Friday, August 21, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Exhibition: Htoo Aung Kyaw’s ‘The Nook’

Posted: 21 Aug 2015 06:05 AM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

RANGOON — The first solo exhibition of by Burmese artist Htoo Aung Kyaw gives a solid representation of the depth and feel of his work, reflecting the influence of a childhood spent amongst the numerous temples of Bagan.

The artist, a philosophy graduate from Meiktila University and an alumnus of Rangoon's State School of Fine Arts, is showcasing 27 large canvas works of vibrant and emotive colours, evoking a visceral sense of time and history.

Su Su, the exhibition curator, describes Htoo Aung Kyaw as "an avid reader with a very strong interest in history—his work is a fusion of his philosophy studies, his deep interest in history and Buddhism."

Htoo Aung Kyaw's exhibition is on display from Friday until the end of August at the Pansodan Scene art space, located at the corner of Pansodan Street and Merchant Road in downtown Rangoon.

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Arakanese Ire Raised over Citizenship Verification Drive

Posted: 21 Aug 2015 05:55 AM PDT

Several hundred protesters, including Buddhist monks, marched from Shwedagon Pagoda, Rangoon, in February 2015 against the passing of legislation, since rescinded, allowing

Several hundred protesters, including Buddhist monks, marched from Shwedagon Pagoda, Rangoon, in February 2015 against the passing of legislation, since rescinded, allowing "white card" holders to vote. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Arakan State government's ongoing citizenship verification process has caused disquiet among local Arakanese, some of whom contend that immigration officials are overly accommodating of unwarranted claims.

The citizenship verification process, a largely ill-defined scheme that involves non-nationals providing proof of Burma-born ancestry, has led to several disputes with protesting Arakanese in northern Arakan State, according to Soe Naing, district officer for immigration and population in Buthidaung Township.

"We are trying to issue [national registration cards] in accordance with the 1982 [citizenship] law but local people argue with us. We explain the process to them but they don't accept it," he told The Irrawaddy.

"If they want to change it, the law would have to be amended. But that's not our responsibility; all we do is obey the law."

The ongoing citizenship verification drive follows the government's decision to invalidate the temporary identification documents known as "white cards" earlier this year, disenfranchising up to 800,000 people nationwide.

Most holders of the now defunct form of identification are Rohingya, a persecuted Muslim minority of around 1 million people in Arakan State that the government refers to as "Bengali" to imply their status as illegal immigrants.

The vast majority of Rohingya are effectively denied citizenship under Burma's widely criticized 1982 citizenship law which states that only recognized ethnic nationalities and others that settled in the county before 1823 are automatically entitled to Burmese citizenship.

The law also outlines two additional categories of citizens: associate citizens and naturalized citizens. Persons may be eligible under the former category if they qualified for citizenship under the previous 1948 citizenship law.

Persons may be able to apply for naturalized citizenship by providing "conclusive evidence" that he/she or his/her parents resided in Burma prior to January 4, 1948—the date of Burma's independence.

According to Soe Naing, Rohingya applicants can apply for citizenship and a national registration card if they can prove the required background, with proper documentation, in accordance with the 1982 act.

Past nationality verification schemes in the state have been controversial, with local officials, often accompanied by police, requesting that families register as "Bengali" or be disqualified from the process.

Khin Maung Than of the Arakan National Party (ANP), a major political party advocating for the interests of ethnic Arakanese, said the immigration department was examining the nationality claims of "Bengalis" with particular attention paid to Article 6 of the 1982 law which states that, "A person who is already a citizen on the date this Law comes into force is a citizen."

The ANP member expressed dissatisfaction with the verification process, claiming it was too accepting of underserving claims.

Emphasis on Article 6 had created consternation among local Arakanese, according to another ANP official, Aung Mra Kyaw, who queried whether immigration officials were assessing citizenship claims vis-à-vis Burma's previous 1948 law.

Aung Mra Kyaw said that since the former law was now abolished it should not be referred to during the verification process.

However, Htun Aung Thein, an ANP official who is participating in the verification process, said that most Rohingya would not be eligible for citizenship anyway as they were unable to provide the relevant documents to indicate proof of ancestry.

"The majority of Bengali people are not interested in getting citizenship," he said. "[And] they want to use the name Rohingya."

Moe Hein, a director in the Arakan State government's head office, declined to comment on the issues raised when contacted by The Irrawaddy on Friday and referred queries to the state's public relations department.

The state government's information department director Hla Thein told The Irrawaddy he had heard of complaints over the verification process and would comment on the matter at a later date.

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‘Time for Change,’ says Opposition Leader Aung San Suu Kyi

Posted: 21 Aug 2015 05:46 AM PDT

Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi addresses her supporters in Rangoon's Thanlyin Township on August 21, 2015. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi addresses her supporters in Rangoon's Thanlyin Township on August 21, 2015. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has finally unveiled her party's official campaign slogan: "Time for Change."

Addressing her supporters in Rangoon's Thanlyin Township on Friday, the Nobel laureate and chairwoman of the National League for Democracy (NLD) urged voters to abandon fear of political transformation.

And, of course, to vote for her party.

"Vote for us, just look to the party flag," Suu Kyi implored as an adoring crowd sang out, "It's time for change, let's vote for NLD and have real change!"

An NLD member present at the rally asked the chairwoman how she felt about being ineligible for the presidency, as Burma's military drafted Constitution explicitly bars her from the post. Suu Kyi replied that development is more important than her "personal wishes."

Aung San Suu Kyi is a registered candidate for a Lower House seat representing Rangoon's Kawmhu Township. Her party has fielded 1,151 candidates for a general election to be held in Nov. 8, after boycotting the last nationwide polls in 2010.

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NLD Gags Its Candidates as Election Body Reviews Party Rosters

Posted: 21 Aug 2015 05:35 AM PDT

National League for Democracy (NLD) party by-election candidate PhyuPhyu Thin walks among supporters during a campaign rally in Rangoon on March 30, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

National League for Democracy (NLD) party by-election candidate PhyuPhyu Thin walks among supporters during a campaign rally in Rangoon on March 30, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON —Parliamentary hopefuls representing Burma's main opposition party have been warned against interacting with the press while the country's election board scrutinizes candidates, according to a party spokesman.

Nyan Win, who represents the National League for Democracy (NLD), told The Irrawaddy on Friday that the party's 1,151 candidates were told not to give interviews to the media as the Union Election Commission (UEC) this week begins scrutinizing candidates. The gag order is an effort to limit the risk of NLD candidates saying something that might jeopardize their electoral bids, he said.

"We [the NLD central committee] ordered them not to give interviews or take part in panel discussions because we are worried that they could say something wrong or do something that violates the rules and regulations issued by the UEC before the scrutiny process is finished, which would harm their candidacy," the spokesman said.

Issued to candidates on Thursday, the NLD directive did not specify how long the party's parliamentary aspirants would be forced to give media the silent treatment, according to Nyan Win.

The NLD, which is chaired by Aung San Suu Kyi, is one of Burma's strongest political parties and intends to field more candidates than any of its opponents. The ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) was next in line with 1,134 candidate submissions, followed by the National Unity Party (NUP) at 763.

Nyan Win said the order was meant "just to stay in accordance with discipline," and that no consequences have been outlined for candidates who act against it. A number of NLD candidates were not reachable by phone on Friday, though one told The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity that prospective lawmakers were told not to speak with the press until the official campaign period begins on Sept. 8.

