the recipients not to "post any text, picture, audio and video files to damage the Myanmar Army's dignity and image when it comes to the AA. If not, you will face the same fate as Ko Par Gyi and Saw O Moo." Reporter Ko Par Gyi was killed in custody by the Army in 2014, while Saw O Moo was a Karen community leader and environmental activist shot dead by the Myanmar Army in April last year. The sender and content of the threats were the same as those of an email sent earlier to the Rakhine-based Development Media Group by an organization identifying itself as the Pro-Army Group or Patriotic Army Group. It warned the media outlet to stand with the Myanmar Army, otherwise the safety of its journalists couldn't be guaranteed.

Whoever is behind the threats—both the AA and the Myanmar Army have denied making them—they constitute an act of the most serious violence against the media as a whole, creating a climate of fear with the aim of promoting one-sided and biased news that misinforms the people.

Furthermore, any threat to a lawful profession is unlawful.

The Irrawaddy has reported extensively on fighting between the AA and government troops since the outbreak of clashes in January, presenting views from both sides, as well as follow-ups on local people displaced by the fighting. As a news organization that has always reported every issue surrounding Myanmar without fear or favor, we totally condemn these threats. Be assured, we will not be cowed by so-called "safety warnings" from anonymous messengers.

More broadly, the death threats are putting Myanmar's fledgling media freedoms at risk. Since the dawn of the era of press freedom in 2012, the country's journalists have never faced a shortage of threats. Buddhist nationalists have brandished knives in their faces for their strong reporting favoring interfaith solidarity in the country. The government and military have targeted them for allegedly breaching the State Secrets Act and Unlawful Association Act over their reporting and traveling in rebel-controlled areas for news gathering. Individuals and the opposition party have filed lawsuits against them for exposing their shady business deals and corruption-tainted past. Now the attempted intimidation comes in the form of "death threats" from those who allegedly support the AA and the Army. All these threats are more or less a distraction to journalists who are doing their job. If they can no longer properly do what they are supposed to do, the public will suffer—especially from exposure to the fake news that has proliferated in today's social media-driven era.

It should go without saying that news outlets will never be discouraged by such intimidation. We understand that the threatened news outlets are preparing to submit—some already have done—complaints over the threats to the government. Serious threats against members of a particular profession have been made. The authorities concerned must take the complaints seriously, and take steps to protect journalists. Myanmar's top leaders shouldn't hesitate to tackle the problem for the sake of the survival of democracy in the country—especially when their watchdog is under threat of death.

The post Once Again, Myanmar's Media in the Cross Hairs appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Jailed Arakanese Politician, Author Transferred to Yangon’s Insein Prison

Posted: 08 Apr 2019 04:37 AM PDT

YANGON—Arakanese politician Dr. Aye Maung and author Wai Hin Aung were transferred from Sittwe Prison in Rakhine State to Insein Prison in Yangon Region on Saturday afternoon, but the families said they were not informed about the transfer.

The District Court of Sittwe on March 19 sentenced the pair to 20 years in prison for high treason and another two years for defamation, to be served concurrently. They were arrested in January last year in Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State, for remarks they made earlier that month at an event in Rathaetaung Township commemorating the 233rd anniversary of the fall of the Arakan Kingdom to the Burmese in 1785. They were prosecuted in September.

Both men are now at Insein Prison, according to the families and their lawyers. Both families told The Irrawaddy they were not told of the prison transfers by officials.

U Tin Maung Win, the son of U Aye Maung, told The Irrawaddy on Monday the failure to inform the families about the prison transfer, "showed a lack of fairness", adding that the government had neglected them.

The families heard about the transfer on Saturday evening at around 8 p.m. and arranged to fly to Yangon and meet their loved ones on Monday, according to U Thein Win, the brother of U Wai Hin Aung.

U Thein Win said that despite making the trip to Yangon, the relatives were not sure they would be meeting the two men.

"We heard they were transported on a flight, so we assume they must be in Insein Prison," he said. "And this [Monday] morning, Wai Hin Aung told me that they did not know in advance of the transfer, either. The prison officers took them to meet the higher officials before the prison doors were shut at sunset and then sent them by airplane to Yangon on Saturday afternoon at around 6 p.m."

Under the National League for Democracy-led government, the practice of prison transfers "is similar to the old times," said Daw Aye Nu Sein, a lawyer for U Wai Hin Aung, referring to the prisoners of conscience under previous military regimes, who were transferred from prisons in their own townships to distant locations, making it difficult for their families to pay prison visits.

U Aye Maung's lawyers appealed to the Rakhine State Court on March 28, and are waiting for a date for the appeal proceedings. The State Court is still considering whether to accept the appeal, said U Aung Kyaw Sein, a lawyer for U Aye Maung.

U Aung Kyaw Sein told The Irrawaddy the appeal was based on the fact that there was no precedent for someone being convicted of high treason over the content of a speech.

With regards to the alleged libel action as reported in the state media, the lawyer said the witnesses' statements against the two men were "unsubstantiated", adding that their conviction was legally controversial. The advocate said they would wait for the Rakhine State Court's decision and, if needed, would further appeal to the Union-level court.

U Wei Hin Aung's legal team has yet to submit an appeal, as he wants to wait until April 21, the end of the Thingyan water festival, during which Myanmar celebrates its traditional New Year, according to his lawyer.

It is customary for the Myanmar president to release prisoners, including political prisoners, during the annual Myanmar New Year holidays, which fall on April 13-17 this year.

Whether such an amnesty will be held this year will depend on the incumbent government's policy on presidential pardons, U Aung Kyaw Sein added.

The post Jailed Arakanese Politician, Author Transferred to Yangon's Insein Prison appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Military Captain, Squadron Killed by AA Rebels in N. Rakhine

Posted: 08 Apr 2019 04:31 AM PDT

YANGON — A Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, captain and his entire squad were killed during a clash with troops of the Arakan Army (AA) in a remote area of northern Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township on Friday, according to military sources and relatives of the victims.

Brig-Gen Zaw Min Tun of the Office of the Commander in Chief acknowledged that Capt. Chit Ko Ko was killed along with some other troops in a battle with the AA on Friday. He declined to provide a total death toll of army troops.

A long-time friend of Capt. Chit Ko Ko, Saw Lwin Saw, wrote a post on his Facebook page on Friday claiming that the crew comprised not more than 20 soldiers led by Capt. Chit Ko Ko was ordered by their commander to attack AA fighters in Buthidaung's War Net Yone region situated near the border with Bangladesh on Friday.

The squad was unexpectedly surrounded on every side by AA rebels. In the fighting, his friend was hit with a rocket-propelled grenade (RPG) and afterwards, other government troops were not able to retrieve his body, he said.

Saw Lwin Saw said that his friend had been on duty in Monywa, Sagaing Region, but was recently summoned for reinforcement to Ann Township, Rakhine State where the military's Western Command has their base. Some Facebook users took to the social media platform to criticize Capt. Chit Ko Ko's senior commander for failing to supply additional troops while his crew was surrounded.

The Arakan Army (AA) announced battle updates via its website on Saturday, reporting that its fighters had fought with about 150 military troops from the Ann-based Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) No. 373 in the War Net Yone region, close to the border on Friday and that about 12 government soldiers were killed.

The AA posted photos a number of pieces of military equipment which they seized from LIB No.373 troops, including a 9 mm pistol which is commonly used by high-ranking officers in the Myanmar military, a 60 mm mortar, four artillery shells, seven assault rifles, one remote control jammer, one RPG, more than one thousand 5.56 ammunition rounds and other military accessories.

According to the AA announcement, it clashed with government troops in Buthidaung, Kyauktaw and Mrauk-U townships in the first week of April. It stated that fighting in Kyauktaw Township's Phauk Pe mountain range killed at least three government soldiers on Friday and up to 10 in battles on Saturday.

