The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Tatmadaw Says It Has Clashed with AA Nearly 100 Times This Year
- Dhaka Cracks Down on Black Market Activities in Rohingya Camps
- Commander-in-Chief Tells Parties Myanmar Military Exercising Restraint
- Ancient Temples Face Damage from Military Shelling
- The Ancient Kingdom to the New Capital — Destination Guide to Central Myanmar
- Growing a Controversy: A Kachin Banana Plantation in Pictures
- 16 Killed, Scores Hurt as Mining Materials Depot Explodes in Wa Region
- Speculation Surrounds Murder of Rakhine Police Station Head
- Irrawaddy Region Farmers’ Hopes of Reclaiming Stolen Land Running Thin
- Thai Markets Expected to Rise After Pro-Army Party Leads in Election
- The Making of Militants in India’s ‘Paradise on Earth’
- Thailand’s Pro-Army Party Leads in Election; Results Delayed
| Tatmadaw Says It Has Clashed with AA Nearly 100 Times This Year Posted: 25 Mar 2019 07:40 AM PDT The Myanmar Military (or Tatmadaw) and the Arakan Army have clashed nearly 100 times since the ethnic armed group launched coordinated attacks on police stations on Jan. 4, according to military officials. Major-General Soe Naing Oo, the head of the Tatmadaw's True News Information Team, provided the statistics while sharing information about the military's clashes with the AA since March 2015 at a press conference in Naypyitaw on Monday. The first quarter of 2019 (from January to March 24) saw a dramatic increase in attacks, with 97 in all. Tatmadaw and AA troops have clashed 255 times since 2015: 15 times that year; 26 times in 2016; 56 times in 2017; and 61 times in 2018. The Tatmadaw also said its personnel were struck by mines laid by the AA in a total of 74 incidents since 2015, with more than half occurring from January-March 24, 2019 (39 times). Some of the mine incidents were fatal, the Tatmadaw officers said. Unlike its previous press conference in January, at which the military revealed the number of AA troops killed from 2015 up to that month, this time the military did not provide a number of AA casualties since then. Major-General Tun Tun Nyi, the deputy head of the True News Information Team, confirmed that there had been fatalities on both sides, but did not reveal how many government soldiers had been killed during clashes with the AA. Observers have speculated that the number of AA casualties so far this year is already higher than the total of 73 last year, given the sharp increase in fighting in restive Rakhine State. With regards to the fighting in Kyauktaw and Mrauk U townships in February and aerial attacks on villages in Ponnakyun and shooting and shelling in Mrauk U township in the last two weeks, the Tatmadaw said the incidents in Kyauktaw, Mrauk U, Ponnakyun and Buthetaung townships were counter-insurgency actions taken against the AA, which it said targeted administrative mechanisms and security forces manning national border posts. The military spokesmen reiterated their stance that the fighting was "unavoidable" in Rakhine State in February and March, as AA troops disguised as civilians were shooting at both Tatmadaw units in the field and at units in their bases. The number of people displaced due to the fighting and government shelling reached some 20,000, according to local charity groups. As at its previous press briefings, the Tatmadaw shared information on how ethnic armed organizations in the unilateral ceasefire regions are violating its call for them to stop inter-ethnic fighting, crossing territorial boundaries, extorting money and forcibly recruiting local residents. Monday's press conference also included updates about the Tatmadaw's participation in the government's current peace efforts. Maj-Gen. Soe Naing Oo said boundary crossing happened some 380 times during the three months since Dec. 21 in Kachin and Shan states. Inter-ethnic fighting was the second most common violation: engagements between the Restoration Council of Shan State and the Ta'ang Nationalities Liberation Army were the most frequent (40), while military engagements between the Tatmadaw and EAOs occurred 33 times. Despite these accusations against the EAOs, the Tatmadaw held three separate meetings in the period: with the Shan State Progressive Party on Feb. 25, the Restoration Council of Shan State on March 12, and the Karenni National Progressive Party on March 19 in Naypyitaw, following these groups' meetings with the government's National Reconciliation and Peace Center. Maj-Gen. Soe Naing Oo was optimistic that the ongoing peace talks would help to bring success to peace building, but said, "some EAOs need to demand only what's possible [to achieve peace] … instead of childish thinking and imaginary acts," but he did not give details on which group he was referring to. The Tatmadaw has vowed to achieve peace by 2020, but also made clear that it would stay in politics as long as the EAOs exist in the country. The Tatmadaw did not directly reveal whether it plans to extend its four-month truce in the five military commands in the north and northeast of Myanmar at its third press conference in Naypyitaw on Monday. Responding to The Irrawaddy's question, Maj-Gen. Soe Naing Oo said, "Actually four months, or 130 days, is enough time to build peace." He went on to say that the Tatmadaw's main responsibility is to protect the state from foreign enemies, and it was trying hard to do this. "We have the fighting ability," he added. "But we don't want to fight with our brothers; thus we called the ceasefire." The post Tatmadaw Says It Has Clashed with AA Nearly 100 Times This Year appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Dhaka Cracks Down on Black Market Activities in Rohingya Camps Posted: 25 Mar 2019 06:38 AM PDT DHAKA — The Bangladesh government has imposed restrictions on the operation of jewelry and computer shops, as well as pharmacies, at makeshift Rohingya camps in Cox's Bazar after intelligence agencies warned that illegal businesses disguised as legitimate traders were flourishing. "The decision has been taken based on information from the intelligence agencies… It's an ongoing process," Bangladeshi Refugee, Relief and Repatriation Commissioner Mohammad Abul Kalam told The Irrawaddy in Cox's Bazar on Sunday evening. The commissioner said a few jewelry shops and pharmacies had already been shut, and the rest would be closed by the second week of next month. It's not possible to monitor everybody, but those found to be engaged in "disturbing" behavior would be targeted, the commissioner said. He said setting up small shops was normal, but action would be taken against those found to be creating a problem. In July 2018, the Dhaka Tribune daily reported that many jewelry stores were really a front for illegal foreign exchange operations, with Rohingya being the primary customers. In the report, a jewelry shop owner admitted that the Rohingya refugees were receiving financial aid from relatives abroad, and that he was exchanging that money into Bangladeshi taka for a hefty commission. Some of the other jewelers who recently set up shop in the area are trading in drugs and other contraband, according to the report. More than 50 jewelry shops sprung up around the