Burma's general election is due to be held on Nov. 8, and the UEC has said it will wrap up its scrutiny of prospective candidates—totaling 6,189 submissions nationwide—by Aug. 27.

The NLD is expected to perform well in the forthcoming polls, which democracyadvocates hopewill be Burma's first free and fair elections in decades. The former military dictatorship ceded power to quasi-civilian leadership in 2011, following a 2010 election broadly dismissed as fraudulent and boycotted by Suu Kyi's party.

The NLD did take part in a by-election in 2012, however, winning 43 of the 44 seats it contested.

The party has committed to joining this year's polls, but has come under heavy criticism over its selection of candidates. Several public figures, including prominent pro-democracy activist KoKoGyi and outspoken Rangoon parliamentarian NyoNyo Thin, saw their bids to run on the NLD ticket rejected, despite earlier being courted by the party.

The party has expelled a number of officials in Magwe Division's Pakokku Township, and Rangoon Division's Hlegu Township, for speaking out against the NLD's roster of local candidates, selected by the party's Rangoon-based central committee.

Addressing the controversy at a rally in Magwe Division on Aug. 9, Suu Kyi urged voters to cast their ballot for the party, giving no consideration to the "stature" of NLD candidates seeking to represent them.

Additional reporting by Moe Myint.

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Army Restrictions Leave Kachin Refugees Without Aid

Posted: 21 Aug 2015 05:25 AM PDT

Residents at an internally displaced persons camp located in Myitkyina's Manhkring quarter, in June this year. (Photo: Seamus Martov / The Irrawaddy)

Residents at an internally displaced persons camp located in Myitkyina’s Manhkring quarter, in June this year. (Photo: Seamus Martov / The Irrawaddy)

MYITKYINA — A group of more than 1,400 civilians displaced by recent fighting in Kachin state’s Sumprabum Township remain cut off from United Nations aid agencies and other relief groups, more than a month after heavy fighting in the area forced villagers to flee their homes in eight villages.

Most of the displaced have taken shelter in a forested area close to territory controlled by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), posing a problem for aid groups, which must seek permission from the Burma Army and other government officials before delivering aid there.

Located in northern Kachin State, much of Sumprabum Township is difficult to access by road during the wet season. Sending aid upriver from state capital Myitkyina is a possibility but also requires advance approval by authorities.

"The UN still has not had access to provide assistance to an estimated 1,400 displaced people in Sumprabum," Pierre Peron, a Rangoon-based spokesperson for the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, told The Irrawaddy.

"We continue to call on all parties to the conflict to ensure the protection of civilians, respect international humanitarian law, allow safe passage to civilians wanting to leave the area, and allow humanitarian access to local organizations to provide assistance," he added.

Some of the state's largest local civil society groups, including the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation, are also waiting to send aid to the refugees. In early August the KBC was able to send some relief supplies up the road to the displaced villagers, but on Aug. 9 a subsequent aid convoy was turned back by Burma Army soldiers.

The refusal by government and military authorities to permit aid to reach the displaced civilians has caused great concern amongst the Kachin community. Khon Ja, a member of the Kachin Peace Network, said that denying internally displaced persons access to aid in a war zone was a violation of international law.

"The right to humanitarian assistance is the right of IDPs," he wrote in an email to The Irrawaddy. "Blocking humanitarian assistance is a crime against humanity. The government of Myanmar should open the road for humanitarian organizations now."

Seng Zin, general secretary of the Kachin Women’s Association of Thailand exile group, said she was concerned that military and government authorities were blocking aid in order to strengthen their hand over the KIO .

"I am concerned that refugees are being blocked from getting aid by the government in order to pressure the KIO into signing the national ceasefire", she said.

According to Seng Zin, using humanitarian aid as a bargaining chip is a tactic that has been utilized by central government authorities many times in the past—not only in Burma’s north, but also during offensives against Karen insurgents in the 1990s.

Since a 17-year ceasefire between Burma’s government and the KIO ended in June 2011, humanitarian access to the more than 100,000 people displaced by the ongoing conflict has been an ongoing issue for the UN and other aid groups, particularly in KIO areas, where a majority of the displaced population has taken shelter.

Even in camps in government controlled areas such as Myitkyina—where NGOs are given much easier access to internal refugees—life remains difficult for the displaced residents, many of whom are women and children.

According to a UN report released in July on displaced residents of Kachin and northern Shan State, four years of occupancy has left temporary shelters in a dilapidated state, with many in "urgent need of repair and maintenance".

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Army Chief Denies Military Meddling in Ruling Party Reshuffle

Posted: 21 Aug 2015 05:10 AM PDT

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing during a conference of political leaders in Naypyidaw, January 2014. (JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing during a conference of political leaders in Naypyidaw, January 2014. (JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The chief of Burma's armed forces on Thursday sought to quash speculation of the military's involvement in last week's surprise ruling party reshuffle, saying the army did not meddle in internal party politics.

"It's the party's affairs and we have nothing to do with it," Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing told Radio Free Asia when asked if the military had backed President Thein Sein during the Union Solidarity and Development Party's recent internal shakeup that saw Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann dumped from the party leadership.

"Not any single person from the military was involved in it," Min Aung Hlaing said, adding that information suggesting otherwise was simply speculation.

Many observers have described Shwe Mann's shock demotion as the result of a power struggle between the Speaker and President Thein Sein.

Burma's Commander-in-Chief told RFA that it was the military's duty to support the government but when it came to party matters, the armed forces stayed out of it.

Thein Sein was party chairman before being elected president in 2011. As Burma's Constitution bars the president from involvement in party activities, Thein Sein appointed Shwe Mann to act in the role from October 2012.

The USDP headquarters in Naypyidaw was surrounded by security forces on the night of August 12 and it soon emerged that Shwe Mann and those considered allies had been purged from the party's leadership.

Former vice chairman Htay Oo now serves as joint chairman alongside Thein Sein as the party looks ahead to the country's general election on November 8.

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Small Factory Explosion Injures Three in Rangoon

Posted: 21 Aug 2015 05:02 AM PDT

Emergency personnel are seen at the site of a small factory explosion in Rangoon on Friday. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Emergency personnel are seen at the site of a small factory explosion in Rangoon on Friday. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Three people were wounded in a small explosion at an oxygen storage unit inside a factory owned by the Myanmar Economic Corporation in Rangoon's BotahtaungTownship onFriday, according to the Free Funeral Service Society (FFSS).

"We sent them to the hospital already,"an officer from FFSS said of the wounded.

The severity of their injuries was not known at midday on Friday, with the officer saying only that the three people were admitted to a Rangoon hospital emergency room. Despite the injuries, the officer told The Irrawaddy that the accident was "just a small explosion" and that damage to the facility was minimal.

Had the blast occurred in closer proximity to a nearbychemical storage facility, "this whole area could have gone up in flames,"said a security guard employed by the MEC, pointing to a neighborhood that includes buildings belonging to Burma's Ministry of Energy and the Burma Navy.

MEC is military-owned, as is theconglomerate Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd. (UMEHL). A group of Burma Army officers was on scene Friday following the accident, but local authorities did not let journalists inside the MEC building.

About adozen firetrucks were dispatched to the scene and the flameswere brought under control within 20 minutes.

