Saturday, February 2, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

U.K. Duo Gives Myanmar’s Premium Coffee Scene a Jolt

Posted: 01 Feb 2019 08:00 PM PST

YANGON — Myanmar, particularly around the highlands of southern Shan State with its perfect topography and climate, could be a globally important coffee growing region with the potential to produce some of the world's best quality beans. Though coffee has long been grown in Myanmar, crops are normally of low quality and have generally been exported and used in low-grade products such as 3-in-1 sachet mixes.

Recent years have seen a small sprouting of coffee producers who are working to produce high-quality and organic strains of coffee beans. Genius Shan Highlands Coffee, for example, won an ASEAN Business Award in the Sustainable Social Enterprise category in 2018. Gentleman Coffee Roasters, from the same minds behind Yangon's Easy café, works with farmers to grow specialty-grade coffee and has impressive traceability practices.

With an overall aim of alleviating poverty, Winrock International, with support from USAID, has since 2014 been helping smallholder coffee producers in Myanmar earn a fair price for their coffee by modernizing their practices, improving their market connections and getting the private sector on board.

This is where Sawbwa comes in.

Sawbwa is a startup coffee company focusing on sourcing and selling the highest quality of coffee available in Myanmar and on helping farmers to increase the quality of their bean as part of a movement swapping poppy crops for coffee plants. It was founded in early 2017 by two U.K. natives, Sam Foot and Jason Brown, with a longtime interest in Myanmar and a love of specialty coffee.

Jason Brown, co-founder of Sawbwa coffee company, pours a cup of Ban Sawk, their finest blend of coffee on January 24, 2019. / Htet Wai / The Irrawaddy

In 2018, experts from the Specialty Coffee Association, an American member-based nonprofit coffee association, came to southern Shan and tested the harvest of the Ban Sawk coffee farm.

Rating, or cupping, coffee involves taking meticulous measures to see where it stands on a scale of 0 to 100. Coffee reaching a grade of 60 to 80 qualifies as commercial grade while specialty coffee must be rated above 80. For coffee to be rated specialty grade, its taste profile must be unique and stand out from commercial grade coffee. The Specialty Coffee Association rated it the second highest quality of coffee produced in Myanmar at 88 to 89, which also puts it among the best in the world. Sawbwa bought a majority of Ban Sawk's harvest and decided to invest in the farm with a view to giving the farmers the power to produce more of the same quality next year. Ban Sawk is in an area where farmers traditionally depended on the opium crop for a living.

"We think next year it will be the highest-rated coffee in Myanmar," said Sam Foot, one of Sawbwa's co-founders who studied politics and law in the UK and dropped a job as a financial analyst in order to establish the company.

Sam and Sawbwa's other founder, Jason Brown, started out roasting the coffee beans in a 1-kilogram roaster hooked up to a laptop in the garage of Jason's relative's house.  As the bean is roasted under gas in a barrel, different chemical charges happen to it. The flavor and color transform from a grassy green to sweeter brown. The laptop helps them keep track of the temperature, which has to rise gradually. Specialty coffee must be roasted exactly the right amount in order to bring out the unique flavors of the bean, which can vary between regions and even farms.

"Specialty coffee has to be roasted very, very meticulously. Unlike large coffee companies which mass produce more standardized products, specialty coffee roasters pay greater attention to each roast cycle, which takes between eight and 15 minutes," said Sam.

The roasting of specialty coffee involves subjecting the coffee beans to a smooth temperature rise. / Htet Wai / The Irrawaddy

The two had lived in Myanmar previously and found themselves back in London with jobs and a life they found "rather dull." Inspired by a friend who had started a craft beer company, they moved back to Yangon and launched the company with their own money.

Though this is still only an emerging coffee company, major players in Myanmar's food and beverage industry are already snapping up packs of Sawbwa to serve their customers, including the Pegu Club, the 57 Below group of restaurants, Sharky's restaurants and delis and outlets by Pun Projects. Packs are also sold on the Yangon Door2Door website, at Yangon International Airport and Promart supermarkets.

"Yangon is so receptive and ready for new and experimental ideas," said Sam.

Jason, also a U.K. native, had worked as a programmer and always knew he wanted to have his own business.

