AllSBNews: 03/02/16

Wednesday, March 2, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Ethnic Civilians Demand End to Army Abuses in Shan State
‘Destroy Our Poppy Fields, But Give Us Substitute Crops’: Militiaman Detained by Anti-Opium Group
Karen Connelly: ‘The Need for Language Is Central to Alleviating Injustice’

Ethnic Civilians Demand End to Army Abuses in Shan State

Posted: 02 Mar 2016 01:49 AM PST

Maran Ja Taung, an ethnic Kachin resident of Kutkai Township in Shan State, tells reporters in Rangoon how she lost her home in a military clash and her husband to a landmine. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — At a Rangoon press conference on Tuesday, ethnic activists and villagers called for the demining of northern Shan State, a release of detained villagers and an immediate stop to war in the region.

As clashes began earlier this year between the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Burma Army, ethnic civilians in particular have suffered displacement and a destruction of their property, most recently in the townships of Kutkai, Kyaukme and Namkham.

Kutkai Township's Maran Ja Taung, an ethnic Kachin mother of four, shared with Rangoon media representatives the story of losing her husband to a landmine on Feb. 13.

She recalled that she and Naw Mai, 41, were collecting vegetables in the jungle near their old village when he stepped on a landmine and lost both of his legs.

Although he initially survived the blast, the difficulty of traveling on the hilly, rural road barred them from being able to reach a hospital that could provide lifesaving medical care. After being refused at a local hospital, they headed to the Shan State-China border town of Muse.

"My husband was crying for his life and told me to help him. He died on the way," Maran Ja Taung said.

The death of her spouse was Maran Ja Taung's most recent tragedy; her home was one of 12 houses burned on Jan. 16, during an exchange of gunfire between the TNLA and government troops near her residence in Ho Pon village. Days earlier, Burma Army Brigade No. 11 and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) had also clashed there.

"I am the most unlucky person, as I not only had to flee during the fighting, I lost both my house and my husband," she cried. "Please stop the fighting, as it has threatened our lives. We have to be afraid of every armed group active in the area."

Maran Ja Taung added, "I want to also ask the upcoming government to help us, to work on the unearthing mines and to free us from the warzone."

Ho Pon villagers sent letters of complaint to the commanders in chief of the Burma Army, the KIA and the TNLA on Feb. 22, but have received no response, said I Z Aung, a member of the Shan State-based Kachin Ethnic Network.

Other abuses were documented in Hseni, some 25 km south of Kutkai town, where four locals from Pang Hat village are still missing after the Burma Army allegedly abducted them on Jan. 11.

Zau Hka, a Pang Hat resident said that in total, 46 men were initially detained by soldiers of Brigade No. 11, but the elderly and men with ties to a local militia were released on the same day. Thirteen men were still missing until last Friday, Feb. 26, when nine were released.

Dau Yang is the wife one of the four men who remain unaccounted for.

"I don't know how to keep on in our lives while he is missing. I would like to ask for your help to support for the return of my husband and others," said the mother of three young children.

Locals have sought help from civil society and community-based groups that work in the conflict areas.

One group they did not contact for assistance was the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC). Locals recalled the case of Ja Seng Ing, an ethnic Kachin schoolgirl allegedly killed by the Burma Army in Kachin State 2012. When her father attempted to seek justice on her behalf through the MNHRC, they rejected the case; he was later jailed on defamation charges for six months.

Jaw Gun, of the Kachin Peace Network, said that both government troops and the ethnic armed groups must obey the text of Burma's so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), signed by eight out of Burma's more than 20 armed organizations in 2015. He pointed out that even if groups are not signatories, they all participated in the drafting of the NCA.

"They are breaching Section 9 of NCA: protecting the civilians," he said, "The Burma Army in particular must explain to us about these abductions, as they are an NCA signatory, which obliges them to respect the agreement."

The post Ethnic Civilians Demand End to Army Abuses in Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Destroy Our Poppy Fields, But Give Us Substitute Crops’: Militiaman Detained by Anti-Opium Group

Posted: 01 Mar 2016 11:49 PM PST

A badge of a local militiaman in Kachin State, detained by the anti-opium vigilante group Pat Jasan after attacking them in Waingmaw Township on February 25. (Photo: Nang Lwin Hnin Pwint / The Irrawaddy)

Over twenty Kachin anti-opium campaigners, members of the vigilante group Pat Jasan, were injured after being attacked en route to destroy poppy fields in Kachin State's Waingmaw Township on February 25.

After guns, small hand grenades and stones were used in an assault on two of their convoys, Pat Jasan reported that they were able to detain 19 of the attackers.

The Irrawaddy's Nang Lwin Hnin Pwint spoke with one of detainees from a group calling itself the People's Militia. His name has been withheld for security reasons.