Last month, the President's Office spokesperson U Zaw Htay told reporters in Naypyitaw that at least 12 civilians have been killed in battles between the military and the AA within three months.

Last Wednesday, a military helicopter attack at Buthidaung Township's Saidin waterfall, where several hundred Rohingya were harvesting bamboo and making rafts, killed at least six and wounded more than 10 Rohingya.

U Zaw Htay said the government military had killed a total of 58 AA fighters while the AA and other Arakanese civil society groups pointed out that most of the victims were shot dead by government troops in their villages without armed engagement and that 27 police had been killed but he refused to answer questions on the total death toll of military troops. Between December 2018 and April 2019, the army admitted three times that high ranking officers, including majors and captains, were shot dead by the AA without elaborating on the specific number of deaths.

In March, the AA seized a temporary tactical base belonging to the military in Buthidaung Township which borders Chin State's Paletwa Township.

The post Military Captain, Squadron Killed by AA Rebels in N. Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

5 Foreign Firms Licensed to Enter Myanmar’s Fledgling Life Insurance Market

Posted: 08 Apr 2019 04:23 AM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar has for the first time allowed foreign insurance companies to operate in the country’s life insurance market.

The Ministry of Planning and Finance announced on Friday that it has granted licenses to five foreign companies to sell life insurance: Chubb Tempest Reinsurance of the United States; Dai Ichi Life Insurance of Japan; AIA of Hong Kong; Prudential of England; and Manufacturers Life Insurance of Canada.

Local companies that can provide life and general insurance can team up with foreign firms with offices in Myanmar to improve their competitiveness, Planning and Finance Ministry Director General U Zaw Naing told The Irrawaddy.

"We have permitted foreign companies in order to improve the life insurance market in our country, which is the least developed in ASEAN," he said.

The move will provide the public with a wider choice of options and help reduce customers’ premiums.

The Finance and Planning ministry will monitor the new entrants’ activities to make sure local companies can compete.

U Soe Win Thant, however, director of Global World Insurance Co., is worried that the foreign firms will swamp the local market.

"Because they are both financially and technically superior to local companies, they will lead the market," he said.

In addition to one government-run provider, there are currently 11 local private insurance companies in Myanmar — eight are licensed to sell both life and general insurance while three may sell life insurance only.

Under the existing laws, only 35 percent of a local company may be owned by foreign investors.

While CB Insurance Executive Director U Thaung Han is optimistic that the five foreign insurance companies — all leading firms in the international insurance market — will help develop the domestic market dramatically, he is also concerned that their operations will challenge local companies.

"But it is not that foreign companies can have an immediate impact on local companies. Moreover, the ministry will also regulate the market," he said.

According to private insurance companies, only 1 percent of the country's population is interested in having life insurance, and most of the insurance bought is for vehicle and fire insurance.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post 5 Foreign Firms Licensed to Enter Myanmar’s Fledgling Life Insurance Market appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD’s U Soe Lwin Elected Deputy Mayor of Yangon

Posted: 08 Apr 2019 04:06 AM PDT

YANGON — U Soe Lwin, who won a seat on the executive board of the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC) as a candidate for the National League for Democracy in last month’s municipal election, was voted deputy mayor of Myanmar’s largest city and commercial capital on Monday.

"[Yangon residents] will see change. We contested the election because we want change. We will try as much as we can within the limited timeframe," he told reporters.

U Soe Lwin was chosen in a secret ballot by the 11 members of the executive board, including the five incumbents and the six elected on March 31.

The executive board originally consisted of nine members — the mayor, four appointees and four elected representatives — but has been expanded to include two more elected seats.

U Soe Lwin ran on March 31 in Constituency 3 against nine other candidates including well-known figures such as model Htet Htet Htun, businessman U Khin Hlaing and Ko Aung Khant.

The 65-year-old engineering graduate was a building contractor and is currently a commercial rubber grower.

"In my campaign I spoke about what I would do regarding stray dogs and traffic jams if I were elected. But I am deputy mayor now; I am responsible for everything. I will focus my efforts based on the reports of the central executive board members," U Soe Lwin said.

In addition to the six people elected to the YCDC executive board, the March 31 poll saw 99 municipal officers elected at the township level — three positions each in 33 townships.

Of the 105 seats up for grabs, the NLD secured 89 and independents the remaining 16

"As Yangon residents said, we want hard workers. There are a lot of needs in Yangon, and it would be best if each and every municipal official is dutiful," said Yangon resident Daw Su Myat.

The new YCDC Law, which took effect in June, allows for the replacement and recall of both appointed and elected members. It also aligns the term of the YCDC with that of the Union president and stipulates that municipal elections must be held within three months of a new Union government taking office.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post NLD’s U Soe Lwin Elected Deputy Mayor of Yangon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Soldiers Kill 7 Villagers, Including 3 Children, over Motorbike in Karen State

Posted: 08 Apr 2019 03:09 AM PDT

Three children were among seven civilians killed when two Myanmar Army soldiers opened fire in Anan Kwin village in Karen State's Kya-In Seikkyi Township on April 5, according to local sources. The youngest child killed was just 1-and-a-half years old, and one person was wounded in the attack, they said.

The two soldiers were detained by the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) after attempting to flee. The Army said it would prosecute them.

The incident occurred on April 5 when the two soldiers asked two families to let them use a motorbike, but the villagers refused to hand it over.

"The two soldiers came to ask for a motorbike from [the villagers]. They refused, as it was nighttime. [The soldiers] arrived in civilian clothes, carrying guns. So, who would give it to them? They killed everyone when the people refused to give them the motorbike," said U Tin Myo Oo, a regional lawmaker representing Kya-In Seikkyi Township for the National League for Democracy.

The two soldiers reportedly arrived after midnight. After killing the victims, they took the motorbike and drove away.

"I heard that the two were charged under three articles including Article 302 [for murder]," the lawmaker said.

The two families lived near Light Infantry Battalion 339 based in Anan Kwin village, where they worked as mechanics, repairing motorbikes and cars. They were Muslims, and had lived in the area for a long time.

One of the soldiers was from Light Infantry Battalion 275, a frontline unit. He was arrested on April 6. Another soldier was from LIB 339 based in Anan Kwin village. He was arrested on April 5 at a different location. The two are currently in the custody of the Myanmar Army.

U Tin Myo Oo said he had not yet heard whether the surviving family members would be paid compensation by the Army.

The Irrawaddy tried to reach Colonel Maung Maung Latt, a spokesman for the Army's Southeast Regional Command based in Moulmein, Mon State, for comment on Monday, but a person answering his phone said the colonel was in a meeting.

On April 6, Col. Maung Maung Latt told the Karen Information Center that the Army would take action against the two soldiers.

The post Soldiers Kill 7 Villagers, Including 3 Children, over Motorbike in Karen State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

44 Places in Myanmar to Inspire and Delight

Posted: 08 Apr 2019 02:33 AM PDT

Myanmar's Deep South

Kawthoung

Kawthoung is the city located at the southernmost tip of Myanmar and a quick boat across the water from Thailand's Ranong. It bustles with trade and tourism and crowds come from Thailand and beyond every day to get a taste of the nearby Myeik Archipelago. The leafy park above the coast road at Victoria Point features a giant statue of King Bayintnaung wielding his sword towards Thailand. This is also a great spot for views across the busy harbor below.

Myeik Archipelago

Touted as one of the world's last untouched island paradises, the 800 islands of Myeik were largely cut off to the public until just a few years ago. With development plans in the works for some of the islands, now is the time to take a multi-day cruise through the more remote parts of the archipelago and bask in the tranquility of deserted white-sand beaches and dense virgin jungle. The archipelago is said to have some of the best dive sites in the world and you may spot a family of the sea nomad ethnic group, the Moken (called Salone in Burmese).

