| Suu Kyi Calls for Collaboration With Military at NLD Anniversary Posted: 27 Sep 2013 05:46 AM PDT  Democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi received flowers from supporters on her arrival at NLD headquarters. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Speaking on the 25th anniversary of her party's founding, Burma's democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi called on Friday for greater collaboration between civil society groups and the military to promote national reconciliation after decades of military rule. "Civilian groups are not in touch with the Tatmadaw," the 68-year-old lawmaker told reporters at a press conference at the Rangoon headquarters of her National League for Democracy (NLD) party, referring to the military. "It is a big challenge, not only for me, but for the entire country, as it will lay the foundations of national reconciliation." Party members and foreign diplomats came out to celebrate the Silver Jubilee of the party's founding on Sept. 27, 1988. More than 500 people were in attendance, with hundreds more lining the streets outside. The Nobel Peace laureate—whose father, independence hero Gen Aung San, founded the modern Burmese military—attended the country's Armed Forces Day for the first time this year, after being freed from house arrest under the former regime in 2010. Suu Kyi also reiterated calls for constitutional change before the upcoming 2015 election. The Constitution—which was written by the former regime—reserves 25 percent of seats in Parliament for military representatives and makes Suu Kyi ineligible for presidency. "If we do not change the Constitution, we cannot say our country is really a democracy," she said. "If we hold an election with an unfair Constitution, the result will also be unfair." One of the country's most prominent democracy activists, Min Ko Naing, also spoke at the anniversary event on Friday. He called for younger NLD members to develop leadership skills. "The new generation needs to learn from the experiences and cooperative leadership of their seniors," said the founder of the 88 Generation Students group. The NLD won 43 of 44 seats it contested in by-elections last year. It has been urged to reorganize and diversify its leadership, which is dominated by older party members. The post Suu Kyi Calls for Collaboration With Military at NLD Anniversary appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| US Govt Delegation Visits Burma, Discusses Sanctions Posted: 27 Sep 2013 05:38 AM PDT  Piles of Burmese kyat currency in Rangoon. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A joint delegation from the US state and treasury departments concluded on Friday a visit to Burma, where they met with American companies and reviewed the impact of easing US sanctions over the past year.
The delegation considered possible future changes to the US government's Specially Designated Nationals List of individuals, groups and entities subject to economic sanctions, according to Sarah Hutchison, a US Embassy spokeswoman in Rangoon.
"At this point it's just a very general discussion," she told The Irrawaddy on Friday, adding that she could not provide more detail in terms of specific individuals identified. "This will be a long and involved review process."
The delegation was led by Peter Harrell, the deputy assistant secretary for counter threat finance and sanctions, as well as David Mortlock, deputy coordinator for sanctions policy. The visit, which began on Monday, included meetings with US businesses, government officials, civil society and members of the private sector, to learn about their experiences doing business in the country and to discuss the impact of the easing of US sanctions over the past year, according to the US Embassy.
Hutchison said she could not immediately comment on the findings of the delegation, nor could she detail the specific individuals or businesses who met with the group, but she said more information might be available over the weekend.
"The delegation was pleased to hear that US businesses are enthusiastic about opportunities in the country and committed to be responsible partners to Myanmar [Burma] business and civil society," the US Embassy said in a statement.
Earlier this week, Burma's top diplomat encouraged US companies to join the "gold rush" in his country, speaking during a visit to New York for a meeting of the UN General Assembly. "The door for business opportunity has been closed for four decades," Burmese Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin told leaders from the government, nonprofit, public and private sectors at a forum about investment in Burma, as quoted by Asia Society, which hosted the event. "The door is now wide open. It's a gold rush." Burma President Thein Sein's economic adviser Zaw Oo was also in attendance at the forum. "We have so much to offer," he reportedly said, promoting Burma's rich natural resources and large labor pool. "What we need is to show quick and tangible benefits to our people." USAID administrator Rajiv Shah, who gave closing remarks at the forum, said dozens of US companies requested to join his recent trip to Burma, while noting remaining challenges to investment, including the need to redefine the Burmese military's political and economic role, establish rule of law, root out corruption and address land rights issues. As a reward for political reforms since Thein Sein came to power in 2011, the United States has waived nearly all of its economic sanctions on Burma, allowing big-name companies such as Coca-Cola and Visa to set up shop in the country. The US government has waived restrictions on the provision of financial services, authorized new investment by Americans—subject to reporting requirements—and permitted the importation of all products from Burma, with the exception of jadeite and rubies. Economic sanctions were placed on Burma under the former regime, following a military crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in 1988 and the regime's rejection of election results in 1990. Some rights activists have criticized the US government for moving too quickly to waive sanctions under Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government, saying that rights abuses continue against Muslims in west Burma and ethnic minorities in border states. The United States has taken a more cautious approach than some other countries, including member states of the European Union, which permanently lifted all sanctions except an arms embargo on Burma in April. The US government this year extended the act prohibiting US businesses and individuals from dealing with persons on the Specially Designated Nationals List and their companies. American companies investing US$500,000 or more in Burma, or investing in the country's oil and gas sector, are also required by the US government to file reports on steps taken toward responsible investment, including implementation of human rights or worker rights policies and efforts of due diligence regarding local business partners. The reports, which are published on the US Embassy website, must also detail payments exceeding $10,000 to Burma government bodies. The reporting process started in July, and companies have about half a year to file a report after reaching the half-million dollar investment threshold. As of this week, reports from