Did the higher-ups in your militia group give any particular instructions regarding the recent attack on Pat Jasan?

U Lagwin Baw Lwan [a director with the militia group in the region] told the militia members and villagers not to attack Pat Jasan if the Burma Army came with them, but to attack them with any weapons available if they came alone.

If so, had you been making preparations for Pat Jasan's arrival?

We had been keeping an eye out around main streets for about two weeks.

Your superiors told you not to attack if military troops were with them. Why?

Militia leaders said that Pat Jasan would come. They told us to shoot Pat Jasan when they came. They did not ask us to shoot police. They only asked us to shoot Pat Jasan, because the government has said that they would properly compensate [poppy growers] if Burma Army soldiers came and destroyed the poppy fields.

Were there any more instructions?

U Baw Lwan gave militia members bullets and grenades—30 bullets and six grenades for each village. There are militias in every village. One person from each household [in each village] has to serve in the militia group. Militia leaders said that it is to protect our region.

What has Zakhung Ting Ying, an influential patron of local militia, said about the poppy fields?

U Zakhung said the Burma Army and the militias will jointly destroy poppy fields, and will provide rations [as compensation] for owners of poppy fields.

What do you, as a militia member and a local, think of the activities of Pat Jasan?

I think Pat Jasan are bad. They are bad because they are 'breaking our plates.' [Editor's Note: this is a phrase which translates to 'destroying our livelihoods.']

Who grows poppies in the area? Have you ever been responsible for any poppy cultivation?

Villagers as well as militia and Chinese people grow poppies. I am not responsible for any poppy fields. There are around 200 to 300 acres of poppies in our area, and they are largely grown by locals. [The climate and soil] are not good enough to grow rice there, so locals can only grow poppies. Locals are lamenting that they will be left to starve if poppy fields are destroyed.

So, you don't want poppy fields to be destroyed?

No, I don't want our poppy fields to be destroyed.

Do poppy growers have to pay tax or give money to militias and the military so that they are able to grow poppies in the region?

We don't have to give money to militias and Burmese soldiers. We sell poppies to China. Chinese men come and buy them. If poppy fields have to be destroyed, we would accept it if they are destroyed by Burmese soldiers and militias.
If that's true, then why don't you accept Pat Jasan as the ones to destroy poppy fields?

Pat Jasan don't give us rations [as compensation]. Burma Army soldiers and militias said they would give us rations—they give a household a bag of rice for destroyed poppy fields. Some poppy growers are saying that they would destroy their poppy fields if Pat Jasan would give them substitute crops.

Who are the owners of poppy fields? Who grow poppies in Kachin State's Special Region 1? Do all militias grow poppies there?

Everyone grows poppies all over—militia leaders as well as the border guard force (BGF) grow poppies there.

Then can the plan of the Burma Army and militias to jointly destroy poppy fields be successful?

They can be destroyed if they are destroyed jointly by the Burma Army. It is true that they recently destroyed poppy fields, but only three or four acres of poppy fields were destroyed then.

You said Chinese men come and buy poppies. Aren't there checkpoints on the route? How do they get into the region?

They take an illegal route. There are checkpoints, both of militias and the BGF, on the [legal] route. And there are also Burma soldiers. But buyers can go through that route—[the authorities] know that they are coming and to buy poppies, but they can go.

So all of you grow poppies? Do your acquaintances also grow poppies?

Yes, they do. All of the villagers there grow poppies. Rice paddies are not good to grow.

How much does a household produce per year? How much do they earn?

A household [of poppy growers] produces four or five viss of opium [around 18 pounds], and they earn 5,000 to 6,000 yuan (US$760-915).

Do the Chinese also grow poppies? It has been said that they cultivate them with machines and on a commercial scale.

It is not true. Poppies are largely grown by locals, each of whom grows on a small scale. It is true that Chinese people grow poppies, but they are the Chinese who live in our region. Chinese men from other side [China] only come and buy poppies now, though they did grow them in the past. It has been almost three years since they last grew poppies. It is true that poppies are grown with machines now; it is largely mechanized.

Please tell me about the machine.

It is much like a tractor.

What kind of salary does a militia member get?

We are only paid 150 yuan (just over US$20) per month.

Will the problem repeat itself if Pat Jasan comes back?

The problem will only get bigger. All of the locals in the region have unanimously agreed to keep an eye on Pat Jasan. If they come, villagers will gather around and defend [their land]. We are local militias and are therefore responsible for stopping them from destroying our poppy fields.

If Pat Jasan would provide rations, we would accept the destruction of our poppy fields. If Pat Jasan wants to destroy poppy fields, their leaders might need to have serious negotiations with the people. It would be better if they destroyed poppy fields with the approval of locals.

Is there anything else you would like to add?