Myeik

The city of Myeik has been an important port city for centuries, with sea traders from across the globe docking in the harbor. The main streets have well-preserved European and oriental architecture and several mighty mansions built by wealthy traders are still in use. The fish processing part of town is interesting and worth a visit if you can hack the smell, while the bustling and colorful ship-building yard is a must-see.

Dawei

The draw to Dawei usually leads travelers beyond the city to the beaches at Maungmagan and further along the coast. Maungmagan has wooden beach hut restaurants where you can order coconut water and delicious seafood. Walking south along the beach brings you to a picturesque fishing village while a motorbike trip north leads to deserted, pristine white sand beaches, like Nabule which is studded with dramatic boulders.

Mawlamyine

The sleepy, peaceful Mawlamyine located at the mouth of Thanlwin River is actually Myanmar's fourth largest city. There are a number of beautiful pagodas to visit, like Mahamyatmuni Pagoda which has a great view across the town and down to the river. You can go back in time visiting colonial-era churches and other well-preserved architecture or see a local craft workshop on Bilu (Ogre) Island across the river. A short trip outside Mawlamyine lies Win Sein Taw Ya, said to be the longest reclining Buddha image in the world, which you can actually walk inside and see a series of life-size scenes from the Buddha's life.

Hpa-an

The wonders of Hpa-an, the capital of Karen State, lie outside the town among the craggy limestone outcrops inside which you'll find caves both small and mighty. The huge Saddang Cave has religious monuments to the front and beautiful mineral formations to the back. Other good caves to visit include Kawkathaung and Kawgoon caves and at sunset, you can watch millions of bats swarm out of the "Bat Cave" by the river. Mount Papu is an easy trek while Mount Zwekabin (732 meters) is much more challenging yet rewarding with fantastic views from the pagoda at the top.

Golden Rock

The famous gold leaf-covered rock with stupa on top teeters seemingly impossibly on the edge of a rocky mountain and is one of the most religiously important sites in Myanmar making it the destination for hundreds of thousands of Buddhist pilgrims every year. You can take a truck to the drop-off point a 45-minute walk from the rock itself, or choose to walk the pilgrim route from the base which takes around six hours. Back in Kin Pun, the base town serving visitors to Golden Rock, the beautiful Saung Hlaing Gyi waterfall is just a taxi or motorbike drive away and has a great swimming area and waterside shops where you can sit in the shade and order drinks and snacks.

South Central Myanmar

Chaung Tha

This is the most casual and fun of Myanmar's beach towns. It's popular with families and groups of friends from Yangon and can be busy around holidays and weekends. After swimming and water activities in the sea, you might see camp fires, and even impromptu karaoke sessions on the beach in the evenings.

Ngwesaung

Ngwesaung is a little more upscale than neighboring Chaung Tha and has a reputation for being a peaceful and clean beach with clear waters not yet mobbed by city folk. Close to the village you'll find vendors selling seafood and offering water sport equipment. The further along the beach you walk from the village, the easier it is to find your own private slice of beach heaven.

Gawyangyi

This is a new beach destination for Myanmar. It was little more than a deserted stretch of beach and a white-sand bay until a few years ago but now a few low-key accommodation and dining options have cropped up and the guesthouses can arrange water activities to suit your level of adventurousness. The road to Gawyangyi is still very rough and deters all but the most determined beach-goers, making it a rewardingly quiet and romantic getaway.

Yangon

The commercial capital Yangon is a booming city and the center of modern Myanmar. Though sometimes hot and crowded, this dynamic, diverse city also has the best hotels, restaurants, galleries and cultural events in the country. And the glittering Shwedagon Pagoda looks out over it all.

Twante

Though just a short trip from the hubbub of downtown Yangon, Twante feels like a million miles away. This town is famous as a center of pottery and workshops take up entire quarters here. Inside the workshops you can witness the entirely non-mechanized process from start to finish. There's also a snake temple on a lake outside the town and a pagoda complex with a thousand Buddha statues to wander through.

Bago

Bago, often called by its colonial-era name Pegu, is all about the huge and beautiful religious landmarks which draw large numbers of Buddhist travelers from near and far. The mighty Shwemawdaw Pagoda is some 46 meters taller than Yangon's Shwedagon and there are two huge reclining Buddha images. At Shwethalyaung, the indoor reclining Buddha, you'll see a huge wall of names of donors from all over the world. Everything in the town can easily be reached by tuk tuk or bicycle which can be hired at most hotels.

Taungoo and Thandaunggyi

Taungoo, the town serving visitors to Thandaunggyi, is easy to get to from Yangon and so is growing in popularity. Once the capital of a huge kingdom stretching far beyond Myanmar's modern borders, Taungoo is now a sleepy town surrounded by rice paddies and with some crumbling colonial mansions which have been dramatically taken over by nature. The peaks of Thandaunggyi and the nearby Naw Bu Baw prayer hill, which actually lie across the border with Karen State, are the main attractions for visitors to the area. 

Pyay

The remains of the ancient city of Sri Ksetra, once a stronghold of the mighty Pyu Kingdom, today makes up part of Myanmar's only UNESCO World Heritage Site lies in the countryside surrounding Pyay. The temples, hulking and simple in design, are well preserved and unique to other collections of temples you'll find in Myanmar. A short trip from the city of Pyay and a boat ride along the Irrawaddy River, Akauk Taung is a point along the banks where an impressive series of Buddha images were carved into the mountainside in the 19th century.

Central Myanmar

Naypyitaw

Naypyitaw, the legendary purpose-built administrative capital of Myanmar, was established in 2005. Known for its sweeping empty highways and elaborate, little-used roundabouts, the city also has a military museum, a zoo and safari park, two golf courses and many five-star hotels. The sprawling parliament buildings the Uppatasanti Pagoda are the city's major landmarks, the pagoda modelled on Yangon's Shwedagon but measuring 30 centimeters shorter.

Bagan

Myanmar's most famous destination deserves every bit of recognition it gets. There are fewer scenes in the world more beautiful than sunrise, or sunset, over the 2,200 Buddhist temples built between the 11th and 13th centuries. You can spend many days exploring Bagan's plane of temples because each has a unique design and history. Some have ancient paintings on their walls, some are said to be haunted and some have secret underground tunnels.

Mount Popa

A temple built on top of an extinct volcano, Mount Popa stands out in stark contrast to the rest of the landscape of Myanmar's dry zone. The auspicious mountain is usually visited as part of a day trip from Bagan and is home to no less than 37 spirits drawing groups of pilgrims to come here every day and climb the 777 steps to the top.

Monywa

This little-visited destination is a three-hour drive from Mandalay and has the country's most enormous Buddhist monuments, including the third-tallest standing Buddha image in the world, the second-longest reclining Buddha image in the world and a very large seated Buddha image under construction. Nearby Po Win Daung is a fascinating network of caves with temples and shrines carved into the mountain and even some ancient paintings.

Mandalay

Often referred to as Myanmar's cultural capital, Mandalay has a rich royal history and there are several well-preserved teak monasteries. Kuthodaw and Mahamuni are beautiful pagoda complexes to visit and watching the sun set from atop Mandalay Hill is a wonderful experience.

Inwa

This is an enchanting place to visit just outside Mandalay. Now occupied by villagers living a simple life, between the 14th and 19th centuries it was the seat of a mighty and powerful kingdom and a royal city which was brought down by a series of earthquakes. Among the rice paddies and goat herds, you'll find the ruins of the royal palace and moat, a monastery, pagoda and a watchtower and other historic structures, some proudly displayed and some hidden in the high grass.