only five companies were available on the embassy website, with Coca-Cola, Visa and other major companies absent from the filings. The post US Govt Delegation Visits Burma, Discusses Sanctions appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Air-Conditioned Train to Ride Rangoon’s Circle Line Soon Posted: 27 Sep 2013 05:23 AM PDT  At a train station in Burma. The country's state railway department will offer passengers the chance to ride a Japanese air-conditioned train on a popular but poorly maintained commuter route in Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — More than 50 years after launching its first train service, Burma's state railway department will soon offer passengers the chance to ride a Japanese air-conditioned train on a popular but poorly maintained commuter route in Rangoon. The five-cabin train—a used model that was imported from Japan last year—will make its first trip on the Circle Line next month, Myanmar Railways told The Irrawaddy on Thursday. The route circles the commercial capital, connecting satellite towns and suburban areas to the city. The train—which features sofa seats, air-conditioning in each cabin, and automatic as well as manual doors—is undergoing test runs presently to determine whether it can stop at all 38 stations on the 29-mile Circle Line, according to Kyaw Kyaw Myo, the railway company's assistant general manager. "We will announce which stations the train will stop at, and we will check for demand, too," he said. The 300-seat Japanese train will not be able to hold all 90,000 or so passengers who ride the line each day, and those who want to secure a seat will need to pay a premium. "The ticket price will be more expensive than the fare on current Circle Line trains, because it is even better than the special cabin," Kyaw Kyaw Myo said, referring to the executive cabins on each train in the current fleet. Fourteen trains currently operate on the Circle Line, running a total of 200 times daily and carrying 90,000 passengers. The fare is 100 kyats (US 10 cents) for a seat in a regular cabin, and 200 kyats for a seat in a special cabin. "We know the air-conditioned train will not be enough for everyone, but it will be a service upgrade by the ministry [of rail transportation] for the local Circle Line," Kyaw Kyaw Myo said. "We will monitor demand and decide whether to broaden the service in the future." The Circle Line began operating in 1959. It is presently not a profitable venture. "Recently we have been losing 2.5 million kyats daily—it's from fuel charges, so we can't add additional services for passengers," said Kyaw Kyaw Myo. The route is heavily utilized by lower-income commuters, as it is the cheapest method of transportation in Rangoon. Local residents are calling for a more reliable timetable. It takes at least 10 minutes—and sometimes much longer—for a train to travel from one stop to the next. "We want the Circle Line timetable to be accurate, and for the trains to come on time," said Tin Tin, a primary school teacher in North Okkalapa Township. "Sometimes we need to wait 30 to 45 minutes for a train during peak hours. And we want the cabins to be clean and upgraded." In the tourist season, the Circle Line is also popular among foreigners, with more than 100 foreign riders daily from October to May. Another air-conditioned train service was launched earlier this month from Rangoon to the Mon State town of Kyaikhto, a tourist destination. The service runs over the weekend and has already become a popular option for Buddhist pilgrims hoping to visit the Golden Rock on Kyite Htee Yoe Mountain, with one-way fare at 3,500 kyats for local riders and $10 for foreign riders. The post Air-Conditioned Train to Ride Rangoon's Circle Line Soon appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Thein Sein to Receive Asean Chair Gavel at October Meeting Posted: 27 Sep 2013 05:15 AM PDT  Leaders of the Asean countries pose for a group photo during the 22nd ASEAN Summit in Bandar Seri Begawan April 25, 2013. Burma's President Thein Sein stands furthest to the right. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — During the 23rd Asean Summit in Brunei on October 8-10, President Thein Sein will receive the chairman's gavel from the Sultan of Brunei, the current chair of the regional bloc. Although Burma won't officially assume chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations until 2014, the event is a symbolic reminder of the former pariah state's ongoing international rehabilitation and economic integration with the burgeoning region, after having been passed over for the chair in 2006 due to political repression in the country. The President's Office spokesperson Ye Htut told The Irrawaddy that Thein Sein would accept the gavel at the end of the 23rd ASEAN Summit and Related Summits in Bandar Seri Begawan, Brunei Darussalam, on Oct. 10. "The President will take over the Asean chairmanship turn for next year at this summit," he said, adding, "But I can't still confirm the list of people who will accompany the president." Thein Sein will be taking home the chairman's gavel as the summit is the last meeting of the regional bloc's members before they convene again in Naypyidaw next year. Burma was awarded the 2014 chairman by Asean in November 2011, following the introduction of political reforms and the release of several hundred political prisoners and the lifting of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's house arrest. Laos has given up its turn to chair the bloc in 2014 to let Thein Sein's nominally-civilian government take the helm. Despite international criticism, Asean decided to accept military-ruled Burma as a member in 1997, but for more than a decade the repressive regime declined to give in to the bloc's demands for political reform. Being awarded the Asean chair is a major boost for standing of the long-isolated government, which will now host representatives of the 10-member association during several Asean meetings in Naypyidaw, along with representatives of leading nations such as China, US, Japan and Russia during the East Asia Summit. In a message on Aug. 8, Thein Sein said, "Myanmar will take the Asean chairmanship in 2014 for the first time since she has joined the organization 16 years ago. We will be taking a leadership role in gaining the momentum of Asean achievements." "The political, economic and social reforms in Myanmar have given her more opportunity in strengthening the integration with the member states of Asean," he said. Nyo Ohn Myint, a member of the government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center, said government officials had been preparing for the Asean events for about two years, adding that he believed that the new capital — which was only completed by the military government in 2006 — would be ready for the logistical challenge of hosting several thousand diplomats, security personnel and journalists. "I think the government is ready to host the summit … I can say that the internet connection speed [in some hotels] in Naypyidaw is now faster than in Chiang Mai, Thailand," Nyo Ohn Myint claimed. Kavi Chongkittavorn, a Thai journalist turned advisor of the Economic Research Institute for Asean and East Asia, said Burma's turn at the helm of comes at an important time for the association as it prepares to deal with the challenges of further