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A Story of Modern Slavery in Thailand

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 10:28 PM PDT

 Migrant workers hold up their identity cards as authorities conduct a check at a port in Samut Songkhram province, Thailand, in July. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / Reuters)

Migrant workers hold up their identity cards as authorities conduct a check at a port in Samut Songkhram province, Thailand, in July. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / Reuters)

Hoping for a brighter future, Maung Htay left Burma when he was just a teenager. He is now 42, but his dream is still far from realized. He is still impoverished and has lost all contact with his parents after more than 20 years of working in Thailand.

Maung Htay's long journey has had its ups and downs. He has worked on construction sites and at a timber factory, and was imprisoned as a slave on the high seas.

About six years ago, while working at a construction site in a Thai border town, Maung Htay was arrested by Thai police during a raid cracking down on illegal migrant workers. He was taken from the site and detained.

A Burmese broker, Naing Oo, paid a fine of 3,000 baht (US$85) to the police in exchange for Maung Htay's release, promising him a good job. Maung Htay was delighted by the offer, but the job never materialized. He quickly realized that his release from jail actually meant he had been sold to a human trafficking gang and was being sent to work as a slave on a fishing boat in Indonesian waters.

Maung Htay is one of thousands of modern-day Burmese who have been held captive and made to work as slaves by traders in the ocean off Thailand and Indonesia.

"I worked days and nights, in the rain, in the heat and in the storm," Maung Htay said in a telephone interview. "We were not fed sufficiently. We had to work even [when] we were injured and sick. They gave no medicine and treatments. Sick people who couldn't work got shot."

He said he witnessed at least 15 fishermen being tortured and shot by captains and crewmembers because they were sick and asking for medicine. The men's bodies were thrown into the sea.

"I was very sad seeing my colleagues killed. But I could do nothing except feel sad. They have pistols and we have nothing. We can't go against them," Maung Htay said of his captors.

Through the five years he was held prisoner at sea, Maung Htay had no money. Whatever salary he earned was paid to the brokers who had sold him to work on the fishing boats. When he realized that he would likely never be released, and could die in the sea, Maung Htay resolved to risk everything to escape.

"I decided to swim for my life, no matter what happened, because nothing could be worse than being a slave. I knew only two things. I would die or be liberated. If I didn't die, I would get freedom. So, it was at night. I and a friend jumped into water and swam for our lives. All I had was the clothes I was wearing and a phone."

He'd held onto the phone he'd bought when he worked at a timber factory, wrapping it in plastic before jumping into the water. "When we reached the

shore, I used my phone to call for help," Maung Htay said.

When he reached the shore on an island in Indonesia that borders Thai waters, Maung Htay said he called phone numbers he saw written on signs and billboards offering help. He was rescued by a team from Anti-Slavery International, a human rights nongovernmental organization (NGO) that works to eliminate all forms of slavery around the world. He was taken to Phuket island in Thailand, where Anti-Slavery International released him to the Foundation for Education and Development (FED), a Burmese labor rights organization based in Southern Thailand.

Min Oo, a labor rights activist who works for FED, told the Journal, "Anti-Slavery contacted our office and asked us to take care of him. We went to rescue him with our lawyer and colleagues. He is now with us and safe."

Human Trafficking and Slave-Trade Networks

Burmese labor rights activist Kyaw Thaung, director of the Bangkok-based labor rights group Myanmar Association in Thailand, told the Journal that about 90 percent of trafficked fishermen in Thailand are from Burma, followed by Cambodia and Laos. About 3 million migrants from Burma are living and working in Thailand, according to labor rights groups.

Kyaw Thaung said a key problem is that Burmese people, including many university graduates, can't find jobs in Burma. Thus, they take risks to come into Thailand, believing there are better job opportunities there.

"No matter what, they risk their life to earn so they can support their family back in Burma. They can send 100,000 to 200,000 kyat ($100 to $200) a month to their family. So, they come to seek work in Thailand. Some of them trust the words of brokers and traffickers, so they leave Myanmar for better jobs," Kyaw Thaung said.

Labor rights groups confirm Maung Htay's account. They say the fishing industry in Thailand is the worst sector for trafficking of migrants from Burma (also known as Burma), Cambodia and Laos, where migrants are often made to work in the waters off Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia with no hope of release. The trafficked migrants range in age from 8 to 60, and are sold to the boats' captains by human traffickers, gangs and smugglers.

They are forced to work 20 hours a day, sometimes nonstop, in dirty and dangerous conditions with little or no pay. Some have been at sea for five years without seeing land, and many are beaten or killed by their captors if they are sick or absent from work for any length of time. When the captive fishermen become sick, they are denied medicine.

Sein Htay, director of the Migrant Worker Rights Network, a labor rights group in Thailand, told the Journal that human traffickers in Burma and Thailand have large networks for their slave trading, which brings them fast and significant profits. Brokers inside Burma recruit job seekers and promise them good and safe jobs in Thailand.

Job-hunting Burmese migrants believe the brokers and travel to Thailand, then find themselves on fishing boats having been sold off by the traffickers. How much they are sold for depends on individual cases, but prices run from 10,000 to 30,000 baht ($350 to $1,300) per person, according to Sein Htay.

Sein Htay said he believes all of the human traffickers and brokers are connected to the same network. It starts with local brokers in small villages in Burma and extends to smugglers and traffickers in Thailand, including both Burmese and Thais.

"[Captains] pay brokers immediately for captives because they need fishermen. There are big demands. And [brokers and traffickers] make money fast from this trade. They get paid immediately once they sell people into boats," Sein Htay said.

He said captains and boat owners don't allow the migrants any legal documents for fear they will attempt to escape. Migrants in Thailand without registered documents are at great risk of being arrested, tortured, jailed, deported or subjected to extortion.

When the fishing boats dock, the captives are kept in camps on the shore, watched over by armed security guards. There are few chances for the captives to escape while ashore, and even when they do, they usually end up arrested by local police in collusion with the traffickers, who return them to the fishing boats' owners.

Sein Htay said the owners of many of the fishing boats are leading figures in the communities, including politicians, local businessmen and administrators, and all have connections with police. Local police, he said, receive bribes to return the slaves to the boat owners and captains.

Sein Htay's claims are backed up by David Hammond, CEO and founder of Human Rights at Sea, a British nonprofit that helps raise awareness and accountability for human rights violations throughout the maritime environment.

Hammond told the Journal that individuals who work in human trafficking and the smuggling trade are from established criminal networks that are embedded in local economies and often supported by local constabulary; this has been the subject of media reports, which named senior military, political and state officials who are now being implicated and criminally charged for their involvement in the "human supply chain."

"Such a network is not an opportunistic one; instead, it is a well-established structure and arguably has become embedded in the fabric of some echelons of society where human beings are the traded commodity," Hammond said.

He added that the apparent normalization of the slave trade is testimony to its tacit acceptance in some constabulary, military and executive circles, underpinned by the hard fact that profit comes before people.

"Without NGOs such as ours, abuses will undoubtedly continue to go unreported and in the vacuum of awareness and inability by society to effectively respond. Evil multiplies, criminals profit, and ordinary people continue to be abused," Hammond said.

Global Market and Slavery Chain

Modern slavery in fishing boats in Southeast Asian waters proves that the slavery of ancient times continues because of the global market's demand for seafood and products for pet foods.

Investigative reports by international newspapers, including The Guardian, The New York Times and Associated Press, have found that many of the ingredients in pet food and seafood that are sold in the United States and Europe are being produced by cheap labor and slave labor from Thai fishing sectors.