Rohingya camps in the Ukhiya and Teknaf sub-districts of Cox's Bazar between November 2017 and July 2018, it said. During a visit, The Irrawaddy also found a number of jewelry shops set up near Rohingya camps in Kutupalong, Balukhali and Thaingkhali, among other places. It was not clear why pharmacies and computer shops were also being targeted. New Age, another Dhaka-based daily, on Monday reported that officials from the Bangladesh National Taskforce on Implementation of National Strategy on Myanmar Refugees and Undocumented Myanmar Nationals believed some Rohingya at Kutupalong and Balukhali camps in Cox's Bazar, in association with some local people, were operating "illegal trade in the guise of ornament, computer and medicine businesses". Earlier, the local administration took a lenient approach to the jewelry, computer and medicine shops on humanitarian grounds, they said. Bangladesh Foreign Secretary Shahidul Haque, the chief of the National Taskforce, said his government had already confirmed that some shops were engaged in smuggling, according to the New Age report. He said directives had been issued for the district administration and other agencies to take necessary measures. Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Sunday evening, Cox's Bazar district police chief ABM Masud Hossain sharply contradicted the allegations of widespread illegal trade, saying that a large number of plainclothes officers had been deployed in each of the camps to monitor whether any crimes were being committed. He acknowledged allegations that some of the pharmacies were selling "Burmese" stimulant pills or tobacco, but said most of the shops were selling "daily necessities". "Many of their Rohingya relatives live abroad… It is absurd to run a hundi business [a traditional non-banking money transfer mechanism] openly in the camps," Masud said. Shomshu Alom, the chairman of Voice of Rohingya, a recently formed group championing refugees' rights, told The Irrawaddy that most of the shops sell clothing or daily necessities. "We are not sure whether any shop is doing illegal business here. We will definitely look into the allegations if so," Shomshu told The Irrawaddy. More than 700,000 Rohingya entered Bangladesh after fleeing security clearance operations by the Myanmar military in Rakhine State starting on Aug. 25, 2017. The most recent Rohingya influx took the number of undocumented Myanmar nationals and registered refugees in Bangladesh to about 1,116,000, according to estimates by UN agencies and the Bangladeshi Foreign ministry. The post Dhaka Cracks Down on Black Market Activities in Rohingya Camps appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Commander-in-Chief Tells Parties Myanmar Military Exercising Restraint Posted: 25 Mar 2019 06:32 AM PDT NAYPYITAW — Defense Services Commander-in-Chief Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing told political party leaders that the military, or Tatmadaw, was exercising restraint and patience in order to avoid instability in Myanmar and urged them to eschew any action that might provoke conflict. "Myanmar still lacks peace and stability in terms of politics and security and economic development. The Tatmadaw is focusing its efforts on peace and stability and would like to urge the parties to join hands," he said at a meeting with 32 parties in Naypyitaw on Friday. The meeting was organized by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which arranged accommodation and transportation from its party offices to Naypyitaw, according to attendees.
Out of the 32 parties, nearly half are allied with the USDP, and the majority are currently unrepresented in Parliament, including the Peace for Diversity Party, National Development Party and New National Democracy Party and other minor ethnic parties. Over the past two years they have issued several pro-military statements, for example criticizing the formation of a commission of inquiry to probe alleged human rights abuses in Rakhine State for fear of “foreign intervention” and condemning the government for agreement to implement the recommendations of the Rakhine advisory commission led by Kofi Annan. USDP and military lawmakers had also strenuously opposed the ruling National League for Democracy’s approach to trying to amend the Constitution, claiming their tactics were unconstitutional. In a statement issued by the military, the party leaders who attended Friday’s meeting endorsed the military's position and actions and agreed to collaborate on issued of national import. They said the meeting was constructive and helped dispel their doubts about the military, and suggested that the president and state counselor hold similar meeting, noting that former President U Thein Sein, an ex-general, had also done so. Despite media reports of a power struggle between the military and the civilian government, the military appeared to be interested only in how to best serve the country, said U Kaung Myint Htut, chairman of the Myanmar National Congress Party. "Not only the Tatmadaw, but all other people want to engage in politics. What we want is to see how everyone can work together for the betterment of the country," he said. "He (Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing) said he was sad that there are about 6 million Myanmar workers working in poor conditions in Thailand,” he added. “He said he didn’t want to build a country based on the support of international aid. He said he was ready to help anyone for the betterment of the country.” The commander-in-chief said that parties not elected to Parliament were also obliged to do their fair share to promote economic growth, peace and stability, said Daw Sandar Oo, chairwoman of the Diversity and Peace Party. "We were able to have a frank discussion,” she added. “For example, we discussed the Rakhine issue. There are political parties that do not like the military. We discussed what was on our minds frankly." Democracy and Peace Party Chairman U Soe Maung said the military’s current actions were in line with the law. "No matter what is done, if it is done in line with the law, everything can be settled," he said. Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing defended the military’s actions further. "The Tatmadaw is serving its national political duty besides its state defense duty. National politics means doing whatever it takes to meet the needs of the people and the country for the sake of the national interest," he told the party leaders. According to the commander-in-chief’s official website, the parties at the meeting included the USDP, National Unity Party, New National Democracy Party, National Progressive Party, Democratic Party (Myanmar), New Age People's Party, National Political Allies Federation, Wunthanu Democratic Party, Inn National Development Party, Karen National Democratic Party, Karen People's Party, Lisu National Development Party, Kokang Democracy and Unity Party, Chin National Democratic Party, Shan Nationalities Democratic Party, Democratic Party, Wa Liberal Democratic Progressive Party, Pa-O National Organization, Kayah State Democratic Party, Rakhine State National Force, Mro National Solidarity Organization, Democracy and Peace Party, Myanmar National Congress, Public Service Students Party, Diversity and Peace Party, Bamar People's Party, 88 Generation Democracy Party, New Age Union Party, Myanmar People's Democratic Party, People's Party of Myanmar Farmers and Workers, and the Negotiation, Stability and Peace Party. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Commander-in-Chief Tells Parties Myanmar Military Exercising Restraint appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Ancient Temples Face Damage from Military Shelling Posted: 25 Mar 2019 06:27 AM PDT YANGON – More than one thousand pagodas, temples and stupas are experiencing dozens of vibrations as a result of the firing of howitzer artillery by Police Regiment No. 31 and military troops located on hills in the ancient heritage zone, northern Rakhine State's popular tourist destination of Mrauk-U. Shelling has been ongoing since March 19 during fierce fighting between the Arakan Army (AA) and troops of the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, in the mountain ranges situated in neighboring Min Byar Township. The army used airstrikes against the AA over three days on March 19, 20 and 21. Mrauk-U Heritage Trust's chairperson Daw Khin Thein explained to this reporter during a recent visit to Mrauk-U, that military troops deployed mostly in the eastern and western hills fire between 30 and 60 times in a day—280 times within seven days. She explained that the Arakanese king Min Saw Mon established Mrauk-U as fortress town A.D. 1430 in order to prevent invasion from neighboring kingdoms. As the stone structures and centuries-old pagodas from Mrauk-U were built so long ago, they could be damaged by vibrations if shootings continue, said Daw Khin Thein. Mrauk-U is a hilly region and several creeks flow across the township. The downtown Mrauk-U is surrounded by layers of hills. The hills in the eastern part of Mrauk-U Township are where military troops are currently deployed to fight against the AA. Despite no skirmishes between the two sides taking place within 10 miles of downtown Mrauk-U, an artillery unit based at the No.31 Police Regiment situated about 500 meters from popular ancient pagoda Koe Thaung Pagoda regularly fires dozens of shells onto the mountain range where Pan Myaung Village is located.  "We would like to urge the Union government to declare Mrauk-U heritage site a war-free zone," said Daw Khin Thein. She said that her organization and other civil society groups are preparing to send a letter to the National League for Democracy- (NLD-)appointed president U Win Myint this week in which they will explain the possible damage pagodas are facing due to artillery shelling vibrations. "Artilleries are mostly fired from the police regiment and the inner structure of the nearest pagoda, Koe Thaung Pagoda, could be damaged, I guess, because even I could feel the vibration at home." Daw Khin Thein lives in downtown Mrauk-U which is 2.2 kilometers from the location of the police regiment. Director of the Mrauk-U Department of Archaeology and Cultural Heritage Conservation U Than Htike acknowledges that he is also aware of the military deployment in the designated heritage site zone. According to him, almost every single hill in the surrounding area has a pagoda or stupa and they have physically already identified 200 stupas as potential candidates for UNESCO World Heritage listing. However, none of the archaeology department officials or archeologists are able to precisely identify how many hills are under the control of army troops as they are afraid of potential risks of going there. U Than Htike said that progress of preparations and future plans for nomination of Mrauk-U as a World Heritage site has been delayed since conflict erupted in the region. Director U Than Htike said, "All hills are no longer under the supervision of the department of archaeology." As Mrauk-U is not yet listed as a World Heritage site, the Myanmar government fully governs the ancient town of Mrauk-U. But once it is officially declared a World Heritage Site, then perpetrators who damage the site could be sued under international laws, said U Than Htike. The Myanmar Archeology Association (MAA) urged both parties to respect the 1954 Hague Convention for the protection of cultural property after the artillery shells landed near the downtown heritage temple Htukanthein and West Myede Pagoda in Mrauk-U on March 18. The Irrawaddy visited the two pagodas and saw the tail of a 40 millimeter mortar shell which had damaged West Myede Pagoda. This is a type of mortar often used by government troops. Regarding MAA's statement, the AA has pointed out that they never carry out attacks in urban areas, and accused the military troops of creating a fake battle without any provocation in downtown. Despite the ancient city of Mrauk-U being under a huge threat as a result of the armed violence, the National League for Democracy (NLD) and its appointee, Rakhine State Chief Minister U Nyi Pu, have declined to speak out about the issue. Chief Minister U Nyi Pu is also the chairperson of the Mrauk-U region management committee, but after having been targeted by a landmine attack early this year, he has not shown up in Mrauk-U since tensions have intensified between the AA and military troops in northern Rakhine. So far, about 20,000 people have been displaced in Rakhine over a period of three months. Until early 1783, the Arakan kingdom was a sovereign nation and ruled by Maha Thamada Razar. It was conquered by the Burmese Konbaung Dynasty in 1784. Since then, Rakhine, as well as other states and divisions, were colonized by the British again in 1824. As the country gained independence from British in 1948, different ethnic groups agreed to sign the Panglong Agreement made by General Aung San and the Union of Myanmar was created. The post Ancient Temples Face Damage from Military Shelling appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| The Ancient Kingdom to the New Capital — Destination Guide to Central Myanmar Posted: 25 Mar 2019 02:41 AM PDT  Naypyitaw Naypyitaw, the legendary purpose-built administrative capital of Myanmar, was established in 2005. Known for its sweeping empty highways and elaborate, little-used roundabouts, the city also has a military museum, a zoo and safari park, two golf courses and many five-star hotels. The sprawling parliament buildings the Uppatasanti Pagoda are the city's major landmarks, the pagoda modelled on Yangon's Shwedagon but measuring 30 centimeters shorter.  Bagan Myanmar's most famous destination deserves every bit of recognition it gets. There are fewer scenes in the world more beautiful than sunrise, or sunset, over the 2,200 Buddhist temples built between the 11th and 13th centuries. You can spend many days exploring Bagan's plane of temples because each has a unique design and history. Some have ancient paintings on their walls, some are said to be haunted and some have secret underground tunnels.  Mount Popa A temple built on top of an extinct volcano, Mount Popa stands out in stark contrast to the rest of the landscape of Myanmar's dry zone. The auspicious mountain is usually visited as part of a day trip from Bagan and is home to no less than 37 spirits drawing groups of pilgrims to come here every day and climb the 777 steps to the top.  