regional economic integration under the goal of creating an Asean Economic Community by 2015. A key issue for Burma as it assumes the Asean Chair, he said, is that it takes steps towards resolving the inter-communal tensions between Muslims and Buddhists that have affected western and central Burma, while it should also make progress in resolving the decades-long ethnic conflicts in the country. In the past, Asean has had little success in its efforts to promote democracy and lessen political repression and conflict in Burma. According to Bertil Lintner, a veteran journalist who has written several books Burma, Naypyidaw's turn as Asean chair would have little bearing on these domestic issues. The 'Asean Way' of multilaterism — which adheres to the principles "non-interference" in a member's domestic affairs and a requirement of "consensus" among all members — has long proven ineffective in dealing with Burma's problems or differences between member states, Lintner said. "'Non-interference' and 'consensus' make Asean toothless. Just look at East Timor, for decades Asean did nothing, and, in the end, Australia had to intervene," he told The Irrawaddy. "[L]ook at other bilateral problems: the border/temple conflict between Thailand and Cambodia. The Pattani crisis in southern Thailand (which includes Malaysia). The territorial dispute between the Philippines and Malaysia (Sabah)." The post Thein Sein to Receive Asean Chair Gavel at October Meeting appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Video Journalist Recounts a Death Amid the Chaos Posted: 27 Sep 2013 04:04 AM PDT  Kenji Nagai falls to the ground as soldiers and police charge protesters in Rangoon's city center September 27, 2007. (Photo: Reuters) September this year marks the sixth anniversary of the monk-led mass protests in Burma that become known as the Saffron Revolution. During the uprising and subsequent bloody crackdown, journalists from local and foreign news agencies allowed the world a glimpse into Burma's situation and the brutality of the military regime. Video journalist Yan Naing from the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) risked arrest to get images of the 2007 demonstrations out of the country, and his footage became part of the Oscar-nominated documentary "Burma VJ." In a recent interview with The Irrawaddy reporter Myat Su Mon, Yan Naing recalled capturing on video the killing of Japanese AFP video journalist Kenji Nagai in Rangoon. Question: What were the working conditions like for journalists during the September 2007 protests? Answer: It was more difficult for video journalists like me to collect news during that time because if I was found with a camera without official permission, I could be sentenced to five to 10 years imprisonment. Q: Where were you when Kenji Nagai was shot on Sept. 27? A: I was at the corner of Anawratha and Sule Pagoda roads, from where I could see him moving up and down the new pedestrian bridge crossing the Sule road. I filmed him and the soldiers he was filming. He was moving from place to place and shooting the footage he wanted. Suddenly, army trucks appeared and drove into the crowd at speed, with the intention of dispersing them. People tried to get away and some fell. I was on the bridge then. I heard someone from the crowd vituperated the soldiers and people started throwing water bottles at the trucks. One of the soldiers lost control and was about to shoot at the crowd, but another one shouted at him not to. I was able to take footage. I knew there would be a crackdown, but I didn't know how it would happen. Given the movement of the soldiers, I aimed my video camera at the most crowded point and got ready to record. A photo journalist was next to me and the bridge was packed by then. Finally, an order to disperse the protesters came. The soldiers followed it and people started to ran away. A soldier standing beside Kenji Nagai fatally shot him. From where I was standing, the shooting was like a scene in a movie. My camera happened to be aiming right between the soldier and [Kenji Nagai], so I was able to catch the shooting. Kenji Nagai fell down and didn't move at all but his camera was still in his hand. Q: Did you know Kenji Nagai was a journalist? A: Not really. I thought he was a tourist since every foreigner I saw there had a camera. I later found out that he was a journalist when I was at the British Council to put online some of what I had shot, because a woman working there got me in as her friend. Q: What was your emotional state on the bridge? A: I was very agitated. Throughout my experiences, I have witnessed the killing of students and monks. I was imprisoned for being involved in political activities. But I tried to calm myself by thinking that attaining a video clip of this moment was important for our country's history. During the war in Vietnam, a cameraman took a photograph of a wounded 7-year-old girl running out of her village while it was under attack, which not only won a Pulitzer Prize but also created anti-war sentiment among American citizens. Keeping that knowledge in mind, and remembering my own experiences during the 1988 uprising, I decided to make a record of the situation I was in, no matter what it took. Of course, I felt bad seeing people like that. Q: How much impact do you think the footage you took in 2007 has had on Burma? A: The Saffron Revolution was initiated by monks but became internationally well-known due to the killing of a Japanese journalist in Burma. The video clip of Kenji Nagai being shot dead by a soldier amplified the message of the monks' protests. Furthermore, a related documentary film, which was listed in the nominees for an Oscar, brought more attention from the international community. Q: Many journalists are now travelling in and out of Burma. What do you want to tell them based on your own experiences? A: The country has opened up but we still cannot say that we now have media freedom. We were in the dark, so we celebrate that we can see a light, when we see the red glow of dawn. The day is yet to break. The post Video Journalist Recounts a Death Amid the Chaos appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Is the NLD Still the People’s Party? Posted: 27 Sep 2013 01:38 AM PDT  Aung San Suu Kyi waves to her supporters as she leaves NLD headquarters in Rangoon. (Photo: Steve / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Is the National League for Democracy (NLD) still the people's party? On this question, opinion in Burma varies, but the doubters are likely a small portion of the country's estimated population of more than 60 million. Twenty five years ago today, the NLD was founded by a group of prominent people, including former Gen Tin Oo, veteran journalist Win Tin and democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. But despite the existence of other co-founders, it is Suu Kyi who molded the party into what it is today. Without the 68-year-old Nobel Peace laureate, the NLD would not have become so popular over the years of military rule. In the historic 1990 election, the NLD received more than 80 percent of the vote, winning 392 of the 485 seats it contested in the 492-member assembly, including in ethnic areas. Suu Kyi wasn't allowed to contest the election, as she was being held under house arrest at the time, but thanks to her role as a party leader, about 