The New York Times reported July 27 that much of pet food, such as canned cat and dog food, or food for poultry, livestock and farm-raised fish shipped and sold to United States comes from the waters off Thailand.

In May of this year, human trafficking in Southeast Asia gained international attention when more than 3,000 Rohingyan migrants from Burma and Bangladesh were left adrift by traffickers and smugglers in the Andaman Sea and Bay of Bengal, and several hundred bodies believed to be corpses of victims of human trafficking were found in Malaysia and Thailand in camps run by gangs and traffickers.

Thai and Malaysian officials' responses to the mass grave discoveries disrupted trafficking patterns and led to additional abuses against Rohingyan and Bangladeshi migrants, as the traffickers pushed boats out to sea and denied survivors any resources.

Since 2012, more than 150,000 Rohingya have fled western Burma to escape persecution, and human traffickers in Burma and Bangladesh have bought and sold tens of thousands of them, duping them onto modern-day slave ships with promises of lucrative employment in Malaysia.

Fortify Rights, a human rights group in Thailand, documented how traffickers hold slaves for long hours in camps run by gangs and often demanded upward of $2,000 from the captives' friends and family in exchange for a promise of their release—if they are approached. Women and girls who could not raise the necessary funds were sold into forced marriages. Men were sold to fishing boats and other industries in Malaysia and Thailand.

"People are regarded as property by fishing boat captains. We use the term 'slavery' deliberately because, technically speaking, people are treated as slaves. They can't get free by captains. They work for long hours without pay," Matthew F. Smith, the director of Fortify Rights, told the Journal.

In July, Fortify Rights criticized the US State Department's annual trafficking in-person report for failing to accurately assess efforts by Malaysia and Burma to combat human trafficking.

It said that US Secretary of State John Kerry upgraded Malaysia from Tier-3 to Tier-2 watch-list status, while keeping Burma at Tier-2 watch-list status, despite evidence that each country failed to adequately combat human trafficking last year.

Demands and Concerns 

"Western consumers, particularly in the United States, should be aware of these problems in the supply chain of major distributors throughout the country. They should be aware that the seafood that they are eating may have been produced with slave labor," Smith said.

Smith said that prawn consumers in particular should pay very close attention to the origins of what they are consuming.

"I think American consumers have a certain degree of power that can help change this system. Pressure should be put on companies and governments. Until that happens, we will see more practices of slavery. Western consumers, particularly American consumers, can play a very active role in helping to end this modern slavery," Smith said.

Hammond of Human Rights at Sea said, however, that continued global demand drives supply, and ending human trafficking trade won't come easily.

"As much as it saddens me to say it, modern slavery is not going to suddenly end in a flurry of new political policy and judicial initiatives. The networks that use human beings within their business model are flexible, resilient and evolve as any valuable commercial venture will; just look to the drugs and forced prostitution trades for a close analogy," Hammond said.

Kyaw Thaung of the Myanmar Association in Thailand said he has rescued about 200 trafficked migrants annually, and estimated he has rescued more than 1,000 trafficked migrants so far. He said the youngest fishermen he has rescued were 8 years old. Some fishermen use drugs in order to work longer hours, and some use it to ease and release their stress.

Kyaw Thaung said it is only now becoming known to the outside world that slave labor exists in the seafood market and other products imported from Thailand. However, it is not enough to expect Thailand alone to end this enslavement, he said.

"There must be a campaign to stop buying almost all products from Thailand so that Thai government will be aware of the issue.

"In order to end slavery in Thailand, I think we should ask all consumers from America, Europe and the rest of the world to stop consuming seafood and products from Thailand," Kyaw Thaung said.

Saw Yan Naing, 30, is an ethnic Karen journalist from Burma who this week concludes five months on staff at the Jewish Journal as part of a prestigious fellowship with the Alfred Friendly Press Partners. This story originally appeared in the Jewish Journal on Aug. 20.

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No Sign of Investigation Progress as Thai Leaders Pray for Bomb Dead

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 10:14 PM PDT

A woman holds up a flower as she prays at the Erawan shrine, the site of Monday's deadly blast, in central Bangkok. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / Reuters)

A woman holds up a flower as she prays at the Erawan shrine, the site of Monday’s deadly blast, in central Bangkok. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / Reuters)

BANGKOK — Thai government officials and police chiefs attended a religious ceremony on Friday for the victims of the country’s worst ever bombing but appeared no closer to determining who carried out the attack and why.

The only solid evidence seems to be grainy security camera footage showing an unidentified young man apparently planting a backpack bomb at the Erawan shrine, one of Bangkok’s top tourist attractions, on Monday evening.

Twenty people were killed, 14 of them foreigners, including seven from mainland China and Hong Kong.

Officials have speculated that the young man, last seen on video footage disappearing into the night on the back of a motorcycle taxi, could be foreign, or a Thai man pretending to be foreign.

Initial speculation that the plot could be the work of an international terror network has for now been set aside.

And on Friday, police chief Somyot Pumpanmuang appeared to backtrack on his suggestion the previous day that the bomber was probably part of a network of at least 10 people who spent a month planning the attack.

“We still have no information on international terror groups and think that there is no link to international terrorism,” Somyot told reporters after attending the multi-faith prayer ceremony outside a shopping centre across from the shrine in central Bangkok.

“What is clear is that it was intended to discredit the government, destroy confidence and make tourists scared and not travel to Thailand,” he told reporters.

The Erawan shrine, dedicated to a Hindu deity, is hugely popular with tourists from China.

The government has said Chinese tourists were not believed to have been the target. Announcements about the investigation have been broadcast in both Mandarin Chinese and English.

Asked about his suggestion that 10 plotters were probably involved, Somyot said there might only have been two.

Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwan was among the hundreds who took part in the ceremony to pray for the dead. Scores of people were wounded in the blast.

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Unity Falters as Ethnic Groups Mull Peace Prospects

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 09:45 PM PDT

Representatives of the ethnics' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team with President Thein Sein during talks in Rangoon, March 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Representatives of the ethnics' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team with President Thein Sein during talks in Rangoon, March 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Ethnic armed groups negotiating a nationwide ceasefire with Burma's government since 2013 have worked hard to present a unified front.

But that unity was tested in August after some groups—the majority of whom are represented in the ethnics' newly reconstituted negotiating bloc, known as the Senior Delegation—expressed their intention to sign the long-awaited nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), apparently breaking from the bloc's collective position.

Four ethnic armed groups—the Karen National Union, the Restoration Council of Shan State, the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army and the KNU/KNLA Peace Council—released a joint statement this week indicating they would sign the accord. At least one other armed group, the All Burma Students Democratic Front, has also backed the pact.

However, other groups remain hesitant, sticking to a demand that the ceasefire should not be signed until it is inclusive of all members, thus ensuring it lives up to the "nationwide" label.

Divisions between ethnic groups in Burma over goals and approaches are of course nothing new.

The Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) was an alliance formed in 2001 to foster solidarity between Burma's ethnic nationalities. Supported by the Brussels-based Euro-Burma Office, the alliance began to splinter, however, over questions of whether, or how closely, to engage the military junta.

Disagreements led to several withdrawals and in 2011, a new coalition emerged as the latest body representing ethnic interests, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), backed by a new funding source in the Nippon Foundation.