Mingun

Across the Irrawaddy River to the northeast of Mandalay is Mingun. Spend a few hours wandering around the area and admiring the colossal Mingun Pahtodawgyi Pagoda which was split down the middle by an earthquake; the giant Mingun Bell said to be the second heaviest operating bell in the world; and the very pretty, all-white Mya Thein Tan Pagoda. Afterwards, enjoy lunch in a café by the river. Mingun can be accessed by boat or taxi from Mandalay.

Pyin Oo Lwin

Often called by its colonial name, Maymyo, Pyin Oo Lwin is a great place to visit during Myanmar's hot summers because the climate is decidedly cooler all year round. A main feature of the town is the large and picturesque Kandawgyi National Botanical Gardens which is over a century old but the butterfly and fossils museums on the perimeter of the gardens are must-visits. Much colonial architecture remains well preserved here and there are a few waterfalls outside the town which are good for swimming—if the weather's not too cold. Don't forget to try the local sweet wines made from strawberries, grapes and damson fruit while you're in town.

Gohteik Viaduct

A train journey across this teetering steel bridge is sure to be one of the most memorable experiences of any trip in Myanmar. Connecting Pyin Oo Lwin in Mandalay Region to Hsipaw in northern Shan, the train slows as it approaches the deep gorge with the 119-year-old steel frame soaring above it. As the train slowly clunks across, look out the window to see the huge drop below, the gorge filled with dwarfed trees and rock cliff faces.

Mogok

Most of the world's highest quality rubies are sourced from the mountains at Mogok. This affluent and well-developed town is a six-hour drive north of Mandalay and has a cool climate. Gems markets are interesting places to observe the trade, and perhaps make a purchase, and there are lots of lookout points with great views over the misty valley. Be sure to try the local dishes at the night market by the lake.

Western Myanmar

Ngapali

Usually accessed by flight from Yangon and with many high-end hotels, Ngapali is known as a more upscale seaside getaway. Sunsets can be especially spectacular from this beach which has been dubbed one of Asia's best. Though you're likely to spend most of your time relaxing on the white-sand beaches or under the shade of coconut trees dining on fantastic seafood, visitors can also go snorkeling, diving or take a boat trip.

Sittwe

Usually only visited on the way to Mrauk-U, Sittwe is the capital of Rakhine State and the center of Arakanese culture. Arakanese food—all fresh green chilies and juicy seafood—is loved far beyond the state and is a must-try while you're in town. In the morning, check out the bustling central market and in the evening join locals walking along the beach at sunset.

Mrauk-U

Mrauk-U is currently prone to outbreaks of conflict between Myanmar's military and the Arakan Army and visitors should not travel to the area until it is officially declared safe.

Arguably one of the most special places in Myanmar, Mrauk-U was once the capital of the Arakan Kingdom which was a regionally powerful realm between the 15th and 18th centuries which is when most of the temples were built. Though some shoddy conservation work has been carried out, inside the most famous Shitthaung Pagoda is a series of tunnels lined with thousands of colorful carvings of religious and historical Arakan figures. Unlike Bagan, life in the vicinity of the temples remains as it always has been with farmers grazing their herds and kids fishing in the streams right next to the ancient structures.

Mount Victoria and Mindat/Kanpetlet

In southern Chin State, Mount Victoria is rising in popularity as an easygoing trekking destination set in a beautiful national park with wild orchids, cherry blossoms and rhododendron trees. Travelers usually base themselves at Mindat or Kantpetlet and drive to the base from where the trek to the peak takes two to three hours. There are now plenty of accommodation options, especially at Kantpetlet. Southern Chin State is where traditional facial tattoos are still seen on older women today.

Hakha and Falam

Falam is a typical example of remotest ethnic Myanmar with an unstable electricity supply, minimal modern construction, basic infrastructure and strong cultural and religious values. And these are just some of the factors which make it such a special place to visit. The hilly streets and incredible mountain views in every direction are unforgettable. Hakha is the capital of Chin State located about four hours south of Falam. The cold, often foggy weather and conifer trees and cherry blossom in the winter make it feel like these towns are in a different country altogether.

Tedim and Rih Lake

The heart-shaped Rih Lake lies nestled amid the Chin Hills of northwestern Burma, not far from the border with India on Dec 19 . (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Tedim in northern Chin State is a small Christian town set around a peak among the beautiful blue Chin mountains. There's not much to do in the town apart from admiring the view. Hiking to Kennedy Peak, Chin State's second highest mountain located 90 minutes from Tedim, is not too taxing and worth it for the views. Nearby, Siansawn is a unique village on a neighboring hillside where the people have created their own religious sect and marriages are arranged by the village leader. Rih Lake is a famous heart-shaped lake four hours' drive from Tedim and close to the Indian border.

Eastern Myanmar

Loikaw

Loikaw, the capital of Kayah, Myanmar's smallest state, is an up-and-coming destination for travelers in Myanmar. Most visitors use the town as a base for visiting or trekking to outlying villages to see the distinctive, myth-filled Kayan culture in which some of the women wear brass coils on their necks. Major efforts to establish community-based tourism have been taking place in the area and immersive travel programs have been developed to avoid the potential for "human zoos" to emerge as they have elsewhere.

Inle Lake

Fishermen row small boats by leg on the still waters of a lake sitting 900 meters above sea level. Mountains surround the water where diverse ethnic subgroups live and earn a livelihood from the lake. As one of Myanmar's most popular destinations, it's easy to get there and has a huge range of accommodation options from budget to blow-out. What's not to love about Inle Lake?

Taunggyi

This Shan capital sits atop a mountain and is a vibrant, thriving center of commerce. In the market you'll see members of different ethnic groups peddling the freshest, juiciest of produce grown in the surrounding fertile Shan Hills. Aythaya Vineyard is a must-visit around sunset. The town comes alive in the week before the November full moon when it hosts Myanmar's most spectacular cultural event, the Tazaungdaing fire balloon festival.

Kalaw

The cool climate makes this former colonial hill station feel like it's in a different country. Kalaw sits in a picturesque valley with green hills, colorful gardens and pine trees everywhere you look. As many travelers stop here before setting out on their trek to Inle Lake, the town is well connected, has lots of accommodation options and great restaurants and cafes, though the best Shan noodles and hin htote dumplings to be found are at the tiny shops inside the central market. Green Hill Valley Elephant Camp and Ride Behind Kalaw now offer plenty of activities to keep you in Kalaw for a few days.

Pindaya

Most visitors to Pindaya come to visit the famous natural cave at Shwe Oo Min Pagoda that has been filled to the brim with over 6,000 Buddha images of all shapes, sizes and designs. The pagoda sits on a hillside and there are fantastic views of the surrounding, colorful Shan farmland. A wander around the area may lead you to the lake or an old teak monastery and if you're lucky you may see people from the Pa-O, Danu and Taungyo ethnic subgroups who live in the area.

Ywangan

Ywangan, 90 minutes north of Pindaya and two hours north of Kalaw, is famous for its coffee plantations which produce some of the highest quality of coffee grown in Myanmar. Another special feature is the unusual blue lake which, though small in size, is surrounded by lots of local legends and superstitions and is so clear you can see the black fish darting around the bottom. Alawe Chaung Waterfall is another nice place in Ywangan to spend some time relaxing.

Hsipaw

Hsipaw is a wonderful northern Shan town with great trekking opportunities, waterfalls large and small to swim and chill at and possibly the best noodle dishes in Myanmar. For much of the year, the surrounding farmland is bursting with sweetcorn and other agricultural crops. The home of the last Shan prince, known as the Shan Palace is open for a few hours per day and a descendant of the family invites people into the home to tell the family story.

Kyaingtong

Sometimes spelled Keng Tung, this is a major hub in the east of Shan State where there are Chinese and Thai influences and ethnic subgroups like the Wa, Akha, Ann and Lahu live nearby. Trekking to tribal villages nearby can be arranged and a walk through the morning market is a vibrant and colorful experience where you can see many kinds of traditional outfits.