15 million Burmese—one third of the then-population—voted for the NLD. An expression was widely shared during the election year: "Even a dog with its tail cut off will win, so long as it's an NLD candidate." While somewhat crude, the remark perfectly captured the level of popularity the party held among the people. Of course, many former loyalists may no longer follow the NLD so blindly today, more than a year after she was elected to Parliament. But I believe that for the majority of people here in the country, little has changed since 1990. The NLD won 43 of 44 seats in Parliament in 2012 by-elections, including in all four constituencies of Naypyidaw, which is seen as a stronghold of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Still, not everything has gone smoothly for Suu Kyi since she entered Parliament. The opposition leader has faced unprecedented criticism over the past year for failing to strongly condemn the discrimination and violence by Buddhist mobs against Rohingya Muslims in Arakan State. At the same time, she lost points with Buddhists in the state after walking a middle ground and refusing to take either side in the conflict. In north Burma's Kachin State, the NLD leader also faced criticism after failing to blame the government when the Burma Army launched an offensive on ethnic Kachin rebels in January.  Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org. As Suu Kyi's base of support declines, so too will that of the NLD. The opposition party faces other challenges as well, with critics saying that it lacks unity and remains disorganized. Some say the party has failed to develop strategic political plans. But what alternative do we have to the NLD? The answer, at least for the moment, is that we have no alternative, especially in areas dominated by the ethnic Burman majority. The country has yet to see the emergence of any other popular nationwide party. And the majority of voters will not even consider supporting the ruling USDP, assuming the elections in 2015 are truly free, unlike the 2010 elections. Some people had hoped that influential activists from the 88 Generation Students group would step into politics after being released from prison early last year. To date, however, the group, which is led by well-known activists Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi, is still not sure whether to form a political party. And even if they do, their party will not be a real threat to an NLD victory in two years, because Suu Kyi's popularity remains relatively strong. Many people will vote for the NLD in 2015, as they did in the 2012 by-election, but the party will receive fewer votes in ethnic areas for two main reasons. In addition to Suu Kyi's declining popularity, especially in Arakan and Kachin states, ethnic leaders have already established their own political parties, and more ethnic parties are expected to emerge in the future. In 1990, the NLD won 71 percent of seats in eastern Karen State, 73 percent in Kachin State, 80 percent in Mon State and 50 percent in Karenni State. In Shan, Arakan and Chin states, it won 39 percent, 34 percent and 30 percent, respectively. The results will certainly be different the next time around. Some critics say the NLD lacks enough capable intellectuals and politicians to effectively lead the country. For this reason, they call the NLD a "grassroots" party—a title which some party leaders would likely welcome, as an acknowledgment that they represent the grassroots people. But to steer Burma in a positive direction, the NLD needs more capable, intellectual and talented leading members. And if it wants to win in a landslide, as it did in 1990, Suu Kyi seriously needs to reorganize the party and embrace the emergence of other, new leaders with different strengths in politics as well as other sectors. If she can contribute more to the peace process with ethnic groups in the next couple years, she might even see a resurgence of popularity in ethnic areas. By and large, the democracy icon will likely remain the most popular and trusted candidate in the 2015 election, and her party, the NLD, will likely be supported by the majority of people, even with its shortcomings. The post Is the NLD Still the People's Party? appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Cool and Cultured: A Tale of Two Cities Posted: 27 Sep 2013 12:11 AM PDT  The gate of the Wat Sai Moon monastery in Chiang Mai. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) Mention to anyone in the south of Thailand that you're headed to Chiang Mai, some 700 km north of Bangkok, and they begin rubbing their arms in a theatrical effort to get warm. This cosmopolitan northern capital, surrounded by mountains and lush countryside, might not make an appearance on the average beach bum's bucket list. But so much the better for discerning types looking for an escape from the tourist traps, for Chiang Mai is a cool and cultured place. What's more, if you're traveling from Myanmar, you'll find a pleasant temperate climate and something of a home from home, given the many Myanmar nationals who have settled here and the traces of Myanmar in the architecture and food. It couldn't be more different from Yangon, which is why increasing numbers of Myanmar nationals are looking to make their holiday into something more permanent, joining the many other foreign travelers who have fallen in love with the place and who account for the city's thriving expat scene. Indeed, it was recently named by achingly hip Monocle magazine as one of the world's most "loveable" cities. Chiang Mai's chief attraction lies in its vibrant contrasts. At its heart is a moated, partially walled city, with centuries-old wats (temples) down every second street, but against this traditional Thai backdrop you'll find amenities that are resoundingly 21st century, from the rash of trendy new bars and restaurants, to the shiny shopping palaces springing up around town. If you're a newcomer to the region, the sights to prioritize are the ones tied up in the city's past. Founded by King Phaya Mengrai, who created the Lanna kingdom, Chiang Mai, or "new city," emerged when he moved his capital to its current location in 1296. One of the best ways to explore the old city is to hop on a bike and let your wheels take you down the many lanes that criss-cross the area within the moat. There are more than 30 ancient temples inside the moat and gilded stupas peek out above the rooftops. The most visited (though it's still possible to find space for contemplation—or lunch—in the peaceful grounds) is Wat Phra Singh, a blaze of sumptuous gold stenciling and rich colored paintwork. It houses Chiang Mai's most revered Buddha image (Phra Singh or Lion Buddha). Around the back is a dazzlingly whitewashed chedi, built in 1345. At Wat Ket Karam, over the moat, there's a quirky museum of local history with dusty old displays, including a glass case given over to antique typewriters. A must-see for many Myanmar travelers is Wat Sai Moon in the center of town, built by the Myanmar king, Bayinnaung, after he conquered the city in 1558. To see more work by Myanmar artisans, head to Wat Chetawan, Wat Mahawan and Wat Bupparam, three ornate temples that were financed by Myanmar teak merchants who emigrated to Chiang Mai a century or more ago—the influence is apparent in the abundance of peacock motifs and the