In November 2013, ethnic armed groups, including UNFC members, gathered in the Kachin Independence Organization stronghold of Laiza where yet another body was established, the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), to lead negotiations with the government.

At the time, the new body's formation reportedly faced resistance from the Shan leader Harn Yawnghwe, head of the Euro-Burma office, backed by the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS).

The latter never acceded to NCCT membership, while still supporting many of its aims, and the KNU has often proven to be a restless member, riven by internal conflict over its approach to ceasefire negotiations.

Current KNU chairman Mutu Sae Poe is regarded as having a good relationship with government negotiators and favors the swift signing of a ceasefire deal. His deputy, Naw Zipporah Sein, who is also head of the Senior Delegation, is exceedingly more cautious.

Lawi Weng is a senior reporter for The Irrawaddy English edition.

Lawi Weng is a senior reporter for The Irrawaddy English edition.

Leaders of the Senior Delegation and its forerunner, the NCCT, including Naw Zipporah Sein, have counseled the need for unity in negotiations. By maintaining a collective position, they argue, the government will be more likely to consider their demands, particularly in the crucial political dialogue that would follow the inking of a ceasefire.

Without such collective pressure, some ethnic leaders fear that robust political dialogue, during which some groups are seeking amendments to the country's military-drafted 2008 Constitution, will not transpire.

However, the recent joint statement by four ethnic armed groups, including the KNU, expressing their intention to sign the NCA was a blow to advocates of a united stance.

"This is not good. But we could not stop them doing it," said Nai Hong Sar of the New Mon State Party. "They have agreed with the government already."

Negotiators have said that the main obstacle to a deal at present surrounds the inclusion of several armed groups that are not recognized by the government and currently ineligible to sign the pact.

Three groups— the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Arakan Army—lack bilateral ceasefire agreements with the government.

The government has classed three others—the Lahu Democratic Union, the Wa National Organization and the Arakan National Council—as not fitting the designation of combatants.

Until now, Burma's main ethnic alliance, the UNFC, has called for all these groups to be included in a final NCA—a position apparently undermined by those ethnic organizations who announced their readiness to finalize the deal.

Tar Bong Kyaw, general secretary of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, has also criticized the latter groups' position, adding to concerns expressed by ethnic leaders such as Nai Hong Sar and Naw Zipporah Sein.

"We do not like their stand," he said. "And we don't trust their approach will work with the current government."

The post Unity Falters as Ethnic Groups Mull Peace Prospects appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pakistan’s Embattled Comedians Spin Troubles into Punchlines

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 09:27 PM PDT

Stand-up comedian Shehzad Ghias Shaikh gestures while performing at The Second Floor, in Karachi, Pakistan on Aug 16. (Photo: Akhtar Soomro / Reuters)

Stand-up comedian Shehzad Ghias Shaikh gestures while performing at The Second Floor, in Karachi, Pakistan on Aug 16. (Photo: Akhtar Soomro / Reuters)

KARACHI — The crowd exploded into laughter as Pakistani comedian Shehzad Ghias Shaikh threw them his final punchline, gripping the microphone as he roasted the dating app Tinder and traditional South Asian family matchmaking.

“I don’t want an app to find me random girls to sleep with!” he cried. “I want my mother to find me random girls to sleep with!”

Shaikh, 26, has just returned from New York and is trying to reinvigorate live comedy in Pakistan, an Islamic nation.

It’s a difficult, sometimes dangerous quest. Aside from the usual financial struggles and small audiences, Pakistani comedians face harsh blasphemy laws and a barrage of death threats if their jokes offend the wrong person.

One of Shaikh’s close friends, Sabeen Mahmud, a rights activist and the founder of The Second Floor venue he played this week, was gunned down in April. A man arrested for her murder has said she was targeted for championing liberal, secular values.

“I’d be lying if I said I wasn’t afraid,” said Shaikh with a wry smile. “I’m not going to censor myself…the least I can do is joke about it. That’s the only power I have.”

Shaikh and his improvisation troupe, the Bhands or the Entertainers, use comedy to make the audience laugh—and then think—about society in their nuclear-armed nation of 190 million, plagued by crime, militancy and corruption.

“I’m not telling them what to think, but how,” he said after Sunday’s show. “My job is to pose questions…we don’t have a tradition of critical thinking.”

Dark Humor

Pakistani satirists like Luavut Zahid also want to make their audience curious—and angry.

A year ago, she and two others launched Pakistan’s answer to The Onion, The Khabaristan Times. Writers cracks dark jokes about violence and lampoon those they hold responsible. Hackers have attacked the site repeatedly.

“We’re not just trying to make people laugh, we’re trying to make a point, although sometimes it can be really dark,” Zahid said. “Satire is a way of looking at the world and screaming ‘What is wrong with you?'”

A recent article on violence against women was headlined “Shameless man won’t kill anyone if sister decides to go on date”.

While corruption, politicians, crime and culture are all regular fixtures on the comedy circuit and satirical shows like the televised Banana News Network, some subjects remain taboo. Few punchlines mock the powerful military or religion.

Pakistani law stipulates blasphemers be put to death. No one’s been executed so far, but those accused are often lynched or imprisoned on flimsy evidence.

Blasphemy accusations against Christians are so common that The Khabaristan Times reported “Newborn Pakistani Christians to be vaccinated with mild blasphemy accusations.”

A senator, professors and popular journalists were all recently accused of blasphemy. Popular liberal journalist Raza Rumi, who defended minorities and denounced the law, was shot last year.

“Religion is just a no-go area these days…There are just too many nutjob vigilantes,” said Pakistani comedian Sami Shah, who now plays sell-out shows across Australia after moving there three years ago.

'Bombing in Pakistan'

Shah used to write weekly columns in Pakistan and was deluged with hate mail after mocking suicide bombers “who put the error in terrorism”. But it wasn’t just threats that drove him abroad. He needed bigger audiences.

“In Pakistan, the audiences for comedy are very small. You can bomb once, but if you bomb twice, it’s tough,” he said. “Out here (in Australia) I’m doing four or five shows a week. There (Pakistan), I’d do a corporate event every month. You need to perform more regularly to be good.”

Saad Haroon, a popular comedian now working in New York, says Pakistani artists are going online to get around the scarcity of venues and small audiences.

“There’s lots of development on social media. It’s clandestine, guerrilla comedy,” he said.

Yet even internet distribution has problems.

Comedian Ali Gul Pir posted his first song about the corrupt children of wealthy landlords on YouTube in 2012 after radio and television rejected the racy lyrics. It got a million views in three days.

Three months later, the government banned YouTube, after a provocative film about Prophet Muhammad sparked deadly riots.

Pir hit back with an expletive-laden song about the ban, mocking Islamic school students who rioted as sexually frustrated and politicians who implemented the ban as corrupt hypocrites.

“Open the ban, thief,” he sang as hapless policemen chased down a person in a YouTube costume. “These are our rights.”

The video was wildly popular. The ban is still in place.

The post Pakistan’s Embattled Comedians Spin Troubles into Punchlines appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

North Korea Orders Troops on War Footing

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 09:11 PM PDT

 North Korean leader Kim Jong Un visits the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun to mark the occasion of the 70th anniversary of Korea's liberation on Saturday. (Photo: KNCA / Reuters)

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un visits the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun to mark the occasion of the 70th anniversary of Korea’s liberation on Saturday. (Photo: KNCA / Reuters)

SEOUL — North Korean leader Kim Jong Un ordered his troops onto a war footing from 5pm on Friday after Pyongyang issued an ultimatum to Seoul to halt anti-North propaganda broadcasts by Saturday afternoon or face military action.