"When the opportunity to do this came up, there wasn't even a question about it. I thought 'Holy s–t, if I can do this, that would be super cool,'" he said.

Packs of Sawbwa coffee are priced at between 5,000 kyats ($3.32) and $15. The classic espresso blend, Drum, has "sweet chocolate notes," and they also produce an artisan espresso called Harp. Both names reference the traditional Burmese instruments. Yay Chan Pyin and Pway Na Phar are their light and medium roast blends, named after the villages in southern Shan where the coffees are grown. Sawbwa has worked with both Sharky's and the Pegu Club to create their own unique blends of coffee to be served and sold exclusively at their respective locations.

This is a product for people who appreciate a very fine coffee product, and the playing grounds of Yangon's growing middle class appear to be the perfect place to start pushing the product. It's for those who revel in experiencing the best food or drink available, who treat themselves to that premium cut of meat or cheese or wine and truly savor it.

Jason Brown and Sam Foot, the co-founders of Sawbwa at the company's headquarters on January 24, 2019. / Htet Wai / The Irrawaddy

Sam and Jason say that since they started the company, they've been working 12-hour days with no days off and attend most food events and festivals in order to get the Sawbwa name out there. Profits are only starting to roll in now. Their next move is to establish a larger roasting facility on Yangon's outskirts, in Shwepyithar, and increase output from 1 kg per roast to 15 kg — still relatively little in order to keep quality high.

"We want to position ourselves as Myanmar's ambassadors of coffee so we will find the markets overseas. We want to be the guys to come to for specialty coffee from Myanmar," said Jason.

For now, the Sawbwa guys can be seen flaunting their caffeine kicks — in both traditional form and as exciting coffee cocktails — around Yangon's growing boutique market scene.

The post U.K. Duo Gives Myanmar’s Premium Coffee Scene a Jolt appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

U Ko Ni Assassination: The Prosecution Lawyer’s View of the Trial

Posted: 01 Feb 2019 07:30 PM PST

Kyaw Kha: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! Tuesday marked the second anniversary of the assassination of National League for Democracy (NLD) legal adviser U Ko Ni. Today we'll discuss whether justice can be done in U Ko Ni's case. I'm The Irrawaddy chief reporter Kyaw Kha and I'm joined by U Nay La, the prosecution lawyer in U Ko Ni's case.

U Ko Ni was bold and outspoken in his calls for amending the 2008 Constitution and promoting democracy in Myanmar. You were his friend, and also serve as the prosecution lawyer in his case. Do you think certain things he envisioned have been achieved under the current government?

Nay La: I heard that the proposal to [debate the setting up of a committee to work on] amending the Constitution would be submitted to Parliament on Tuesday. Constitutional amendment is what U Ko Ni sought. He would rather have seen the Constitution rewritten, but under the circumstances, he focused on amending it. He also said the General Administration Department should not be under the Home Affairs Ministry [which is overseen by the military], but under the central and local governments. His wish was recently fulfilled. And he was vocal in his demand for that change. His wish was fulfilled nearly two years after his death. We don't know yet what changes will be proposed. But [charter reform] is the pledge of the NLD, and everyone knows that U Ko Ni pointed out each and every [undemocratic] provision to help the NLD amend the Constitution.

KK: U Ko Ni's assassin was arrested immediately after the crime, and there have been criticisms over delays in the trial process. Could you explain these delays?

NL: It is partly because of [weaknesses] in the criminal justice system in Myanmar. And partly because the case was not well established. There were some weaknesses, as the case has to be prepared in a limited amount of time [set by the judicial system]. We have had to make up for those weaknesses. According to the newly adopted Evidence Law, we had to submit electronic records, footage from 160 CCTV cameras and telephone records to the court. There were 80 prosecution witnesses, and 72 were cross-examined. There were 70 defense witnesses, and 40 were cross-examined. These are the causes of the delays. Also, there were appeals lodged to the Yangon Region High Court by both the prosecution and defense sides. And there were delays at the High Court. I would like to add to what I said regarding the case not being well established. When I serve as the prosecution lawyer for U Ko Ni, I am under the control of the Union Attorney-General's Office. I was asked to question the suspects. And it took me three days to question each one. So, all these [factors] caused delays. And we have had to make up for weak evidence. These are the main causes of the delays in the trial process. Normally, a trial hearing is held once a week. But in U Ko Ni's case, they have been held twice a week. So, it can't be said that the trial process is taking too long.