Mandalay-style standing Buddhas found in wall niches. The Shan temples of Wat Pa Pao and Wat Ku Tao date from the early 17th century with one chedi reputed to contain the ashes of a son of King Bayinnaung, Tharawadi Min, ruler of Lanna from 1578 to 1607. For anyone born in the Year of the Dog, Wat Phan Tao is a stunning teak temple, where a canine mosaic over the door represents the astrological year of the former royal resident's birth. Traditional markets are a big draw for diehard shoppers, or just anyone interested in a bit of people-watching. Warorot is the great market, housed inside two multi-storey buildings but spreading out into the surrounding lanes. Inside you'll find pickles, dried herbs, pre-packaged curries, as well as clothes and handicrafts. Nearby, Talat Tonlamyai, the flower market, is a riot of color with roses, asters and orchids, brought down from cooler mountainous climes. The Night Bazaar on Chang Khlan runs from 7pm to midnight with every kind of stall imaginable, while the Saturday (along Wualai) and Sunday Walking Streets (along Ratchadamnoen) offer the ingenious opportunity to shop as you walk, up one way and back the other, between 4pm and midnight. Crafty creations abound and true to the spirit of Chiang Mai's new age fringe, there's even a stall selling hand-crocheted doggy-wear. Temples along the way host food stalls and there are pop-up bars fashioned out of converted VW camper vans. There are rows of locals offering massages for the foot-weary and, if you're lucky, you'll see the "singing policeman," apparently a regular fixture. For upmarket shopping Huay Kaew road is the upcoming retail hub. An outdoor mall of small, independent boutiques called The Harbour has opened recently and before the year's end an enormous new indoor mall is set to be launched. Away from the historic center, the sights become a little more international. Around Chiang Mai University, for example, students keep the ambience youthful and the campus is a lush, tranquil place to meander and check out the modern art dotted around the grounds. The university's art museum often has interesting exhibitions by Southeast Asian artists, too. Nearby is Chiang Mai Zoo (Huay Kaew road), where its most celebrated residents, the pandas, can be found, along with the Aquarium boasting Asia's longest viewing tunnel (at 113m). The zoo also runs a Night Safari in open-sided trams where animals roam free, though real predators—lions, tigers, bears and crocs—are kept on the safer side of some deep trenches. One sight you shouldn't leave Chiang Mai without experiencing is the city's sacred mountain, Doi Suthep. Most people drive or catch a song thaew (local pick-up bus) up the winding road, then climb the 306 naga-lined steps to Wat Phra That, the temple at the top with its bird's eye view of Chiang Mai. But the energetic can also take the "Long Walk," which the freshman class of the university do every July, introducing themselves to the spirit of the city and making merit to the Buddhist relic enshrined in Wat Phra That's gold-plated chedi (topped by a five-tiered umbrella erected in honor of the city's independence from Myanmar and union with Thailand). Doi Suthep is also home to a number of hill tribes, some 300 bird species, the Bhuping Royal Palace Gardens, and a national park with cosy cabins to rent for overnight stays. Trails in the park lead to scenic waterfalls—some, such as Nam Tok Monthathon, with swimming pools beneath the cascades. When it comes to refueling after all the sightseeing and shopping exertions you're in luck, for in Chiang Mai you are never far from a delicious meal. There are plenty of stalls and shopfronts selling regional specialities, such as khao soi, a curried noodle dish with Shan-Yunnanese heritage, usually served with picked veg and chilli sauce or lime. But the big hit around town in recent years has been the burgeoning vegetarian scene. Pun Pun, one of the earliest restaurants, started life in an unpromising hut with a few scattered tables around the back of Wat Suan Dok, and it is still there dishing up spicy papaya salads and delicious yellow curries (though Pun Pun has become something of a chain with a particular favorite being the branch on Suthep Road—for its cooling fans and Wi-Fi). For haute cuisine veggie-style, try Anchan (Nimmanhaemin, Soi Hillside 3), a smart new place run by a young Belgian chap and his Thai partner. On the menu lately was a melt-in-the-mouth pumpkin yellow curry and Sun Hemp flower tempura. Cafe culture thrives in Chiang Mai and top of the smoothie pops is the mint, honey and lemon drink served at Blue Diamond (Moon Muang), a cafe shaded by palms, cooled with whirring fans and frequented by expats. For Italian-style latte and creamy carrot cake there's Fern Forest (Singharat) a leafy little cafe where you can take respite from the temple trail. The Art Cafe (corner of Tha Phae and Kotchasan) is a fascinating place to while away an hour or two, crammed with books and serving up the likes of lemon soufflé with coffee. Worth a detour to the north side is The Spirit House (Soi Viangbua, Chang Puak) a maze of dining nooks and crannies, drooping tree fronds and tinkling fountains. The most spiritual time to eat here is on a Wednesday evening when the choir Global Harmonies meets and sings through its repertoire. In terms of where the youthful action is, Nimmanhaemin is the road to make for, whether it's to grab an espresso at Chiang Mai's most happening coffee shop, Ristr8to, or sip a sundowner at one of the many bars along this bustling street. Just keep going until you find the place to suit your mood. Sahara restaurant runs salsa nights in its rooftop bar, while bars like BangRak and Monkey Club throb with music and students. For the ultimate party, time your trip to coincide with the Flower Festival in February, Songkran in April, or Loi Krathong in November, a full three days of lantern-lit magic. This story first appeared in the September 2013 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Cool and Cultured: A Tale of Two Cities appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Majority of Male Sex Workers in Chiang Mai Are Burmese: Study Posted: 27 Sep 2013 12:03 AM PDT  A sticker campaigning against the exploitation of male sex workers. (Photo: sociologyinfocus.com) Burmese migrants from Shan State make up more than half of all young male sex workers in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, according to research released by non-governmental organizations on Thursday. The study interviewed 50 young males working at massage parlors and bars in three areas of Chiang Mai — Santitam, Night Bazaar and Chiang Mai Land. "Most of these people recently arrived from Burma. They understand the language, as they are from cross-border areas," researcher Jarett Davis told The Irrawaddy. "Some of them speak Thai as a second language." He said many Burmese migrants originally came from poor villages in Shan State, while there were also some sex workers who are ethnic Chin and Karen. Among the Thai respondents, there were many ethnic minorities, such as highland tribes Lisu, Lahu and Akha, and sex workers from Thailand's impoverished Isaan region, Davis added. About 90 percent of the interviewees were youths, aged between 14 and 24, according to the report by Urban Light and Love146, two NGOs that aim to end sexual exploitation