Tension on the divided peninsula escalated on Thursday when North Korea fired shells into South Korea to protest against the loudspeaker broadcasts from the Korean border. The South responded with its own artillery barrage.

Both sides said there were no casualties or damage in their territory.

The North’s shelling came after it had demanded last weekend that South Korea end the broadcasts or face military action—a relatively rare case of it following up on its frequent threats against the South.

Its 48-hour ultimatum to halt the broadcasts, delivered in a letter to the South Korean Defence Ministry via a joint military communications channel, was also uncharacteristically specific.

A South Korean military official said the broadcasts would continue.

The North Korean leader would put his troops on a “fully armed state of war” starting from 5 p.m. (0830 GMT) and had declared a “quasi-state of war” in frontline areas, Pyongyang’s official KCNA news agency reported.

Some North Korean propaganda websites were not accessible on Friday morning.

Pyongyang’s declaration of a semi-state of war was the first use of such terminology since the North shelled a South Korean island in 2010, the Yonhap News Agency said. Two South Korean marines and two civilians were killed in the incident.

South Korea’s won currency and shares fell early on Friday as the heightened tensions added volatility to markets already hit by concerns about the global economy.

The US military, which has 28,500 personnel in South Korea, said it was closely monitoring the situation.

“The safety of our personnel and families is paramount and we will take prudent measures to ensure their wellbeing,” it said in a statement without elaborating.

Washington earlier urged Pyongyang to halt any “provocative” actions in the wake of Thursday’s exchange of fire, the first between the two Koreas since last October. Japan urged North Korea to exercise restraint.

'Very Grave Situation'

South Korea limited entry into an industrial park it runs jointly with North Korea, but the complex, seen as a barometer for the state of inter-Korean relations, continued to operate.

“This is now a very grave situation. So we need to operate Kaesong Industrial Complex with necessary but minimum personnel,” said Jeong Joon-hee, spokesman for the South’s Unification Ministry, which handles inter-Korean affairs.

The factory park, a few kilometres north of the Korean border, is the last significant vestige of cooperation from a Korean leaders’ summit 15 years ago. North Korea shut the complex for five months in 2013, during a period of diplomatic tension that followed a nuclear test by Pyongyang.

Seoul began blasting anti-North Korean propaganda from loudspeakers on the border on Aug. 10, resuming a tactic that both sides had stopped in 2004.

Tension between the two Koreas has risen since early this month, when landmine explosions in the Demilitarised Zone of the border wounded two South Korean soldiers. Seoul accused North Korea of laying the mines, which Pyongyang has denied.

The incident prompted Seoul’s propaganda broadcasts.

North Korea on Monday began conducting its own broadcasts.

Thursday’s exchange of fire took place during annual joint US and South Korean military exercises, which Pyongyang frequently condemns as preparation for war.

Daniel Pinkston of the International Crisis Group think tank said the large presence of US troops in the South for the exercises could reduce the risk of escalation.

“This is a bad time to pick a fight with the South while it has all these resources there,” he said.

The post North Korea Orders Troops on War Footing appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Hidden Troubles for Myanmar’s Female Drug Users

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 06:40 PM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

MYITKYINA, Kachin State — Ja Mai started smoking opium six years ago to alleviate pain.

In Hpakant Township where the ethnic Kachin former gem merchant used to live, it was not hard to find illicit drugs.

The government-controlled township in Kachin State, which hosts some of the world's richest jade mines, is also teeming with illicit narcotics. Many mine workers and others succumb to the abundance of available heroin and opium.

Ja Mai was able to keep her opium addiction a secret for some time. As a middle-aged mother of two, few would have suspected her to be an addict.

But her family knew, and after she started smoking heroin last year, her adult offspring convinced her to enter the All Nations drug rehabilitation center in the state capital, Myitkyina. Ja Mai has now been at the center for five months.

Drugs have long been a serious problem in resource-rich Kachin State. There are fewer female drug users than males, but females are often in more vulnerable situations and are less likely to receive help.

"We face challenges covering them due to their invisibility and due to stigma," said Dr. Tun Tun Brang, area coordinator of the Substance Abuse Research Association (SARA) in Myitkyina.

SARA is one of only three NGOs operating in Kachin State that offer harm reduction programs. Last year it gave away about one million needles, to help reduce transmission rates of HIV and other blood-borne diseases, in six townships in the state.

Approximately thirty women were referred to a government-administered methadone program last year.

"Women who inject drugs often have limited or no access to harm reduction or general health services," according to a United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) policy document.

"Many are engaged in sex work regularly or occasionally, which adds to their HIV transmission risk," according to the document, titled "Women who inject drugs and HIV: Addressing specific needs."

Domestic violence was also listed as a significant barrier to women accessing "adequate services and support."

Mothers may also fear that their children will be taken from them if they seek help.

Drug use in Kachin State poses huge challenges, said Dr. Tun Tun Brang. "There are no shortcuts to solve this issue; it's a chronic problem."

SARA hopes to open a female-only drop-in center to encourage more women to take advantage of its services.

Nang Ra, 27, also from Hpakant Township, joined All Nations about a year ago. She is living with HIV and is a recovering intravenous heroin user.

"In my community there are a lot of drug users," Nang Ra said, adding that female users tend to keep a low profile. "The first time a woman uses drugs no one knows about it."

Today Nang Ra seems committed to rebuilding her life. She is a recent graduate of a pilot YMCA vocational training program that offered 42 recovering addicts, including five women, a rare opportunity to participate in on-the-job training for up to one year.

Nang Ra worked at a beauty school for a year and soon she and fellow All Nations resident and YMCA graduate Hkawn San will open their own salon.

Lu Lu Tin, director of the drug rehabilitation center, has "big hopes for them." In fact, she is footing the startup costs for the new business venture. "I want to help them stand on their own feet."

For the Kachin mother of four, helping those affected by drugs is a personal matter. All Lu Lu Tin's sons, except for the youngest who is 16, have injected heroin.

Six years ago, she sold her house and land to start the All Nations center.

There are at least 12 faith-based drug rehabilitation centers in Myitkyina, but All Nations is the only one equipped for female residents.

Sometimes more emphasis is placed on helping males, Lu Lu Tin said. Yet female drug addicts are often in a more vulnerable position because of the way some acquire funds for drugs.

"Male drug users can shoplift or steal, but it's very difficult for women to do those. When women want to use drugs they may sell themselves as a prostitute."

She wants to do more to help female drug users in future. "I plan to enlist more females to join the vocational trainings," she said.

This article originally appeared in the August2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Hidden Troubles for Myanmar's Female Drug Users appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Floods persist in Ayeyarwady Delta

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 08:19 PM PDT

Ma Khin Hnin has enough food to last two days. When that supply runs out, she has no way of getting anything more.

Parliament suspends debate on MP recall bill

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 08:12 PM PDT

The Union Solidarity and Development Party appears deeply divided, with many of its MPs yesterday voting to suspend debate on the "Right of Recall" bill – a strong show of support for deposed party chair Thura U Shwe Mann.

One last block for ceasefire talks

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 08:11 PM PDT

Armed ethnic groups are proposing a zero-sum bargain to break the months-long ceasefire deadlock: The government must make concessions to non-signing groups if the others are to join the agreement.