Northern Myanmar

Katha

Katha is a small, sleepy town famous for being the setting of George Orwell's novel Burmese Days. Orwell was stationed as a police officer here in the 1840s and the locations featured in the story—including the British Club and Orwell's house—can be visited today. Local Orwell enthusiasts have managed to save the former Commissioner's House from demolition and have simple visual exhibits connected to Orwell and the history of the town.

Indawgyi Lake

Indawgyi Lake Wildlife Park is an official UNESCO Biosphere Reserve which is special for its rich population of wildlife and water birds, many of which are endemic or endangered species. Visitors usually base themselves at Lon Ton on the southwestern shore of Indawgyi Lake and can take boat rides over the the famous "floating" Shwemyitzu Pagoda, kayak on the water and learn about the Shan-ni culture. Trekking with a local guide in the surrounding hills is an educational and rewarding experience.

Myitkyina

This Kachin capital is a city unlike any other in Myanmar. As well as people from the Kachin ethnic group, you'll see Chinese influence and a multitude of other ethnic subgroups and religions as evidenced by the traditional outfits the range of places of worship you'll see on a walk around the city or at the central market. Myitsone, the point where two rivers converge to form the important Irrawaddy River, is a one-hour drive north of the city. This confluence has also been the subject of nationwide protests against a proposed China-backed hydropower dam. At sundown, go to a riverside restaurant and try the herby Kachin dishes teamed with the local liquor, sepi.

Putao

Putao, the northernmost town of Myanmar, is surrounded by the snowy mountains of the eastern Himalayas and can only be accessed by flight from Myitkyina. It is home to the the Lisu and Rawang ethnic subgroups. The little-visited town is the closest urban center to Myanmar's—and Southeast Asia's—highest mountain, the unconquerable Hkakabo Razi. Foreigners are required to have a permit to go outside the town where there are opportunities for whitewater rafting, long-distance trekking and even mountaineering.

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‘Kyaukphyu BRI Projects a Bigger Threat Than Myitsone’

Posted: 08 Apr 2019 02:03 AM PDT

Amid growing public concern about Chinese-backed development projects in Myanmar, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will leave for Beijing late this month to attend the second Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) summit. During her meeting with the Chinese President Xi Jinping there, she is quite likely to discuss the Myitsone Dam, the most controversial Chinese project in the country so far. As well the Myitsone dam, another important China-backed development project is now underway on the shore of Bay of Bengal in Myanmar's western state of Rakhine. Prior to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's visit to China, The Irrawaddy talks to Bertil Linter, a Swedish journalist and author who has been covering Myanmar and Southeast Asia for nearly four decades, on China's major involvement—from development projects to the peace process—in the country.

The momentum to cancel the Myitsone dam is building in Myanmar. This coincides with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's upcoming visit to China where she will attend the second BRI summit. She has been very vague about her stance on the dam and some articles written by the NLD (National League for Democracy) party members have been indicating that the dam should get the go-ahead. Government leaders are suggesting the dam is downsized or relocated. Moreover, several projects which the current government has agreed to implement with China have not been disclosed to the public. What is your opinion on this?

I believe Daw Aung San Suu Kyi must be aware of the fact that it would be political suicide to agree on a resumption of the Myitsone project. With elections coming up next year, any Myanmar politician would have to think carefully before agreeing to such a controversial, and hugely unpopular, project like this one. We all remember how much she was against it when she was in opposition. Why does she appear to have softened her stance on the matter? That’s a question that should be posed to her.

On the Myitsone issue, China has become more aggressive in pressuring Kachin groups and the Myanmar government to accept the project. This seems to be unprecedented and some say that the Beijing leaders have demonstrated their stronger influence over this government compared to previous ones, including U Thein Sein's and the regime led by Snr-Gen Than Shwe. If so, why? What is your view?

I am actually very surprised at China’s attempts to have the Myitsone project restarted. Beijing must be aware of how much resentment, and anti-Chinese sentiment, it causes among the public at large. If the Chinese really want to improve their image in Myanmar, they should scrap the project altogether, not push the public into becoming more anti-Chinese than they already are.

The attention and public emotion surrounding the Myitsone project are understandable but the Kyaukphyu port project has received less attention from CSOs (civil society organizations) and the media. Reports also suggest plans to build a high-speed railroad connecting China's southern city of Kunming and the Kyaukphyu port in the Bay of Bengal are back on track. Debt-trap concerns and fears of compromised sovereignty are growing. Many think Kyaukphyu is more important than Myitsone and Myanmar officials have quietly expressed their concern to us. Your view will be appreciated.

Yes, China’s main interest in Myanmar is Kyaukphyu, not Myitsone. The high-speed railway from Yunnan to Kyaukphyu, the deep-sea port there and the proposed economic zone in the same area would give China’s landlocked interior provinces an outlet to the Indian Ocean. But it’s not only a question of exporting goods to and from Myanmar, Kyaukphyu is strategically important for the entire BRI project which includes Chinese interest in, and perhaps also control of, ports in the Indo-Pacific region.

We have seen many external or foreign players in Myanmar's "peace process"— under U Thein Sein we had the UN, western peace-makers and even the United States involved and highly-paid peace brokers and advisors flocked into Myanmar. But under the current government the conflict deepened. China seems to be playing a key role in current peace process efforts. Almost all ethnic insurgent groups in the north are backed by China. It seems a bleak future is awaiting conflict-ridden Myanmar and the new outbreak of conflict in Rakhine State between the Arakan Army (AA) and government forces is a major concern. Do you think China can be an honest broker in peace process in Myanmar?

Unlike all the Western peacemakers, China has vital strategic interests in Myanmar which it wants to defend and promote, and that is the so-called China-Myanmar Economic Corridor and Beijing’s wider strategic designs for the entire Indo-Pacific region. China’s relations with the ethnic groups in the north, and they make up more than 80 percent of all armed, non-state actors in Myanmar, also gives it an advantage over the Western peacemakers who don’t seem to understand what they have gotten themselves into. And it is important to remember that China is not interested in peace, meaning a final, peaceful solution to Myanmar’s civil wars and ethnic conflicts. China wants stability which it can use to its strategic advantage. China does not want war because that would cause unrest along the common border and a flood of refugees into Yunnan, but an unresolved conflict, over which it can exercise control, is definitely in its interest, at least for the foreseeable future — and that means until China gets what it wants in Myanmar, access to the Indian Ocean. The actual, so-called “peace process” is secondary, just part of a policy with wider ramifications.

Myanmar army generals are cunning and manipulative but they seem to understand China as they have institutional memories and fought against communists and insurgents backed by China in the past. So they took a neutral role to rebalance Myanmar under U Thein Sein's government. But the current government does not seem to have such institutional memories and emotions to strike a balance. What's your opinion on that?

Whatever we may think of the Myanmar Army and its abysmal human-rights record, they are fiercely nationalistic and see themselves as guardians of the country’s sovereignty. Keeping China, an old adversary which once gave massive support to the Communist Party of Burma, at bay should be seen in that perspective. Thousands of Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) soldiers died in that war, killed by Chinese bullets, and many older officers have not forgotten that. The largely civilian government may see things differently. It appears to be more willing to appease China, perhaps because China is the main investor in Myanmar and the country’s main foreign trading partner.

Some said that the West's pressure on the government is pushing the country into China's orbit. Do you buy that?

Definitely, and China is taking full advantage of that to enhance its own strategic interests in Myanmar.

The post 'Kyaukphyu BRI Projects a Bigger Threat Than Myitsone' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

143K Tons of Trafficked Timber Seized Over 3 Years

Posted: 08 Apr 2019 01:59 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — More than 143,000 tons of trafficked hardwood have been seized since the current administration took office three years ago, according to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation’s Forest Department.