and child trafficking. Many of them had fallen victim to trafficking and exploitation during their migration to Chiang Mai, and most stayed in the country illegally as they were unable to obtain proper legal documentation, the report said. The US-founded Urban Light runs a drop-in center for vulnerable boys in Chiang Mai, where it provides English-language lessons and vocational skills training in order to offer the youths a way out of the sex industry. Love146 works on similar programs in several Asian countries, such as India, Cambodia, Philippines, Thailand and Sri Lanka. The researchers believe most male sex workers began working when they were under 18 years of age, although the boys took care to hide this fact. "In the bar, we think, [bar owners] tell the boys to not say they are under 18. So they tell us they are over 18," said Glenn Miles, director of the Love146's Asia Division. He added that it was hard to provide an accurate estimate of the total number of young male sex workers active in Chiang Mai as the practice happens behind closed doors, most often in male massage parlors. Since the early 2000s, there has been an influx of ethnic Shan youths coming to Chiang Mai in search of a job. Some of these impoverished, heterosexual boys become male sex workers as "a last option" to gain income, the report said, adding that "commercial sexual experiences and income vary" among the youths. The study found that many young male sex-workers are ashamed of their work and suffer from very low self-esteem. Few, however, can leave the sex industry as their impoverished families back home rely on their earnings. The youths, in particular so-called 'freelance sex workers', are also at considerable risk of contracting HIV as some engage in unprotected sex with customers, according to Davis. He added that the research did not include HIV/AIDS testing among the respondents. The NGOs recommend carrying out further research into the exploitation and trafficking of young male sex workers and to provide further assistance to these vulnerable groups. The post Majority of Male Sex Workers in Chiang Mai Are Burmese: Study appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Six Years On, Truth Elusive in Japanese Cameraman’s Killing Posted: 26 Sep 2013 11:06 PM PDT  Japanese video journalist Kenji Nagai, 50, of APF lies fatally injured on the street of Rangoon after Burmese soldiers fired upon and then charged at protesters on September 27, 2007. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Ko Ko Aung cannot forget the day six years ago when he spoke to his friend and colleague Kenji Nagai for the last time. "It was around 11.30 Rangoon time when he called," recalls the former Japan-based Burmese exile. It was Sept. 27, 2007. It was to be the last time the Japanese cameraman called his editors at the APF News office, where Ko Ko Aung was working at the time. Later that afternoon, Kenji Nagai was shot dead in downtown Rangoon while filming an army crackdown on protests against military rule, demonstrations that were becoming known worldwide as "the Saffron Revolution." With foreign media banned from Burma and local press heavily-censored, Kenji Nagai’s images of the crackdown were one of the few on-the-ground sources of information on what was happening as the army moved to crush the nationwide monk-led protests. Kenji Nagai’s bravery and dedication, which took him to Afghanistan and Iraq before his final, fatal assignment in Burma, were traits that made the 50 year old a target for the Burmese military, Ko Ko Aung believes. As for who shot Kenji Nagai, and what became of his camera, there have been no clear answers from the Burma Government in the intervening six years. Was he shot at close quarters as many initially thought? Was it a sniper shot, as Ko Ko Aung now believes? Was he hit by ground-level gunfire by soldiers down the street? Was he killed by accident or was he targeted? Yan Naing, a video reporter for the then-banned exile media group Democratic Voice of Burma, was filming around the area where Kenji Nagai was shot six years ago. "A soldier standing beside Kenji Nagai fatally shot him," he told The Irrawaddy. Ye Htut, now Deputy Information Minister and spokesman for the President’s Office, says that Kenji Nagai’s death took place under the previous military government and therefore he could not comment directly on issues such as the fate of Kenji Nagai’s camera. "As far as we know, when the body was found, the camera was already missing," he told The Irrawaddy Toru Yamaji, a representative of APF News, the agency for which Kenji Nagai was filing footage from Burma’s 2007 upheavals, says that the circumstances of Nagai’s death have not been cleared-up. Even Burma’s transition to a more open form of government has not helped, the APF spokesman says. "Burma has changed greatly, but our time has stopped since six years ago. I feel sad," he said.  Kenji Nagai in July 2007. (Photo: Wikimedia Commons) Kenji Nagai’s case became something of a cause celebre among Burma’s long-oppressed media. Eaint Khaine Oo, a Burmese journalist and winner of the inaugural Kenji Nagai Award, established in 2009 to remember the murdered photojournalist, says that her country’s government has an obligation to return Kenji Nagai’s missing camera. "The government did not live up to its responsibility to give back the camera," said the reporter, who was jailed by the military junta for her coverage of the 2008 Cyclone Nargis. Relations between Japan and Burma turned frosty in the aftermath of the killing, with the Japanese halting aid and seeking an explanation for the shooting as well as the return of Kenji Nagai’s camera, which disappeared, presumed stolen, sometime after he was shot. But now Japan is seeking a lead role in Burma’s economic makeover – writing off almost US$2 billion of Naypyidaw's debt and pledging loans for large-scale infrastructure projects — such as a 2,400 hectare Thilawa industrial zone planned outside Rangoon — that will perhaps support the building of Japanese factories in the low-wage country. Some observers believe these developments have influenced Japan's position on the case of Nagai's death. Shawn Crispin, Southeast Asia representative for the Committee to Protect Journalists, told The Irrawaddy that "it seems increasingly obvious that Japan does not want Nagai’s case to undermine building strong commercial ties with the new, market-opening government." By time of writing, the Japanese Embassy in Rangoon had not returned several calls made and an email sent asking about the Kenji Nagai case. Such apparent indifference rankles those who knew the dead cameraman. Asked for his take on the Japanese government’s approach to finding out who killed Kenji Nagai and what became of his camera, Toru Yamaji said that "The Japanese government does nothing." Kenji Nagai’s elderly parents both died this year, leaving one sister as the sole surviving family member. Toru Yamaji says that "his parents wanted the revelations of the case. It is very sad." Asked her thoughts on her brother’s death, six years on, Kenji Nagai’s sister Noriko Ogawa told The Irrawaddy that "I hope for the return of his camera and the resolution of his case." Sanay Lin and Myat Su Mon contributed reporting The post Six Years On, Truth Elusive in Japanese Cameraman’s Killing appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Filipino