KK: There has been considerable criticism regarding the failure of police to arrest Aung Win Khaing [the suspected mastermind of the crime]. What is your view?

NL: The Myanmar Police Force including the Special Intelligence Department and the Criminal Investigation Department are not below par compared to the police forces of other countries. An arrest warrant has been issued for [Aung Win Khaing], allowing anyone, not just the police, to arrest him. My conclusion is that he has not been arrested because concerned authorities haven't made sufficient efforts.

KK: To what extent is he important in U Ko Ni's case?

NL: Discussions of the motive in the killing [of U Ko Ni] are speculative; we have not been able to establish a motive during the trial. Presumably we would be able to do so if Aung Win Khaing was arrested. So, it is very important that Aung Win Khaing is arrested.

KK: Some suggest that Aung Win Khaing has been killed so that he can tell no tales. But I recall you once said that Aung Win Khaing is still inside the country and you questioned why he had still not been arrested?

NL: Yes, I did. I questioned why a suspect who is still inside the country could not be arrested. [Witness] Aung Soe said that Aung Win Khaing is dead. But I won't assume that he is dead until his body is found. I don't think he was killed. I believe he is hiding in a very safe place within his community.

KK: Ex-military officials were involved in the murder of U Ko Ni. So, people have become interested in knowing who masterminded the murder. In movies, the mastermind is usually revealed at the end. Do you think the mastermind will be identified at the end in U Ko Ni's case?

NL: Ex-military officers and those who were dismissed from the military are involved in the murder. But we can't say the Tatmadaw [Myanmar's military] is itself involved. Secondly, there are two parts to this case. Regarding the mastermind, we have [as possible suspects] Aung Win Khaing, a retired Army lieutenant-colonel, who is still at large, and Zeya Phyo, who is also an ex-military officer. Aung Win Zaw and Kyi Lin constitute another part [of the case]. Aung Win Khaing wanted to kill [U Ko Ni], and Aung Win Zaw sought an assassin. Frist, he reached Naga Lay, then Aung Soe. As they didn't take the job, he finally reached Kyi Lin. Kyi Lin had little experience [as an assassin], though he is a crook. He had to hire him as there was no other choice. We are still struggling to establish the motive for the murder.

KK: U Ko Ni was vocal in his demand that the Constitution be rewritten. Why do you think he was murdered?

NL: U Ko Ni consistently called for constitutional change before and after the NLD took office. When I traveled to foreign countries before U Ko Ni's death, I was asked if U Ko Ni was the only legal expert in Myanmar. After his death, I was asked both inside and outside the country if Myanmar is devoid of legal experts. I didn't answer those questions. But here today, I will answer them. My answer is that U Ko Ni was an outspoken, bold person. But I don't think he was murdered over [his demands] for constitutional amendment alone, as you have suggested. There might be other reasons. But he was a person who boldly criticized the Constitution, and pointed out [its shortcomings]. That's [one reason] why he faced a tragic fate, I would say."

KK: Some would say serving as a prosecution lawyer in U Ko Ni's case is fraught with danger, as the murder was [committed by] an organized crime group. Have you received any threats or suffered any harm?

NL: I don't want to elaborate on this. I have received many threats, though I have not been physically harmed. I expected such things, serving as the prosecution lawyer. I mentally prepared for it, and I took up the job because I think I can cope with it.

KK: Police Colonel Win Min Thein was the chief of airport security at the time of the murder. I noticed that he failed to appear in court. To what extent does that negatively affect [the defense].

NL: Aung Win Zaw said he and Aung Win Khaing were at Yangon International Airport at the time of the assassination to visit Police Col. Win Min Thein. He said his son was about to complete pilot training and that he visited the police colonel to ask him to arrange a job for his son. They said the police colonel is an important witness for them. But the police colonel didn't show up in court. He officially sent a letter to the court informing them that he could not come. From this, we can conclude that he denies the suspects' claim. There is another point. The murder took place at the airport. The police colonel, who was the chief of airport security, didn't come to the crime scene and didn't take any part in the investigation of the assassination. Nothing was mentioned in the dossier about his response [to the crime]. So, I don't think he is an important witness, no matter what the suspects say.