"Thanks to tip-offs from members of the public, we were able to make those seizures," the department’s deputy director-general, U Kyaw Kyaw Lwin, told The Irrawaddy.

Over the same period, it said, more than 20,000 alleged timber traffickers were arrested and 9,460 pieces of machinery and 1,163 chainsaws were also seized.

In a press release on Thursday, the department said that most of the seizures were made possible by its community-based system to monitor illegal logging and alert authorities.

The department also pays cash rewards for reports of illegal logging, paying out more than 7 million kyats in the 2016-17 fiscal year, more than 40 million kyats in the 2017-18 fiscal year, and more than 67 million kyats in 2018-19 fiscal year, said U Kyaw Kyaw Lwin.

Because Forest Department staff and forestry police are overstretched in border areas, the department had to seek the help of the Defense Ministry in some cases this year.

"Because the commander-in-chief of defense services agreed to cooperate, we were able to seize 1,356 tons and 38 pieces of machinery and arrest 111 smugglers in February and March. We can't do without the assistance of the military in border areas were the security forces are limited," he said.

Setting the amount of forested area against the number of staff, each Forest Department officer effectively has to cover 9,000 acres, he added.

Department staff are sometimes attacked by the traffickers they are pursuing. From 1998 to the end of March, eight staff including an assistant director were killed and 47 were injured, according to U Kyaw Kyaw Lwin.

Without the cooperation of ethnic armed groups and the military, or Tatmadaw, they would have little success combating illegal logging, said Lower House lawmaker U Aung Kyaw Kyaw Oo.

"The Forest Department alone would not be able to do it. Only when both the Tatmadaw and armed groups participate in forest conservation will it be successful," he said.

Lower House Lawmaker U Kyaw Soe said the seizures were just "the tip of the iceberg," adding that the involvement of some local authorities in the trafficking also made it more difficult to fight illegal logging.

Timber from Myanmar is smuggled mainly to China.

The Forest Department auctions off about 80 percent of the timber it seizes.

Myanmar has banned the export of logged timber since 2014. The current administration has also restricted logging since 2016 in a bid to curb deforestation.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Bangladesh Posts Border Guard to St. Martin’s Island for 1st Time in 22 Years

Posted: 08 Apr 2019 01:35 AM PDT

The Bangladeshi government on Sunday redeployed over 100 Border Guards Bangladesh personnel armed with heavy weapons to St. Martin's Island, the country's southernmost point. It is the first time in 22 years the force has been based on the island off Cox's Bazar, and reinforces an existing Bangladesh Coast Guard deployment there, officials said.

In a statement, Border Guards Bangladesh (BGB) said on Sunday afternoon the force had been deployed to the country's southernmost border on St. Martin's with heavy weapons "at the direction of the government".

The statement, signed by BGB spokesperson Muhammad Mohsin Reza, said the BGB was last deployed to the island in 1997.

"Now, we are instructed to deploy our personnel to guard every inch of our territory. We started deploying over the last two days and today we instate one of our companies with weaponry… We have started our duties," BGB headquarters official Colonel Motiur Rahman told The Irrawaddy on Sunday evening when asked about the sudden deployment.

Diplomatic sources in Dhaka told The Irrawaddy on Sunday evening that the deployment comes amid Myanmar's recent building of a steel structure along the Naf River on the Myanmar side of the border without informing Bangladesh authorities. Bangladesh also fears a further escalation of the conflict inside Myanmar following a recent helicopter gunship attack in Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township, which left at least six Rohingya villagers dead and 13 injured on April 3.

A serving diplomat who closely watches developments inside Myanmar said Bangladesh is also concerned about the existence of an estimated 17,000 IDPs across the border in Rakhine state.

On April 4, Bangladesh Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan, at another meeting with top BGB officials and civil administrators from border districts, said Bangladesh wanted to maintain an amicable relationship with Myanmar and had held several bilateral meetings, but expressed doubts about whether Myanmar really wanted to maintain similar relations with Bangladesh.

A video shared with The Irrawaddy showed BGB personnel in military gear marching on St. Martin's after alighting a civilian ship.

The BGB officials said a ship used to transport personnel was escorted by the Coast Guard to the island.

Asked about the sudden deployment to the island, another senior BGB official recalled the prime minister's recent directive to top brass about Bangladesh's position toward Myanmar.

According to the Dhaka-based Daily Star, Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on April 4 said her government would keep up its efforts to repatriate displaced Rohingya through negotiations and refrain from engaging in any conflict with Myanmar.

"Since they [Myanmar] are our close neighbors, we will never engage in any conflict with them [Myanmar]. Rather we'll have to continue efforts so that they'll take back their nationals through negotiations," she said during a visit to the Defense Ministry in the capital Dhaka.

The deployment comes during a five-day border conference between BGB and the Myanmar Police Force that began in Naypyitaw on April 6.

BGB director-general Major General Md Shafeenul Islam is leading the 11-member Bangladeshi team, while the 17-member Myanmar team is headed by Police Brigadier General Myo Than, chief of the general staff of Myanmar police.

The BGB officials said at the meeting that discussions are slated to be held on the inflow of narcotics, particularly yaba; curbing terrorism on the border; a ceasefire on the frontier; curbing intrusions across the border; joint patrols and other issues.

A press conference on the meeting is scheduled to be held on Tuesday.

Asked whether the deployment to St. Martin's had any connection to Myanmar's repeated inclusion of St. Martin's on an official map, Cox's Bazar deputy commissioner and district magistrate Kamal Hossain said the deployment was meant to increase security, especially in the fight against drug smuggling and human trafficking.

On Feb. 14, the Bangladeshi Foreign Ministry summoned Myanmar's acting ambassador to protest against the continued inclusion of St. Martin's Island in Myanmar territory on a map posted to an official Myanmar website.

Following the summons, acting Myanmar Ambassador Aung Kyaw met Bangladeshi Foreign Ministry director-general for Southeast Asia M Delwar Hossain at the ministry. The director-general asked the envoy to take steps to correct the map by excluding St. Martin's Island from Myanmar territory.

The Dhaka-based daily New Age then reported that the ambassador was told that the Myanmar authorities continued to show the island as a part of Myanmar despite a formal protest from Bangladesh on Oct. 6, 2018 demanding immediate corrective measures.

In reply, Myanmar informed Dhaka via a diplomatic note that the agency in question had removed all links making false claims to the island.

"However," the Foreign Ministry said on March 14, "it has been noticed with great concern that the advanced interactive section of the website of the Department of Population Under the Ministry of Labor, Immigration and Population of Myanmar containing various geographic data on Myanmar still shows the similar data gradients such as population and land type of the island [belonging to] Bangladesh has been shown as the area of Myanmar."

Given that the error persisted despite Myanmar's assurances that it would be permanently addressed, the ministry said, it can only be construed as a deliberate act.

Bangladesh insists the island has never been part of Myanmar, citing documents dating back to 1937, when the British colonizers separated Myanmar from British India. Dhaka says there is an "ulterior motive" behind drawing and sharing the map of Myanmar including St. Martin's on websites, according to a report published in the Dhaka-based daily New Age following the meeting.

The row over the forged maps has flared up again as the two countries engage in diplomatic efforts to start repatriation from Bangladesh of ethnic minority Rohingya refugees to their ancestral home in Myanmar's Rakhine State, according to the New Age report.

An estimated 738,000 Rohingya refugees have fled violence in Rakhine since Aug. 25, 2017, according to the UN.

The Rohingya influx took the number of undocumented Myanmar nationals and registered refugees in Bangladesh to about 1,116,000, according to estimates by UN agencies and the Bangladeshi Foreign Ministry.