Troops Capture Dozens More Muslim Rebels Posted: 26 Sep 2013 10:57 PM PDT  A member of the Muslim rebels of Moro National Liberation Front helps a fellow rebel drink water after they surrendered to the Philippines government. (Photo: Reuters) MANILA — Philippine troops took custody of at least 45 more Muslim rebels — all exhausted and low on ammunition — and six combatants were killed Thursday as a guerrilla siege that has dragged for three weeks in a southern city continued to crumble, officials said. The Moro National Liberation Front rebels either surrendered or were captured in pockets during clashes in coastal communities they began occupying on Sept. 9 after government troops foiled their plan to take over the Zamboanga city hall, military spokesman Lt. Col. Ramon Zagala said. Troops need to completely clear the coastal communities of rebels before they can declare the guerrilla siege that began Sept. 9 over, Zagala said. The main target is top rebel commander Habier Malik and an unknown number of his followers, he said. "They have essentially been defeated," Zagala said. "They have no more bullets, food and the willingness to fight but we have to clear the area to the last rebel." Government forces have killed 138 rebels while 162 other insurgents have either been captured or surrendered in a major offensive initially overseen by President Benigno Aquino III in Zamboanga, a major port city of nearly a million people. More than 100,000 people have been displaced and 10,000 homes destroyed in the fighting. At least 23 soldiers and police have been killed and 180 others wounded. Most of about 200 hostages have escaped or have been rescued, according to the military. Two marines and a navy special forces member were killed in fierce clashes Thursday while three rebels died as troops, backed by helicopter gunships, attempted to clear a mangrove and the last few blocks of houses and buildings where rebel holdouts were believed to be hiding. The more than 300 rebels involved in the standoff belong to a Moro National Liberation Front faction led by Nur Misuari. They signed a 1996 autonomy deal but refused to lay down their arms and later accused the government of reneging on a commitment to develop long-neglected communities. They grew restive in recent months after peace talks between the government and a rival rebel group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, steadily progressed toward a potentially larger Muslim autonomy deal they felt would conflict with the 1996 pact they signed with the government. Officials have filed complaints against Malik and other rebels for rebellion and for violating a Philippine law that upholds international humanitarian laws against the taking of civilian hostages and seizing communities. Government prosecutors also plan to file criminal cases against Misuari, saying they have witnesses who could testify that he received updates by cellphone from Malik on the siege. The rebels have been fighting for self-rule for minority Muslims in the south of the predominantly Roman Catholic nation since the 1970s. The post Filipino Troops Capture Dozens More Muslim Rebels appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| China State Sector a Honey Pot for Corrupt Officials Posted: 26 Sep 2013 10:04 PM PDT  China’s former railways minister, Liu Zhijun, attends a trial for charges of corruption and abuse of power at a courthouse in Beijing in this still image taken from video dated June 9, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) HONG KONG — In March last year, after getting government approval to go ahead with a US$900 million refinery expansion in China's southeastern Fujian province, state-run oil giant Sinopec Corp warned the team handling the project against taking bribes. "Project engineering and construction has been a main area for corruption at Sinopec," the Fujian unit of Asia's largest refiner said in a blunt memo, according to a Sinopec source who read it to Reuters. "All members, especially those in key posts, must treasure their positions, stay guarded and resist temptation." The memo underscores what experts say is one of the biggest challenges facing President Xi Jinping and his drive to tackle corruption—rampant graft in engineering, procurement and construction contracts awarded by state firms. Graft in the state sector has been acknowledged before but shot to the headlines recently when authorities stunned the energy industry with an investigation into five former senior executives at state-run oil and gas behemoth PetroChina and its parent firm China National Petroleum Corp. That investigation has raised questions about how far Xi will go to root out graft in an industry that ranks as one of the most powerful corners of the state-owned corporate sector. Virtually all senior officials at state firms are members of the ruling Communist Party, whose power is largely unchecked. And there is a lot of money on the table. According to the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China, state enterprises issued tenders for goods and services worth 9.26 trillion yuan ($1.51 trillion) in 2011. It's not clear how much of this was for engineering, procurement and construction contracts, commonly referred to as EPCs in the industry. Nor are there any figures for graft investigations into EPC contracts. But China's petrochemical engineering market should be worth $40 billion by 2016 alone, according to industry data. China is also investing $65-$80 billion between 2012 and 2016 to expand its oil refining capacity. "It's inevitable to have the corruption problem because of the high concentration of power at the top," Chen Weidong, chief energy researcher at CNOOC Group, parent of Chinese offshore oil giant CNOOC Ltd, said of graft in tenders for energy EPC contracts in China. "They hold public tenders for projects but the process of choosing winning bids is not open." Ex-Railways Minister Convicted China has taken steps to curb graft in public procurement. It passed laws in the early 2000s requiring tenders for state-funded projects with an estimated construction contract value of more than 2 million yuan ($330,000) or where the purchase of equipment would exceed one million yuan. It has also sought to improve transparency with online platforms for purchases, although this cannot always be used because not all local governments or state entities have the system and a unified national procurement program has yet to be finished. But industry officials and analysts say the process is still riddled with graft partly because China's rapid economic growth has fuelled a surge in fixed asset investment by the government and state firms that has often escaped proper oversight. They say officials at state firms involved in tendering often accept bribes to award contracts or select companies run by relatives or friends. Irregularities include splitting a major project into pieces to dodge the tender process, they add. One recent example was former railways minister Liu Zhijun, who was given a suspended death sentence this year for graft. Liu was found to have helped 11 people win railway contracts or get promotions in return for 64.6 million yuan ($10.5 million) in bribes between 1986 and 2011, official media said. The party's top graft buster, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, last week