Monywa This little-visited destination is a three-hour drive from Mandalay and has the country's most enormous Buddhist monuments, including the third-tallest standing Buddha image in the world, the second-longest reclining Buddha image in the world and a very large seated Buddha image under construction. Nearby Po Win Daung is a fascinating network of caves with temples and shrines carved into the mountain and even some ancient paintings.  Mandalay Often referred to as Myanmar's cultural capital, Mandalay has a rich royal history and there are several well-preserved teak monasteries. Kuthodaw and Mahamuni are beautiful pagoda complexes to visit and watching the sun set from atop Mandalay Hill is a wonderful experience.  Inwa This is an enchanting place to visit just outside Mandalay. Now occupied by villagers living a simple life, between the 14th and 19th centuries it was the seat of a mighty and powerful kingdom and a royal city which was brought down by a series of earthquakes. Among the rice paddies and goat herds, you'll find the ruins of the royal palace and moat, a monastery, pagoda and a watchtower and other historic structures, some proudly displayed and some hidden in the high grass.  Mingun Across the Irrawaddy River to the northeast of Mandalay is Mingun. Spend a few hours wandering around the area and admiring the colossal Mingun Pahtodawgyi Pagoda which was split down the middle by an earthquake; the giant Mingun Bell said to be the second heaviest operating bell in the world; and the very pretty, all-white Mya Thein Tan Pagoda. Afterwards, enjoy lunch in a café by the river. Mingun can be accessed by boat or taxi from Mandalay.  Pyin Oo Lwin Often called by its colonial name, Maymyo, Pyin Oo Lwin is a great place to visit during Myanmar's hot summers because the climate is decidedly cooler all year round. A main feature of the town is the large and picturesque Kandawgyi National Botanical Gardens which is over a century old but the butterfly and fossils museums on the perimeter of the gardens are must-visits. Much colonial architecture remains well preserved here and there are a few waterfalls outside the town which are good for swimming—if the weather's not too cold. Don't forget to try the local sweet wines made from strawberries, grapes and damson fruit while you're in town.  Gohteik Viaduct A train journey across this teetering steel bridge is sure to be one of the most memorable experiences of any trip in Myanmar. Connecting Pyin Oo Lwin in Mandalay Region to Hsipaw in northern Shan, the train slows as it approaches the deep gorge with the 119-year-old steel frame soaring above it. As the train slowly clunks across, look out the window to see the huge drop below, the gorge filled with dwarfed trees and rock cliff faces.  Mogok Most of the world's highest quality rubies are sourced from the mountains at Mogok. This affluent and well-developed town is a six-hour drive north of Mandalay and has a cool climate. Gems markets are interesting places to observe the trade, and perhaps make a purchase, and there are lots of lookout points with great views over the misty valley. Be sure to try the local dishes at the night market by the lake. The post The Ancient Kingdom to the New Capital — Destination Guide to Central Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Growing a Controversy: A Kachin Banana Plantation in Pictures Posted: 25 Mar 2019 02:35 AM PDT WAIMAW, Kachin State — This 500-acre banana plantation in Kachin State’s Lamyang Township normally comes to life at 7 each morning. Workers, men and women alike, most from Rakhine State, carry freshly cut bunches of green bananas on yokes to processing area where the bananas are rinsed and then soaked in a tank filled with a white chemical solution. No one knows what the solution is, but they say “it is to make the fruits last long.” The bananas are then loaded — under the watchful eyes of Chinese supervisors — onto 12-wheeler trucks that will take them to their final destination: Yunnan Province in China. "It takes nearly four hours to fully load a truck. After that we get our lunch break," one worker said. The scene is a microcosm of the quickly expanding tissue-culture banana plantations in Kachin State. According to the state's Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation Ministry, Kachin has more than 60,000 acres of such plantations. Civil society groups, however, say they have counted more than 170,0000 acres in the state’s Waimaw, Bhamo, Shwegu, Mansi, Momauk and Dokphoneyan townships. Most of the plantations have Chinese backing and are accused of stealing land, damaging the environment and violating their workers’ labor rights. Tissue-culture banana plantations are banned in Laos and Thailand but have become ubiquitous in war-torn Kachin State. Most of the farmland left behind by displaced ethnic Kachin has been replaced by the plantations. According to reports from civil society groups, the companies are using insecticides, weed killers and fertilizers and disposing of them carelessly. They say the chemicals have polluted water supplies, poisoning the soil and killing fish and livestock. The post Growing a Controversy: A Kachin Banana Plantation in Pictures appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| 16 Killed, Scores Hurt as Mining Materials Depot Explodes in Wa Region Posted: 25 Mar 2019 02:05 AM PDT Sixteen people were killed and 48 injured when a storage facility for gas and explosives blew up in Man Maw (Mongma) town in Wa Special Region 2 near the Chinese border on March 23, according to the United Wa State Army (UWSA). The explosion occurred at around 5 pm local time and left a huge dust cloud over the town. Video footage posted on Facebook showed a large blast site with many destroyed buildings and dead bodies. UWSA troops could be seen assisting the wounded. “The wounded were sent to [Yunan province in] China for treatment,” Nyi Rang, a spokesperson for the UWSA based in Lashio, northern Shan State, told The Irrawaddy on Monday. Local authorities said the blast was sparked by faulty wiring at a warehouse used to store mining supplies including gas and explosives. Man Maw is a major tin-mining center. According to Nyi Rang, UWSA authorities planned to take action against the owners of the facility for storing explosive materials in the town without permission. According to a paper published by the journal Resources Policy, a huge increase in tin production in UWSA-controlled Man Maw starting in 2009 saw Myanmar soar to the position of the world's third-largest tin producer in 2014. The report cited figures from the U.K.