The post Bangladesh Posts Border Guard to St. Martin's Island for 1st Time in 22 Years appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Without Territory, the Shanni Army’s Difficult Path to Recognition

Posted: 07 Apr 2019 10:36 PM PDT

YANGON — "Our ethnic group didn't take up arms so we have been bullied a lot. I couldn't stand it, so I joined this group to do my fair share," said female medical soldier Sein Sein of the Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA).

Founded in July 1989 on the India-Myanmar border, the SNA set up a headquarters in 2009 on a mountain called Nwe Impha at the border. It is said that the SNA was born of Nwe Impha. In the Shanni language, nwe means mountain and impha means stone mat.

The armed group now has bases in Hkamti, Homalin and Tamu in Sagaing Region which borders with India. It is also active in Mohnyin, Mogaung, Waingmaw, Hpakant and other parts of Kachin State. It has three brigades—891, 972, and 753—and over 1,000 troops.

The SNA is led by Sao Meim Liam and Sao Khun Aung, and has five objectives—to gain statehood, to fight against drugs, to establish a genuine federal Union, to build unity among all the Shan sub groups, to develop the Shanni region, and to conserve ecological balance.

The map of the area demanded by the Shanni ethnic group. / Shanni Ethnic Group / Facebook

"Though we are not in Shan State, we are a Shan tribe. We live in Kachin State and Sagaing Region, so we are not consolidated. The Kachin say we are a vassal of the Bamar, and Myanmar government troops say we are the Kachin armed groups' informants. We formed the SNA to claim the fundamental rights of our Shanni people," said the commander of Brigade 891 Lt-Col Sai Aung Meim.

Shanni people have had their own monarchs since time immemorial, he said. Mohnyin Saopha Sao Long, Wuntho Saopha Sao Aung Myat and Hkanti Long (Putao) Saopha were most prominent Shanni saophas, or rulers.

After Myanmar fell under British rule in 1886, Wuntho Saopha Sao Aung Myat fought back against the British forces, but was eventually quelled by the invaders.

SNA fighters at a military parade. / The Irrawaddy

According to Shanni people, Myitkyina, Mohnyin and Bhamo districts in today's Kachin State, and Kalay, Hkamti, Mawlaik, Katha and Tamu districts in today's Sagaing Region originally belonged to them.

But when the Bamar planned to regain independence together with the Frontier Areas from the British, ethnic groups demanded the right to secession. The Bamar government's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) and the Kachin gambled Shanni State for their political ambitions, said Shanni people.

In his book "From Panglong Spirit to the Genuine Democratic Federal Union," ethnic leader Khou Marko Ban wrote, "Prime Minister U Nu (AFPFL) told [Kachin leader] Sama Duwa Sinwa Nawng that besides Myitkyina, Bhamo would also be incorporated in forming Kachin State in the [1947 Constitution], and that the position of Kachin State chairman shall be reserved for Kachin ethnic people; and Kachin leaders have to abandon their demand of the right to secession in exchange for that. Sama Duwa accepted his proposal."

A group of Tai Khamti warriors in their traditional dress. / Shanni Ethnic Group/Facebook

Similarly, Kalay, Hkamti, Mawlaik, Katha and Tamu districts were incorporated into Sagaing Region which was formed according to 1974 Constitution. As a result, Shanni State was completely removed from the map of Myanmar.

"We are not demanding a new state, we just want to get our statehood back," said SNA Private Sai Mein.

Sai Lu Jien, a Shanni ethnic resident of Homalin Township in Sagaing said he believes the SNA can fulfill the statehood dream of the Shanni people.

"We believe that SNA can get us a Shanni State which existed for a long time in history. And we are ready to provide any assistance for the SNA, anytime," he said.

SNA fighters at a military parade. / The Irrawaddy

However, the SNA will have to negotiate with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Kachin and other ethnic people as well as the government and the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) about their statehood dream. Political analysts say the negotiation process will not be smooth.

"They have the right to demand, but whether it is possible or not depends on the reality," said ethnic affairs analyst U Maung Maung Soe.

An AFPFL conference held prior to Myanmar's independence laid down seven requirements that ethnic groups had to fulfill in order to claim self-administration.

The SNA said the Shanni ethnic group meet all those seven requirements, including having a clear geographical border, a language that is not Burmese, an ethnic identity, a distinct culture and an appropriate population for economic sustainability.

Hkanti Long (Putao) Saopha and his family in 1920. / Shanni Ethnic Group/Facebook

"We will try to build unity with Shan from other regions. Sagaing Region and Kachin State are adjacent to each other. We Shanni deserve more than self-administration, so we are demanding statehood," said Lt-Col Sai Aung Mein, who is also on the central executive committee of the SNA.

While Shanni people are dreaming of their own state, there is still a need to unify the Shanni political forces. Although there is so far only one Shanni political party, the Tai-Leng Nationalities Development Party (TNDP), Shanni forces in Kachin and Sagaing are also planning to form another political party which they are tentatively calling the Shanni Nationalities Party.

"It is the Shanni people who frequently conquered the Burmese empire. It is our Shanni people who established the confederation of Shan State," chairman of the TNDP U Sai Htay Aung told The Irrawaddy in July 2018.

Hkanti Long (Putao) Saopha and his family in 1920. / Shanni Ethnic Group/Facebook

"Only later, we became less united. Then we fell under colonial rule. The British suppressed Wuntho Saopha U Aung Myat when he rose against them. Our territory was divided in two —Kachin and Sagaing — after independence. As Shanni were put into separate administrative areas, they have become distant," he added.

While the government and Tatmadaw are making efforts to persuade ethnic armed groups to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), the SNA has been left out.

Other ethnic armed groups have called for full inclusion in the peace process, yet they are keeping silent about the SNA's demand.

Shanni activists accept that obtaining statehood is a long journey for Shanni people, many of whom lack political awareness, and many of whom are inflicted by the scourge of drugs.

"We are working to be able to sign the NCA. Only by signing the NCA, we will be able to engage more in the Shanni nationalist movement. We have to be included in the NCA framework," said Lt-Col Sai Aung Mein.

While the government has a policy not to recognize new ethnic armed groups, it should take prompt steps to put out the fire before it grows out of control. If the government decides against inviting the SNA to sign the NCA, they should at least hold political dialogue in order to prevent the problem from getting worse with time.

"If the government does nothing in response and it [the SNA] becomes weak automatically as time passes by, it is no problem. But if the government tries to address it only after it grows bigger like the AA (Arakan Army), which has expanded from a few dozen to several thousands, it might not be easy then. The government needs to see this problem as an urgent political issue. If it does, it will be able to prevent the fire before it blazes," said U Maung Maung Soe.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

The post Without Territory, the Shanni Army's Difficult Path to Recognition appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Country Stars Shine in Vegas at Academy of Country Music Awards

Posted: 07 Apr 2019 09:41 PM PDT

Country music royalty turned out in force on Sunday for a glittering night of live performances and honors at the 54th annual Academy of Country Music awards.

Host Reba McEntire, marking a record 16th time in the job, wasted no time in addressing one of the evening’s touchy subjects — the lack of women nominees in some top categories.

Noting recent snow in Las Vegas, where the awards were held in a live, performance-heavy broadcast, McEntire quipped, “it was so cold it froze us women out of entertainer of the year.”

Grammy award album of the year winner Kacey Musgraves was glaringly absent from the all-male nominees top category.

The honor went to Keith Urban, whose wife actress Nicole Kidman appeared genuinely shocked at his win.

But Musgraves took home both the album of the year and female artist of the year awards.

Accepting the latter, Musgraves said, “I’m so thankful for the chance to share my political perspective,” dedicating the award to women who felt pressure to silence themselves.