called for an overhaul of how transactions take place for public resources—such as procurement and land transfers. It gave no details and did not explain what prompted the commentary on its website, although it referred to the anti-corruption campaign Xi launched when he became party chief in November. Officials from the commission or the agency overseeing major state-owned enterprises could not be reached for comment. First Sinopec, Now PetroChina Sinopec vowed to step up its fight against graft after former chairman Chen Tonghai was given a suspended death sentence in 2009 for taking $32 million in bribes. It has been relatively open about the problem—part of the 2012 memo was cited in a report posted on its website, including the following quote: "The number of major corruption cases at Sinopec has been on the rise, especially in the area of project tendering, contracting and sub-contracting and procurement." Sinopec did not respond to a request for comment. Its refinery expansion is taking place at a $6.5 billion refinery and petrochemical complex run jointly with Saudi Aramco and Exxon Mobil. The project is scheduled to be completed by the end of this year. There have been no public reports of any irregularities. The focus, instead, is on PetroChina after the government in late August and early September said several of its former senior executives were being investigated for "serious discipline violations"—shorthand used to describe graft. No details of the investigation have been released. PetroChina also did not respond to a request for comment. Similarly, Chinese authorities have released no details about a probe into Wison Engineering Services Co Ltd, a private contractor whose major customer in recent years has been PetroChina. "Public procurement corruption is not limited to energy. It is across the board," said Lin Boqiang, director of the China Centre of Energy Economics at Xiamen University in Fujian and an adviser to China's National Energy Administration. "The energy sector gets more attention as the projects they build are mostly huge." EU Critical of China Public Procurement The European Union has criticized China for the murkiness of its public procurement and has called for a further opening of the market to foreign players. "The bidding process…still cannot be fully executed online, which inhibits optimal information sharing and transparency of the various entities' processes," the EU said in its 2013/14 annual China position paper. To try to address some of the concerns, China's Finance Ministry is developing a nationwide government procurement system that will have a shared database and more e-commerce related functions to enable online bid appraisal and payments. Still, some industry insiders don't believe a clean system will emerge anytime soon in the absence of a transparent decision-making process. "Some of the tenders are conducted behind the curtain," said a Chinese oil industry official with knowledge of the public procurement process in the energy sector. "It is not about whether there are rules and regulations. It's about implementation." The post China State Sector a Honey Pot for Corrupt Officials appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Floods Encircle Thai Industrial Park; Govt Says No 2011 Repeat Posted: 26 Sep 2013 09:56 PM PDT  Residents sit on a loader and boat as it makes its way down a flooded street in Prachin Buri province, east of Bangkok, on Sept. 24, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Chaiwat Subprasom) BANGKOK — Floodwater encircled an industrial estate to the northeast of Bangkok on Thursday, adding to fears Thailand could see a repeat of the devastation caused by floods in 2011, but the estate's director said water would not enter the complex. More than 800 people died in flooding around the country that year and industry was badly disrupted, cutting annual economic growth to just 0.1 percent. Since Thailand is a big supplier of electronic parts, hard disk drives and car parts, international supply lines were disrupted, too. The government has insisted there will be no repetition, partly because rain has been less heavy this time but also because dams are nowhere near as full as they were then. "Water levels in our dams are much lower. Overall we're dealing with 30 percent of the amount of water we had to manage in 2011," Supot Tovichakchaikul, secretary-general of the National Policy and Management of Water and Flood, told Reuters. Water levels in the river and canals in the capital were on average at 1.85 meters (6 ft) but the city's flood barriers could contain water levels of up to 2.70 meters (9 ft), he said. The 304 Industrial Park in Prachin Buri province, 135 km (84 miles) northeast of Bangkok, has 110 factories, many of them Japanese-owned. Media said water had entered the park after the Prachin Buri River, 8 km (5 miles) away, overflowed on Wednesday after heavy rain, but a senior official denied that. "It has affected villagers living near the riverbank but there has been no impact on our industrial park. At our highest point, we are 22 meters above sea level," Poolsak Sutanthavibul, executive vice president of 304 Industrial Park, told Reuters. "Some local media outlets used outdated photographs of roads near the estate that were flooded two days ago but that water has been pumped out. The headlines have affected the confidence of some companies with a presence here," he said. The industrial estate's website says it is in a safe zone that provides "natural shelter from flash floods." Companies with operations there include Toshiba Semiconductor (Thailand) Co. Ltd, Hitachi Global Storage Technologies (Thailand) Ltd, Canon (Thailand) Co. Ltd and Berli Jucker Public Co. Ltd. Berli Jucker, a trading firm controlled by Thai billionaire Charoen Sirivadhanabhakdi, said its tissue paper factory in the estate was running as normal. "The worst case scenario is that roads will be flooded, which could affect the supply of raw material to our factory and our distribution," said Metinee Issrachinda, assistant vice president for investor relations. In August, Toshiba announced plans to move its manufacturing base to 304 Industrial Park, to help rebuild confidence among customers after its factories in the central province of Ayutthaya were hit by the 2011 floods. More than a million people living in 27 of Thailand's 77 provinces have been affected by the floods this year and nine people have died. In neighboring Laos, the United Nations estimates at least 64,000 people in four southern provinces have been affected by heavy flooding. Three people have died. The World Vision aid group says it is responding to the flood crisis by distributing clean water, canned fish and rice. "Water is above shoulder level in one district and some communities have been under water for eight days. We're concerned about diarrhea and malnutrition," Amelia Merrick, World Vision's national director for Laos, told Reuters. In Cambodia, heavy monsoon rain had led to the deaths of 20 people and destroyed 25,000 hectares (61,750 acres) of rice paddies, according to the National Disaster Management Committee. Additional reporting by Kochakorn Boonlai and Khettiya Jittapong in Bangkok and Prak Chan Thul in Phnom Penh. The post Floods Encircle Thai Industrial Park; Govt Says No 2011 Repeat appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