-based International Tin Research Institute (ITRI). The UWSA trades the tin to China. An Irrawaddy journalist visiting the area in 2015 reported seeing over 100 12-wheeled trucks transporting tin ore across the border into China. Special Region 2 is an autonomous area under the control of the UWSA, the largest ethnic armed force in Myanmar. The post 16 Killed, Scores Hurt as Mining Materials Depot Explodes in Wa Region appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Speculation Surrounds Murder of Rakhine Police Station Head Posted: 24 Mar 2019 11:30 PM PDT SITTWE—The head of a police station in Rakhine's Mrauk-U Township was shot dead on Saturday evening. Police Lieutenant Kyaw Kyaw Hla, the head of Tein Nyo Police Station, was at an eatery some 90 meters from the police station when two unknown gunmen fatally shot him, according to the Mrauk-U Township Police Force. "He was shot dead at an eatery. For the time being, we suspect he was shot by insurgents," police captain Aung Thu Myo of Mrauk-U Township Police Force, told The Irrawaddy. The police lieutenant was shot twice, in his temple and chest respectively, and died at Mrauk-U Township Hospital. "We heard two gunshots near the police station, and [later] we heard that the police station head died of two gun wounds at the hospital. We don't know who shot him," a local resident of Tein Nyo Village, who requested anonymity told The Irrawaddy. The police lieutenant and another police officer at the same station were sent warning letters accompanied by a bullet from the Arakan Army (AA) on Jan. 6. In December, the AA sent warning letters, each accompanied by a bullet and the official AA stamp, warning the recipients against disturbing those who are "implementing the Way of Rakhita." Information officer of the AA U Khaing Thukha denied responsibility for the assassination and accused the Tatmadaw of intentionally complicating the situation on the ground. "We have nothing to do with his fatal shooting. We gave him a warning letter, but it was just supposed to be a warning. We guess this was a plot by the military in a complicated situation on the ground. We guess [the military] intends to spoil our name among the public," said U Khaing Thu Kha. Some locals have said that it would be difficult for the AA to get into the area to carry out the assassination of the police lieutenant as there is a military logistics battalion outpost near the eatery. "Yes, it is true that there is a military outpost that buys rice [from locals]. But no member of an armed group is distinct from ordinary citizens. Everyone knows the situation — the AA has sent warning letters, so for the time being we assume that it is done by them," the head of Rakhine State Police Force Police Colonel Kyi Lin told The Irrawaddy. There have been frequent fatal shootings in villages in Myebon and Kyauktaw townships in northern Rakhine since December, but authorities have not been able to identify the perpetrators. The post Speculation Surrounds Murder of Rakhine Police Station Head appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Irrawaddy Region Farmers’ Hopes of Reclaiming Stolen Land Running Thin Posted: 24 Mar 2019 09:49 PM PDT PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Region — When the National League for Democracy (NLD) came to power in 2016, farmers in Irrawaddy Region dared to hope that the land stolen from them by past military regimes would be returned. But three years into the NLD's administration, farmers are starting to feel frustrated with the lack of progress. "I voted for the NLD in the 2015 general elections with the hope that it would return our land if it became the government. But three years after it took office, our wishes remain unfulfilled," said Ko Khin Maung Lwin, a farmer in Nyaungdon Township. The military regime grabbed farms as well as vacant and virgin land from residents in Irrawaddy for various reasons including the construction of government offices and barracks, factories, hotels, railroads and reservoirs. According to a parliamentary committee formed under the previous Union Solidarity and Development Party government to investigate land disputes, there are more than 81,000 hectares (200,000 acres) of confiscated land in Irrawaddy. Maubin District has seen the majority of the region’s land disputes, with more than 68,800 hectares (170,000 acres) confiscated in its four townships. According to the district Land Records Department, they were grabbed by the State Peace and Development Council regime in 2000 and granted to 271 private companies. According to remarks in the Irrawaddy Region Parliament, Ayer Shwe Wah Co. — which U Aung Thet Mann, a son of ex-General and former Lower House Speaker Thura Shwe Mann, has shares in — has received about 16,200 hectares (40,000 acres) in Pathein District. The Irrawaddy Region Land Records Department declined to provide data on the company’s land to The Irrawaddy.  Most of the land granted by the military regime to businessmen was labeled vacant or virgin land on the district Land Records Department’s map. But in reality, it was farmland people were using to make a living. Farmers could do nothing but watch their farms being taken away by people with close ties to powerful generals. "We begged them to wait until harvest, but the cronies refused and bulldozed the paddy fields. The farmers could do nothing but watch in tears," said U Than Win, a member of a farmers and growers association in Nyaungdon Township. The land grabbing has robbed thousands of farmers of their livelihoods, and many local farmers have moved to neighboring Yangon to survive. Some have gone to work in Thailand or Malaysia. Meanwhile, most of the businessmen handed their land have done little with it, leaving much of it idle. According to the district Land Records Department, of the 68,800 hectares granted to businessmen, only 27,100 hectares (67,000 acres) have been put to use. Some companies have sold or leased the land to third parties or rented it back to the original farmers, said U Kyaw Hsan, who represents Nyaungdon in the regional parliament. After the NLD took power, the government formed the Central Committee for Reviewing Confiscated Farmlands and Other Lands and assigned Vice President Henry Van Thio to lead it. Each region formed its own committee with the same mandate, head by their chief ministers. After U Win Myint took over from U Htin Kyaw as president in 2018, he instructed regional governments to investigate all the land disputes in their jurisdictions by the end of the year and submit reports to the Union government. But the Irrawaddy committees still has yet to finish its investigations. According to Irrawaddy Region Chief Minister U Hla Moe Aung, his committee has managed to investigate only 1,311 of 1,544 land disputes, or about 85 percent. Over the past three years, the Irrawaddy Region government has returned 3,611 hectares (8,924 acres) of land to 1,393 original owners in Maubin, Myaungmya, Pyapon and Pathein districts, a fraction of the 81,000 hectares of land in dispute. The figures released by U Hla Moe Aung represent only the land disputes the Central Committee for Reviewing Confiscated Farmlands and Other Lands asked to be investigated.  