And women ruled the MGM Grand Garden Arena stage as Chrissy Metz, of hit NBC show “This Is Us,” made her live TV performance debut, alongside country stars Lauren Alaina, Mickey Guyton and Maddie & Tae for a stirring rendition of "I'm Standing With You."

Jason Aldean and Florida Georgia Line opened the show with a rousing performance of “Can’t Hide Red,” but some on social media took offense to Tyler Hubbard’s American flag suit, branding it a “disgrace” besmirching a sacrosanct national symbol.

Dan + Shay scored three straight early wins, for song of the year and single of the year for “Tequila,” also winning duo of the year.

Male artist of the year went to Thomas Rhett.

The star-laden three-hour show marked an upbeat return to celebrating country music after last year’s awards assumed a somber note following the October 2017 mass shooting, also in Las Vegas, that killed 58 people at a country music festival.

Aldean, who was performing when shooting broke out, received the ACM artist of the decade award.

Other A-list country stars performing included Blake Shelton, Luke Bryan, Chris Stapleton, Urban, Brooks & Dunn, Miranda Lambert, McEntire and George Strait.

The post Country Stars Shine in Vegas at Academy of Country Music Awards appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

ANALYSIS—Manipulation Suspicions Mount in Thailand’s Post-Coup Election

Posted: 07 Apr 2019 09:25 PM PDT

BANGKOK—Thailand’s first general election since a 2014 army coup has been touted by the ruling military junta as a return to democratic rule, but two weeks after the vote, results are still unclear and allegations of manipulation are mounting.

Since the March 24 vote, figures linked to a “democratic front” of opposition parties say they have come under increasing pressure from police and the military.

The Election Commission has also indicated it would use a complex allocation formula for 150 “party seats” in the House of Representatives in a way that would likely dilute the opposition alliance’s seats in the 500-seat lower house.

The Election Commission has said it won’t announce even provisional winners of the 150 party seats until May 9, saying it needs time to order by-elections and vote recounts as well as to disqualify candidates who broke election laws.

But critics say the time gap allows the military-royalist establishment to manipulate results and disqualify opponents of the pro-army Palang Pracharat party that seeks to keep junta leader Prayuth Chan-ocha in power as an elected prime minister.

The leading opposition Pheu Thai party, made up of loyalists to army-ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, sees the delays and legal actions as an attempt to deny the “democratic front” enough seats in the House needed to block the main junta-linked party from unrestrained lawmaking power.

“After the election … the majority of the people feels a sense of hopelessness and distrust for the election process,” said Pheu Thai’s secretary-general, Phumtham Wechayachai.

“People are talking about the Election Commission’s part in supporting the extension of power by the National Council for Peace and Order,” he said, using the junta’s formal name.

The Election Commission’s secretary-general, Jaroongwit Phumma, told Reuters the body is not helping the pro-military party.

“The election commission is neutral and adheres to the law. We don’t take sides or help one particular party,” Jaroongwit said.

Palang Pracharat said it does not gain any advantages over opposition parties.

“It’s completely false to say that the election commission is helping Palang Pracharat. This is an attempt to discredit us,” the party’s deputy spokesman Thanakorn Wangboonkongchana told Reuters.

Sedition charge

However, opposition figures say they are being targeted.

Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, the leader of the youth-oriented Future Forward Party which did surprisingly well in the vote, was charged on Saturday with sedition on a junta complaint dating back to 2015 — a case that could see his party disbanded.

Online campaigns have also cast Thanathorn as anti-monarchy, a serious crime in Thailand, where the monarchy is revered without question.

Thanathorn denies being against the monarchy and all charges against him.

“It’s the establishment’s desire to stir hatred, fear, and mistrust among the people, creating legitimacy for the military to take over and stay on,” Thanathorn said last week.

Winthai Suvaree, a spokesman for the junta, said the charges against Thanathorn were not aimed at weakening the opposition and were “entirely unrelated to current political events”.

'Abnormal election'

The rules of the election were written in the 2017 junta-backed constitution, which critics said were aimed at ensuring military influence in Thai politics.

Among the new provisions is that the Senate, the 250-seat upper house of parliament appointed by the junta, must approve the prime minister in a combined vote with the House, which previously solely voted on the premier.

That means the junta-backed party and its allies have to gain only 126 seats in the House to install Prayuth as prime minister, while the opposition would need 376 votes for their potential candidate.

Still, days after the March 24 vote, the “democratic front” claimed through its own calculations that it would gain at least 255 House seats — not be enough to form a government but potentially allowing it to block the military-backed party from having free rein.

Last week, however, the election commission indicated the complex formula to calculate allocation of the 150 “party list” seats will round up decimals to give seats to 11 small parties although their popular votes did not meet a previously described threshold required to earn even one seat.

“This is an irregularity that reflects an effort to block the democratic front from forming the next government,” said Pheu Thai’s spokeswoman Ladawan Wongsriwong.

Widening the list would cut seats from top popular vote getters and could reduce seats for Future Forward from around 87 to 80, potentially hurting the democratic front’s claim of House majority.

“It’s an abnormal election from the outset. It’s a game where the junta wrote the rules and appointed the referee, who is also acting abnormally,” said Yingcheep Atchanont, project manager at legal-monitoring group iLaw.

Palang Pracharat has repeatedly said it reaps no benefits from the constitution.

Sonthirat Sontijirawong, the Palang Pracharat secretary-general, has said the party would begin talks to form the next government only after the king’s official coronation on May 4-6.

'Bad people'

The election comes after nearly 15 years of turmoil, during which conflicts between supporters of ousted former premier Thaksin and his establishment opponents manifested in street protests, violent clashes, and two military coups.

On the eve of the vote, King Maha Vajiralongkorn made an unexpected statement, recalling a comment made by his late father on the need to put “good people” in power and to prevent “bad people from … creating chaos.”

Six days later, the king revoked royal decorations that had been awarded to Thaksin, citing his 2008 corruption conviction and for fleeing the country to escape prison.

The military also stripped Thaksin of a pre-cadet school’s achievement award as well as deleting his name from the school’s hall of fame.

“Thaksin continues to be a threat to the position of power of the establishment,” Pavin Chachavalpongpun, associate professor at Kyoto University’s Center for Southeast Asian Studies, told Reuters.

The post ANALYSIS—Manipulation Suspicions Mount in Thailand’s Post-Coup Election appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Wants to Work with EU on Trade, Premier Writes Before Summit

Posted: 07 Apr 2019 09:13 PM PDT

BERLIN—China wants to work with the European Union on issues from climate change to trade, Premier Li Keqiang wrote in a German newspaper before a summit next week aimed at cementing ties.

Diplomats in Brussels have said that tensions over trade, investments and minority rights mean China and the EU may fail to agree a joint declaration at the April 9 summit. That could dent European efforts to gain greater access to Chinese markets.

In a column for Monday’s edition of Handelsblatt, extracts of which were released on Sunday, the Chinese Premier denied accusations Beijing was trying to split the bloc by investing in eastern European states.

“We emphatically support the European integration process in the hope of a united and prosperous Europe,” wrote Li. He said Beijing’s close cooperation with eastern European states was “advantageous for a balanced development within the EU”.

Concerned by potential Chinese dominance of strategic European industries, the EU is trying to coax Beijing to open up its markets and has tried to get it to commit to removing what Brussels sees as unfair barriers to trade.

Li wrote that China was ready to work closely with Europe in upholding the Paris Climate Agreement, supporting sustainable development, retaining the international nuclear deal with Iran and fighting terrorism.

He also said it wanted to exchange views on reforming the World Trade Organization.

The EU is China’s largest trading partner. An increase in Chinese takeovers in critical sectors in Europe and an impression in Brussels that Beijing has not kept its promise to stand up for free trade has complicated talks before the summit.

The post China Wants to Work with EU on Trade, Premier Writes Before Summit appeared first on The Irrawaddy.