Flood-hit communities slated for relocation

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 08:07 PM PDT

Residents of 17 villages in Kalay, Kalaywa and Tamu townships plan to relocate their communities to safer sites to avoid future disasters, a Sagaing Region official said on August 20.

Coordination key to flood recovery: NGOs

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 08:06 PM PDT

Humanitarians have called for better coordination and cooperation between the government and NGOs in flood recovery efforts.

Migrants, squatters to be added to electoral rolls

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 07:59 PM PDT

Up to 300,000 residents without a fixed address or household registration documents will be eligible to vote in the November 8 election, the head of Yangon's election commission has told The Myanmar Times.

Commission opens door for ‘floating’ voters

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 07:57 PM PDT

"Floating" voters – those deemed to be living outside their home constituencies for more than six months – can apply to their local authorities to be included on voting lists for the election.

Carter Center raises election concerns after six-month mission

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 07:55 PM PDT

One of five international observers to Myanmar's election has raised concerns about preparations for the vote, but also praised a number of steps taken to date.

Police seize imported goods from relief truck

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 07:54 PM PDT

Police have seized a trailer-load of goods bound for flood-hit areas of the country, apparently sent by members of two political parties.

Thai police used roti vendors as translators

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 07:50 PM PDT

Thai police used two Muslim Rohingya translators with a very poor grasp of the Thai language to interrogate two Rakhine men accused of murdering British backpackers, it was revealed in court yesterday.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Chiangmai to hold seminar on opening new border checkpoints

Posted: 21 Aug 2015 06:17 AM PDT

A seminar will be held at Chiangmai's Uniserv Hotel tomorrow to discuss the opening of a new border checkpoint between Chiangmai and Burma's Shan State, according to one of its Shan organizers.



The province is planning to open the Laktaeng-Pang Kamkaw temporary checkpoint which is between Chiangmai's Wiang Haeng district and Shan State's Monghta sub-township on 15 September, he says.

The Burmese side however has yet to respond to the Thai move, which includes construction of a bridge that is capable of handling heavy cargos across the Salween between Mongpan and Monghta.

The other former checkpoint east of Laktaeng is BP1 aka Kiu Phawok, between Mongton on the Burmese side and Chiangdao on the Thai side, which was closed since 2002. The road from Thailand leads to the Tasang Bridge between Mongton and Mongpan. "This one should be primarily for tourism, not for trade," the source says.

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) that controls part of the area around BP1 reportedly wants to have it opened. "However Thailand is still wary about the tense relations between the Wa and the Burma Army, not to say about drugs," a Thai source explained.

A dispute between the two sides over the Burma Army's arrest of 6 unregistered ethnic Chinese in 2 June is yet to be settled, according to locals.

The seminar is to be opened officially by the governor of Chiangmai, Wichian Puttiwinyu.

Thein Sein’s last-ditch effort to achieve nationwide ceasefire

Posted: 20 Aug 2015 08:32 PM PDT

Quite a lot has happened during a time span of a week. It started out with the President Thein Sein's invitation of 15 Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) on 11 August, followed by the purge of Thura Shwe Mann from the ruling party, Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), as Acting Chairman, on 13 August; Karen National Union (KNU) statement emphasizing that it would sign the NCA as accepted by the government, on 15 August; the four EAOs, KNU, Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), Karen Peace Council (KPC) and Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) joint-statement along the same line as KNU, on 17 August; and the government publication of the NCA for public consumption in its own newspapers, also on 17 August. On the heels of all these, an EAOs leadership meeting is scheduled to be held from 21 to 23 August, for deliberations on how to respond to the President's invitation initiative, prior to another round of meeting in Naypyitaw, between the 5 EAOs, representing Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Mon, Shan and 3 Ethnic armed Organizations-Senior Delegation (EAOs-SD) members, with the Union Peace-making Central Committee (UPCC), involving the President and Commander-in-Chief.

In this seemingly well orchestrated chain of execution, the question arises, whether the recently publicized, ninth NCA could be taken as a full-fledged, complete ceasefire treaty, as assumed by the government.

In normal circumstances, an unfinished draft could not be taken as an official document, much less when the two negotiating parties could not come to terms, on a heatedly debated major issue that is left unresolved. The last NCA Section 33, which is concerned with the participation list, is the bone of contention.

This is exactly what has happened with the ninth NCA. The issue of all-inclusiveness signing of the NCA could not be ironed out between the regime's Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC) and the EAOs-SD. The two parties' participant list and counts differ quite a great deal with one another. The UPWC only wants 15 EAOs to participate, while the SD prefers, at least, 17 of its EAOs members. The problem is the regime would not accept 6 of the EAOs members, which means only 11 of its members will be included in the signing of NCA.

The UPWC count of 15 includes National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), National Socialist Council of Nagaland – Khaplang (NSCN-K), Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), United Wa State Army (UWSA), while it excludes the six organizations – previously represented by Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) and now by EAOs-SD – the Palaung State Liberation Front/ Ta'ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA), the ethnic Kokang's Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Arakan Army (AA)—all of which have had recent armed clashes with the Burma army; and also wants to exclude three smaller groups—the Wa National Organization (WNO), Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) and Arakan National Council (ANC).

The ninth NCA draft
Apart from the disagreement over all-inclusiveness of the EAOs, the draft has not corrected the flaws that the SD had mentioned that it would seek alteration, prior to the meeting of the ninth NCA meeting. In other words, it doesn't look like that any of the SD demand has been met.

For example, in Section 6, the government preferred usage of "security reintegration", which is disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) and being used in the present draft, without mentioning the SD preferred position of security sector reform (SSR). From ethnic point of view DDR is "negotiated surrender" and SSR is a reform process of the Burma Army, which could transform the now Burman-dominated army into a federal army formation.*

Section 10(a) uses the term "with the permission of the government" phrase, whereas the SD has suggested "joint-cooperation", which means the EAOs have no say at all in all aspects of INGO operation within their homeland.

Section 22 (d) writes: " Basing on the decision of Union Convention, necessary amendment of constitutional laws of inserting and deleting, according to the implementation procedure is agreed."

In the same vein, Section 26 writes: " It is agreed that this agreement (treaty) will seek endorsement from the union parliament, according to the implementation procedure."
This means, the EAOs would have to adhere to the 2008 Constitution, which they neither accept nor acknowledge, for they are seeking a completely different new political system that would cater to the genuine federal union setup. The 2008 Constitution is a non-starter from the ethnic point of view, for it is presidential unitary system and could not be altered to become federal. But surprisingly, the SD has accepted the draft, knowing that it won't be able to push for its aspirations within this framework.

Four EAOs' Joint-Statement
The four EAOs – KNU, DKBA, KPC, RCSS – joint-statement writes:
" The Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement and the Deed of Commitment signed on 12 February 2015 by the government, military, both Parliamentary Speakers, 19 Ethnic Affairs Ministers, 55 political parties, are guarantees for building of a democratic and federal union which reflects our aspirations for freedom, equality and justice based on the spirit of Panglong and the principles of democracy, equality, and self-determination."
The statement further stressed the following points for as reasons and guarantee to sign the ceasefire agreement.
(a) We will retain our arms and be able to defend our region and people;
(b) We will not be restricted by the Unlawful Association Act, Articles 17/1 and 17/2, and be able to freely seek resolution to political challenges through a political dialogue;
(c) We will be able to prevent the recurrence of armed conflict through the joint implementation of a Code of Conduct and the Joint Monitoring of the ceasefire;
(d) We will be able to continue to protect the interest of the local population during the political dialogue process;
(e) We will be able to have a political dialogue with the government, political parties and all other stakeholders;
(f) The political dialogues with the government and political parties will be jointly conducted to ensure that any one group or groups does not dominate;
(g) We will be able to change the 2008 Constitution In accordance with the agreement reached through the political dialogue;

However, when DVB, on 17 August, asked Colonel Sai La, spokesman of the RCSS in an interview regarding the matter, if he really thought that all the privileges mentioned in the statement would literally be granted by the government, he presumed that this would be the case, as it is written in the NCA draft.