On the ground, there are mountains of land dispute complaints filed by locals with township-level land review committees in 26 townships across Irrawaddy Region. "We couldn't finish even 50 percent of the cases even after trying hard for three years," said U Kyaw Hsan, who sits on Nyaungdon Township’s land review committee. In March 2018 the Central Committee for Reviewing Confiscated Farmlands and Other Lands issued a 52-point guideline on how to investigate land disputes. It says local committees are to assess whether any land in dispute was confiscated in line with the 1894 Land Acquisition Act, if the projects implemented on the land were beneficial to locals and provided them with jobs, and if compensation was provided. Despite the guideline, local departments are stalling the process and covering up their misdeeds in cases in which department staff members are involved, said U Kyaw Hsan. "Some departmental officials are procrastinating by abusing their authority. We only know the cases that they inform us of, and they do not touch the cases that can cause them trouble. And some are covering up their departments’ past misdeeds. So it is difficult to find out the truth," he said. Local civil society organizations in Irrawaddy Region say that having government administrators chair the local land review bodies and land records officials serve as secretaries has only made it harder to settle the disputes. "At the village- and ward-level land review committees, most of the chairpersons and secretaries are involved in previous land grabs. And farmers' representatives on the committees are not elected systematically, but they are the people who get on well with department officials. In other words, the selection of farmers' representatives to the committees is quite arbitrary," said U Myo Chit, chairman of the Irrawaddy Region Farmers Union. "Though lawmakers are involved in the committees, they have no authority," he added. The unnecessary inclusion of officials from the Fisheries Department, Forest Department, Co-operatives Department and others has also delayed the process, said U Kyaw Zeya, a legal officer at Padeitha Moe, a civil society organization that advocates for land rights. "There are many land disputes in each village. To have a hearing, all the members of the committee, officials from those departments and a lawmaker must be present. But lawmakers have to attend parliamentary sessions, and fisheries officials are too busy with their departmental duties in the rainy season, as are the officials at the Forest Department. Because all of them must be present to make a decision, when can these problems be solved?" he asked. In October 2018, the Irrawaddy Region land review committee revoked private companies' ownership of 19,353 hectares (47,822 acres) of land that was not being put to use, according to the region’s Agriculture and Livestock Ministry. The Irrawaddy Region governments asked people who had their land seized to submit applications to their land records departments to be allowed to farm them again. But people are having trouble just getting the application forms.  "A company has abandoned about 3,000 acres [1,214 hectares] of land in our area. We came to know this not because departmental officials informed us, but because civil society organizations told us. We asked the officials at the land records departments to give us application forms, but they didn't give them to us. Application forms were only given to farmers who worked in partnership with that company. Currently, only those farmers are working on that land," said Ko Saw Kaw Win, a farmer in Pantanaw Township. Irrawaddy Region Land Records Department Director U Win Myint, who is also the secretary of the regional land review committee, declined to be interviewed. The structure of the land review committees should be revised and more representatives from civil society organizations (CSOs) should be included, said U Tin Lin Aung, director of the Pathein-based Green Peasant Institute. "The representation of departmental officials should be limited to five, and six other members should be representatives for farmers, women, CSOs, ethnic minorities and legal experts. Only then will farmers have justice," said U Tin Lin Aung. After news spread that the government would repossess idle land, many businessmen who had acquired such land in Maubin, Nyangdon, Danubyu and Pantanaw townships built fish farms and started commercial paddy fields, leading to clashes with the original owners. There are dozens of cases in which private companies have filed complaints against the original owners or landless farmers who have moved in and cultivated the plots for themselves. "It is important that regional governments and parliamentary committees strictly supervise and conduct inspections to ensure the land review committees work in line with the 52-point guideline. Otherwise, the conflicts can result in deaths," said U Kyaw Zeya. Nyaungdon resident Ko Khin Maung Lwin was still hopeful that farmers would get their land back by the end of the NLD’s five-year term. "I still hope that we will get our confiscated land back during the term of the NLD government, which we voted for. I'd like to urge the government to try its best not to kill off our hope, and to ensure the rule of law" he said. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Irrawaddy Region Farmers’ Hopes of Reclaiming Stolen Land Running Thin appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Thai Markets Expected to Rise After Pro-Army Party Leads in Election Posted: 24 Mar 2019 09:38 PM PDT BANGKOK—Thailand’s shares and the baht currency looked set to rise on Monday after partial results from Sunday’s general election showed a pro-army party ahead of the populist party leading a “democratic front” in the first vote since a 2014 coup. The prospect of continuity, with the possibility of junta chief Prayuth Chan-ocha staying on as prime minister, should reduce uncertainty in Southeast Asia’s second-largest economy and encourage foreign fund inflows, analysts and fund managers said. “While this seems to leave the political situation in a non-conclusive state … the elections have gone rather smoothly,” said Kobsidthi Silpachai, head of capital markets research of Kasikornbank. “Local markets are expected to exhibit some risk-on behaviors with the currency enjoying some upside as it will monitor how negotiations will form the next government,” he added. With 91 percent of overall votes counted, the Election Commission reported the pro-military party Palang Pracharat, which is seeking to keep Prayuth in power, was leading with 7.64 million votes. Trailing with 7.16 million votes was Pheu Thai, a party linked to exiled former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. The commission said the unofficial results, with 95 percent of the votes counted, will be announced on Monday. “If the Palang Pracharat Party joins hands with the Democrat Party and a few others, it will strengthen the baht and we will see foreign funds flowing in,” said Jittipol Pruksamethanon, chief strategist of Krung Thai Bank. Institutional investors, who are in defensive mode, will be more confident in investing in the market, said Narongsak Plodmechai, chief executive officer of SCB Asset Management, which has 1.5 trillion baht ($47.27 billion) under management. The baht has strengthened 2.75 percent this year, the best performing currency in Southeast Asia. Thailand’s benchmark stock index is up 5.3 percent this year, but foreign investors have dumped shares after last month’s surprise, short-lived entry of the king’s sister into politics threw the election into