We grow poppies not to make profit, but to make a living. We grow poppies on a small scale, because the rice paddy is not good [to grow]. We hope that we will no longer grow poppies if we are given substitute crops. Locals would stop growing poppies if they were given rations like rice before they finally get substitute crops.

Translated by Thet Ko Ko.

The post 'Destroy Our Poppy Fields, But Give Us Substitute Crops': Militiaman Detained by Anti-Opium Group appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Karen Connelly: ‘The Need for Language Is Central to Alleviating Injustice’

Posted: 01 Mar 2016 05:30 PM PST

Author Karen Connelly during an interview with The Irrawaddy in February. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy)

Canadian author Karen Connelly was the talk of local literary circles last month with the launch of a Burmese-language translation of "The Lizard Cage." The novel tells the story of a Burmese student leader who was jailed for more than 20 years and held in solitary confinement in Rangoon's notorious Insein Prison, a fictional tale that mirrors the experiences of dozens if not hundreds of Burmese prisoners of conscience under decades of repressive military rule.

Originally written in English, the book won Britain's Orange Broadband Prize for New Writers in 2007. Although it first hit bookstores internationally in 2005, it took 11 years for the Canadian writer to see the book translated into Burmese, due largely to literary censorship in the country, which eased dramatically in 2012. The Irrawaddy sat down with Connelly to discuss her inspiration for the book and how language can be a powerful catalyst for justice in the Burmese context and beyond.

What was your impression of Burma when you first came here 20 years ago?

I think anybody who came to Burma 20 years ago was struck by how gracious and lovely people were. That's one of the things that moved me most—how generous the people were. Even then, I was collecting stories about politics and the experiences of ordinary citizens under dictatorship. People were courageous and generous with their stories, despite their fear. During times when the political situation was more tumultuous, people were not so willing to talk. Obviously, I understood that.

After all these years, what is your impression now?

I think people are largely the same. It's been such a long time under dictatorship and a long time waiting. Now, it's a period of transition. But the hospitality and generosity of the people are the same. The city [Rangoon] is a young, developing Asian city, so it's kind of crazy—sort of like the Rangoon that I knew 20 years ago is buried underneath cars, new building facades, noise and lots of pollution. But those things are just the surface. Underneath, people still feel the same to me.

Why exactly did you think you needed to write 'The Lizard Cage'?

I first became interested in Burma because I worked for many years at PEN Canada [country chapter of PEN International, a global writers' advocacy organization]. One of our honorary members who we advocated for was Ma Thida. She was like me: She was a young writer, interested in social justice issues. But she was in prison and I was free. Her case was striking to me because I could relate to her.

I was ready to go back to Thailand, where I lived as a teenager. I knew I would be close to Burma. Even on my first short visit, I was struck by how many people's stories were of imprisonment or confinement. No matter who I talked to, there was fear of imprisonment or there was actual imprisonment in people's lives. If they hadn't been to prison, somebody in their family or a friend had gone to prison in 1974, 1988 or 1996. Prison stories—stories of confinement and separation from family—are powerful.

I met a few dissidents on the Thai-Burma border before I came to Burma. It was clear they had exiled themselves to continue their politics and avoid reimprisonment. They left families behind. I was struck by the importance of family in Burmese culture and how everybody talked about that separation as part of the punishment. That's one of the things I wanted to explore in this novel.

You met many people with interesting stories along the Thai-Burma border as well as inside the country. But 'The Lizard Cage' is mostly based on the fictional character Teza and his struggles in prison. Why?

I was always interested in what it means to be confined—separated from other people—and how people maintain their humanity in those extreme situations. Ever since I was quite young, I was interested in the situations of political prisoners, especially young men and women who went to prison because of their writing. My work with PEN Canada had been about freedom of expression, an eternal fight against censorship. I was interested in how people use language to free themselves.

There is a deep theme in the book about language. The little boy Nyi Lay can't read. He understands that the inability to read is a kind of confinement. You are trapped when you can't read. I wanted to explore the power of language over political prisoners or any person who has ever been relatively powerless.

In situations of abuse or violence, the need for language, and the importance of being able to express that injustice, is central to alleviating that injustice. People tell stories in order to feel the possibility of justice. Language holds the promise of justice. As soon as you start to speak the truth, the structure of power starts to become compromised. You weaken that structure somehow. Words are very powerful things.

Over the past few years, there have been many books written about Burma by foreigners. How is your book different from others?

I haven't read them all. My book is probably better [laughs].

In my opinion, I can never write another book like it. It took me 10 years to write because I was so worried about getting it wrong. Every time I wrote a little bit, I sent it to a Burmese friend or someone else to read it. Obviously, there are many good books on Burma. My book is different because it is a strange mixture of so many stories told to me by Burmese people, plus so much of my own heart.

The post Karen Connelly: 'The Need for Language Is Central to Alleviating Injustice' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.