Thein Sein sent invitation letters
Following the end of ninth NCA on 7 August, the SD team made a proposal to meet the President and Commander in Chief to iron out the issue of all-inclusiveness, which was left unresolved. U Aung Min, the regime's top peace negotiator, was said to have taken the SD's overtures to Naypyitaw.

The EAOs leadership informed U Aung Min of Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC) that five representatives, each from KNU, Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), Shan State Progress Party (SSPP), New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), plus three representatives from SD will travel to Naypyitaw to thrash out the all-inclusive issue, so that NCA could be finalized.

But Thein Sein's invitation letters, addressed to the 15 EAOs, which the government has chosen for signing of the NCA, torpedoed the negotiation process, scheduled to take place around 25 August, by pre-empting it with the well-intended initiative. The high level ethnic team is geared to negotiate with the government for the inclusion of all its 17 members in the NCA signing process. Apart from that recently, a member of the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) told the SD that the government won't change its policy of chosen 15 EAOs.

Thus, if any of the invited armed group would sign the incomplete ninth NCA draft, not yet officially endorsed by the two drafting, negotiating parties, it would amount to the undertaking of inking the invalid ceasefire agreement. In other words, it would mean signing the regime's manipulated version of treaty at their own risk.

How much is enough to qualify as nationwide?
According to reliable insider sources, Thein Sein was said to have stressed that, at least two third of the EAOs should sign the NCA, in order to be able to call it a nationwide undertaking. And so, if the EAOs count of 21 is taken as a starting point, he would need 14 armed groups to sign the treaty. But if it is 15 groups, according to the government's count, he would need 10 to be able to get the two third participation in signing the treaty.
For now, the regime could count on 5 groups, which is short of another 5. But the problem is, if this really make sense, for this practice would still not resemble or come any near to the notion of "nationwide", which the regime desperately need to show it to the public. In a sense, this will be only a loss of face again and admitting the failure to achieve nationwide ceasefire.

Either way, if all fail, it could go ahead with the "open book" method or "Plan B", which has been an ongoing low key operation of the regime, since May this year. The method is employing the EAOs to sign the treaty, according to their chosen time and space, one after another.

On 9 May, at Yangon's Inya Lake Hotel, the Karen National Union and the Restoration Council of Shan State Army, both seen as closer to the government, sought to set up a Coordination Team for Peace and National Reconciliation to smooth the way toward political dialogue. But the National League for Democracy, the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, the Pa-Oh National Organization, the Karen National Party and the All Burma Students' Democratic Front had not agreed to take part.

A proposal to establish the reconciliation team was included in a six-part agreement reached in Naypyitaw on February 12 between the government and some, but not all, ethnic armed groups and parties.

Although it has never been clear if the said coordination team has been set up, the successive meetings, possibly headed by the same group has managed to compile and draw up a draft framework for political dialogue, which is by all means a very comprehensive and balanced one.

Thus, it is quite possible that the regime would go ahead with whatever groups that it could rally behind its scheme, using the already acquired ninth NCA draft, to start its "open book" signing plan, if it fails to gather two third of the EAOs.

KNU, RCSS, SSPP and KIO on NCA
Reasons given for RCSS endorsement of President Thein Sein initiated NCA is due to the disunity of the EAOs and doesn't know when the nationwide ceasefire and political dialogue would materialize. Also it is in agreement with the President's initiative. Other than that it stressed that it could work for the inclusion of other groups that are left out of the process from within, reported SHAN on 18 August.

The same SHAN report wrote that the SSPP, another Shan armed group, would work for all-inclusiveness of EAOs participation and stressed that the people within its jurisdiction are for real genuine peace settlement, perhaps implying that it won't be signing the NCA.
KNU has also identical aim as the RCSS, although it has quite recently made known that it is committed to signing the NCA, even if there is no all-inclusiveness of EAOs and a real atmosphere of ceasefire prevailing on the ground, according to various media reports. It is committed to sign it, at all cost.

The VOA 19 August reporting on KIO, Laiza meeting with the Kachin people, quoted Daw Khun Jar from Kachin Peace Network, as saying: "Number one is all-inclusiveness. If all is included, it should be signed. When talking about all-inclusiveness, Palaung, MNDAA Kokang and all armed organizations should be included. If all will sign, then sign it. Because if one looks at Law Khi Lar, UNFC and NCCT statements, they are for signing it all together. I persuaded (the KIO) to tread the original line (all-inclusiveness), for it has tried (struggled) so many years. The second point is that I asked them to consider the people's suggestion."

She further said: "This all-inclusive signing is not only demanded by the Kachin people, but by all civil societies' coordination committee of the whole country, which has declared in its 17 August statement, to sign only when all would sign it."

She added that this is the demand of all the people of Myanmar and not just the Kachin. And that since 80% of the fighting since 2013 has occurred in Palaung-PSLF area, excluding the group from signing will be meaningless.

To wrap up, the EAOs leadership should now think if they should go along with solving the problem under the mould of 2008 Constitution and try to amend it to become more federal or stick to its non-recognition of the Constitution, opting for the rewriting to be a genuine federalism. Originally, the ethnic armed groups have hoped for a negotiation that would enable them to work out a political settlement, on an equal footing with the regime. But now this seems far-fetched.

Just recently, on 20 August, The Myawady Daily reported as telling the British Ambassador H.E. Mr. Andrew Silas Patrick at Bayintnaung villa, on 19 August that the ethnic armed groups need to give up arms after signing the ceasefire agreement and that those who refused to sign and failed to observe the rules and principles will be met with government actions.

This is, no doubt, could be interpreted as a threat and an ultimatum, telling the EAOs to yield to "negotiated surrender" and those who refused to comply with would be drastically taken care of.

Consequently, the regime would also need to re-access its position, if this hand-wringing and imposing it's will on the ethnic nationalities is the kind of reconciliation it prefers, rather than creating a fair and level playing field, so that equality, democracy and rights of self-determination could flourish, leading to a genuine federal form of government. The government would need to do away with its ethnocentrism and political power monopoly, if genuine reconciliation and political settlement are to be achieved.

For now, Thein Sein has up the ante by issuing invitation letters to its chosen 15 EAOs, coupled with various incentive and at the same time rejecting the ethnic demand for all-inclusiveness. But whether this last-ditch effort of gamble would turn out in his favour or not in the near future is anybody's guess.

The contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SDU)-Editor


Note by editor            According to Resolution # 9 passed at the 8th SD-UPWC meeting, 23 July 2015: It is agreed that (a) Security Sector Reintegration means the DDR-SSR procedures (b) The two parties will jointly see to it that negotiations on Security Sector Reintegration matters shall not delay, stop or harm in any way the political dialogue at all levels.