turmoil. They have sold 11.2 billion baht net of shares this year, after unloading a record 287.5 billion baht worth in the whole of 2018. Foreign investors have sold 37.3 billion baht of Thai bonds this year, after buying 134.7 billion baht in 2018. A stable government would allow Prayuth to continue economic policies and large infrastructure projects. But risks remain. “By outperforming expectations, the immediate period is likely to be more stable,” said Aaron Connelly, research fellow at International Institute for Strategic Studies. “But in the medium term, we could see Thailand return to extended political instability if Prayuth cannot maintain the confidence of the lower house, where he is unlikely to command a majority,” he said. The post Thai Markets Expected to Rise After Pro-Army Party Leads in Election appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| The Making of Militants in India’s ‘Paradise on Earth’ Posted: 24 Mar 2019 09:26 PM PDT KULGAM, Jammu and Kashmir—Kashmiri farmer Yusuf Malik learned that his son Owais, a 22-year old arts student and apple picker, had become an armed militant via a Facebook post. Days after Owais disappeared from his home in this picturesque valley below the Himalayan ranges, his picture appeared on the social network, posted by a user the family said they did not recognize. The short, thin, curly-haired young man in casual jeans and a T-shirt stared resolutely at the camera, both hands clutching an AK-47 rifle. In blood red font on the photo was scribbled his new allegiance: the Hizbul Mujahideen, or ‘The Party of Warriors’, the largest of the militant groups fighting to free the mostly-Muslim Kashmir from Indian rule. “He was a responsible kid who cared about his studies," said Yusuf, 49, staring down at the carpeted floor of his brick home where he sat on a recent winter morning, clasping his folded hands inside his traditional pheran cloak. The family said it has not heard from Owais since. Owais is one of a rising number of local militants fighting for independence of Kashmir — an insurgency being spread on social media amid India’s sustained, iron-fisted rule of the region. Hundreds of thousands of Indian troops and armed police are stationed in this lush region at the foot of the Himalayas. India and rival Pakistan have always disputed the area and in the past three decades, an uprising against New Delhi’s rule has killed nearly 50,000 civilians, militants and soldiers, by official count. Historically, that insurrection has largely been led by militants from Pakistan, who have infiltrated into the valley. But now, an increasing number of locally-born Kashmiris are picking up arms, according to Indian officials. About 400 local Kashmiris have been recruited by militants since the start of 2016, nearly double the number in the previous six years, according to government data. India says Pakistani groups continue to provide training and arms — a claim Islamabad rejects. Just a month before Owais Malik showed up on Facebook, another young man, Adil Ahmad Dar, left his home in a nearby part of Kashmir to join a militant group. This February, his suicide attack on a paramilitary convoy killed 40 Indian policemen, and took India and Pakistan to the brink of war. After Dar’s attack, Indian security forces launched a major crackdown, searching Kashmiri homes and detaining hundreds of supporters, sympathizers and family members of those in armed groups. At least half a dozen gun battles broke out between Indian police and militants. The families of Dar and other young militants, as well as some local leaders and political experts, say run-ins between locals and security forces are one of the main reasons for anger and radicalization. After the recent crackdown, they expect more young people to take up arms. 'Freedom, martyrs' Outside the narrow lane that leads to the Malik family home in Kulgam in southern Kashmir, children walk to school past shuttered shopfronts and walls spray-painted with the word “azadi”, the local word for “freedom”. The graveyard at the end of the lane has an area for militants, who are remembered as “martyrs”. Dar’s family claims he’d been radicalized in 2016 after being beaten up by Indian troops on his way back from school for pelting stones at them. “Since then, he wanted to join the militants,” said his father Ghulam Hassan Dar, a farmer. India’s home and foreign ministries did not respond to requests for comment on this story. In news conferences since the suicide bombing, Lt-Gen K.J.S. Dhillon, India’s top military commander in Kashmir, has dismissed allegations of harassment and rights abuses by Indian troops as “propaganda”. He said the recent crackdown by security forces has resulted in the killing of the masterminds of the attack, and militant recruitment has dipped in recent months. Syed Ata Hasnain, a retired army general who has served in Kashmir for over 20 years, said the rise in homegrown fighters does not surprise him. “Those who were born in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when the conflict started, have now come of age,” he said. “This is a generation that has only seen the jackboot. The alienation of this generation is higher than the alienation of the previous generation.” A 17th century Mughal emperor called Kashmir “paradise on earth”. But violence has ebbed and flowed in the valley since the subcontinent was divided into predominantly Hindu India and Islamic Pakistan after independence from Britain in 1947. The question of Kashmir, India’s only Muslim-majority state, was never resolved, and it has been the catalyst for two wars and several violent clashes between the countries. Tensions have risen after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party came to power in New Delhi in 2014. Modi promised a tougher approach to Pakistan and gave security forces the licence to retaliate forcefully against the insurgency. Cult following Around that time, many young Kashmiris started rallying around Burhan Wani, who had left home at the age of 15 to join the insurgency. Wani had a large following on social media, where he appeared in videos dressed in military fatigues and armed with an assault rifle, calling for an uprising against Indian rule. He and his brother were beaten by security forces when they were teenagers, his family told local media. Wani was 22 when he was killed by security forces in 2016 and thousands attended his funeral despite restrictions on the movement of people and traffic. The United Nations said in a report last year that in trying to quell mass protests in Kashmir since 2016, Indian security forces used excessive force that led to between 130 and 145 killings, according to civil society estimates. Thousands were injured, including around 700 who sustained eye injuries from the use of pellet guns by security forces, it said. Thousands of people had simply disappeared since the insurgency began, it said. The Indian government has rejected the report as false. Indian forces have long been accused of rights abuses and torture in custody in Kashmir, but officials routinely deny the charges. Instead, India points the finger at Pakistan. Officials say the rebellion in Kashmir is being funded and organized by Pakistan and if they cut off those resources, the insurgency will weaken and it can then focus on building Kashmir’s economy. The Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammad militant group claimed responsibility for the latest attack, which was the deadliest in the insurgency. Pakistan says it only provides moral support to the Kashmiri right to self-determination. Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, the Muslim spiritual leader of Kashmir who is considered a moderate separatist, contests that India has true plans to engage politically with the people of Kashmir. “In the past five years we have seen that the government of India has only spoken to Kashmiris through the barrel of the gun, that's it. There is no political approach,” he said. “Nobody is dying in Kashmir for lack of roads, electricity and water.” Losing another son A few miles south of Owais Malik’s home in Kulgam lives Masuma Begum, who said her son and brother had been called in to an army camp two days after the latest bombing and have been held since then. A military spokesman could not be reached for comment. Behind the glass panes of a wall shelf above her were photos of a smiling young man, an assault rifle slung on his shoulder. “That’s my other son, Tausif,” Masuma Begum said. The 24-year-old had joined the Hizbul Mujahideen in 2013 and been killed by the army the same year, she said. “I don't want to lose another son.” The post The Making of Militants in India’s 'Paradise on Earth' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Thailand’s Pro-Army Party Leads in Election; Results Delayed Posted: 24 Mar 2019 09:21 PM PDT BANGKOK—A pro-military party was leading in Thailand’s first election since a 2014 coup, with the unofficial result delayed until Monday afternoon likely to indicate whether junta chief Prayuth Chan-ocha can gain enough seats to remain prime minister. The Election Commission had been scheduled to announce the unofficial results Sunday night for the 500-seat lower House of Representatives but later said it was delayed until Monday, without giving a reason. But with Prayuth’s Palang Pracharat party all but guaranteed the support of the junta-appointed upper house, the Senate, under new electoral rules the junta drafted, it looked in a good position to keep Prayuth in office five years after he overthrew an elected government. With 93 percent of overall votes counted, the Election Commission reported Palang Pracharat was leading with 7.64 million votes. Trailing with 7.16 million votes was Pheu Thai, a party linked to the self-exiled ousted former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, whose loyalists have won every election since 2001. Palang Pracharat leader Uttama Savanayana cautioned the final results were not yet in but he seemed confident. “We are pleased,” Uttama said. “As for discussion with other parties about forming the next government, we haven’t got to that stage yet.” The numbers released were for the popular vote, but these did not reflect parliamentary constituency seats that would ultimately be won. Pheu Thai could still win the lion’s share of these because of its concentrated popularity in the north and northeast of the country. Pheu Thai was on track to win at least 129 seats and Palang Pracharat at least 102 seats, based on a Reuters tally of the partial results of the 350 constituency seats contested. Another 150 “party seats” will be allocated under a complex formula that favors smaller parties and is based on the total number of votes cast. The strong showing by the pro-junta Palang Pracharat prompted dismay among many voters who had hoped that the poll would loosen the grip on power that traditional elites and the military have held in a country that has one of the highest measures of inequality in the world. The Election Commission chairman said turnout was 66 percent, based on 90 percent of the vote counted. At Pheu Thai’s headquarters in Bangkok, the mood fluctuated from cheerful to quiet disbelief. “I didn’t think this is likely. I don’t think this is what the people wanted,” said Pheu Thai supporter Polnotcha Chakphet. Pheu Thai leader Viroj Pao-in told reporters there had been some reports of vote-buying, though he stopped short of questioning the overall results. Royal role The royal family, which wields great influence and commands the devotion of millions of Thais, played a part in the election though how far it influenced the outcome was unclear. On the eve of the vote, King Maha Vajiralongkorn made an unexpected and cryptic statement, urging voters to put “good people” in power and to prevent “bad people from … creating chaos”. His message was a departure from the approach of his late father, who died in 2016: in his latter years, the former king usually kept a distance between the monarchy and politics. Although the king did not refer to any of the sides in the election race, there was speculation on social media that it was a coded reference to main political factions—broadly the middle class and urban establishment, who identify with the monarchy and the military, and their pro-Thaksin opponents. King Vajiralongkorn also weighed in on electoral affairs last month after a startling turn of events when a pro-Thaksin party nominated Princess Ubolratana, the king’s sister, as its prime ministerial candidate. Within hours, the king issued a statement saying her candidacy was “inappropriate” and she was disqualified. Still, the connection between the princess and Thaksin persisted in voters’ minds, particularly after they were seen hugging on Friday at the wedding of his daughter in Hong Kong. “We had a lot of dramas in the last hours before the election,” said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political analyst at Chulalongkorn University told Reuters. “Thaksin overplayed with a royal involvement and that was countered by his opponent.” Deck stacked for military Thailand has been racked for the past 15 years by crippling street protests both by Thaksin’s opponents and supporters that destabilized governments and hamstrung business. Thaksin was thrown out by the army in 2006 and a government that his sister led by ousted in 2014. Sunday’s election was to determine the make-up of parliament’s 500-seat House of Representatives. The lower house and the upper house, the junta-appointed Senate, will together select the next prime minister. Critics have said a new, junta-devised electoral system gives a built-in advantage to pro-military parties and appears designed to prevent Pheu Thai from returning to power. The provision means Prayuth’s Palang Pracharat and allies have to win only 126 seats in the House, while Pheu Thai and its potential “democratic front” partners would need 376. The non-aligned Democrat Party, which many had thought could hold the balance of power, appeared to have been deserted by many voters. Its leader, former Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, announced his resignation within hours of the polls closing. The post Thailand’s Pro-Army Party Leads in Election; Results Delayed appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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