KK: What penalties do the suspects face?

NL: They are charged under 302. (1) (b)/34, which is conspiring to commit murder. The maximum penalty is death.

KK: The suspects, who face the death sentence if convicted, have been smiling throughout the trial. I feel that something is wrong. Can you explain how executions work in Myanmar?

NL: I have long wanted to talk about this. Myanmar is one of the countries that practices judicial execution. The death sentence is accepted in Myanmar for the sake of the rule of law. Currently, there are over 100 people [awaiting execution]. But none of them seem worried. What happens is, those who are sentenced to death typically have their sentences commuted to an indefinite jail sentence. Then, when another amnesty is granted, their sentence is commuted to 20 years in prison, which is known as life imprisonment in Myanmar. Then, in the labor camps, their sentence is reduced again through the parole process. So the maximum jail sentence the convicts on death row face is just 10 to 15 years. So, they are happy in the knowledge that they will not be executed and can eat well and stay at ease in prison.

KK: Overall, do you think justice can be done for U Ko Ni and U Ne Win [a taxi driver who was killed while trying to apprehend the assassin], and that the mastermind can be identified?

NL: To make a long story short, as the main suspects and mastermind have not been arrested, I don't think justice can be done properly.

KK: Why?

NL: The mastermind hasn't been identified; only the assassins have been identified. The mastermind and the assassins are different people. We can't say justice is served unless and until all the masterminds are identified.

KK: You mean it is unlikely that the mastermind will be identified?

NL: The mastermind must be unveiled sometime in the future for the sake of justice. This is what I believe.

KK: Thank you for your contribution!

The post U Ko Ni Assassination: The Prosecution Lawyer's View of the Trial appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Solution to the Myitsone Deadlock: A Referendum?

Posted: 01 Feb 2019 07:00 PM PST

Recently, there has been a marked escalation in the Chinese government's attempts at reviving the controversial Myitsone Dam project. Since a tense meeting by the Chinese Embassy with Kachin leaders, the actions of both the Chinese and Myanmar governments have only heightened fears that the mammoth US$3.6-billion, 6,000 MW dam will be pushed forward, risking the livelihoods of thousands of people and endangering crucial biodiversity.

The NLD government's rhetoric over the project has been, at best, feeble. Minister for Investment and Foreign Economic Relations U Thaung Tun stated that, while public anxiety should be respected, the project should continue as companies have already heavily invested in it. His remark echoed a comment by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (who had been an ardent critic of the dam in 2011) in Kalay the previous week in which she called for deals made under the previous government to be respected. According to U Thaung Tun, alternative areas have been explored. So far, however, these areas have not been outlined to the public, which only serves to fuel speculation.

Respect for public anxiety: What, in practice, has that entailed so far? As of this moment, this respect has taken the form of hollow reassurances that match up little with actions on the ground.  The most notable example of this was the recent dismissal of three ministers in Kachin State. The said ministers—U H Hla Aung, U Mya Thein and U Thin Lwin—were each responsible for key areas that would have been impacted by the Myitsone project. No reason has been given for their dismissals, which the Transparency and Accountability Network Kachin have demanded. Moreover, the decision by the Ministry of Electricity and Energy to draft a brand-new Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) with the China Renewable Energy Engineering Institute—a Chinese National Energy Agency-affiliated think tank—has drawn further public ire, as the MOEE had backed out of endorsing an International Finance Corporation (IFC) SEA.

Do unconvincingly hollow statements, broken promises and unexplained dismissals amount to respect?

If the Minister and the State Counselor truly wish to respect not only the will of the people, but also the immediate future of Myanmar-China relations, there remains one course of action: a government-sanctioned popular referendum on the Myitsone project.

Repeat: a popular referendum on the Myitsone project.

Why this particular route?

Firstly, a popular referendum to decide the progress of a Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) project would be unprecedented. What has been done thus far includes suspensions or scale-backs by leaders, either out of fear of indebtedness (as seen in the Kyaukphyu deep seaport) or through the need to fulfil anti-China electoral pledges, as shown in Malaysia. No government to date has used a general vote to decide the progress of a BRI project…yet.

Secondly, the Myitsone project is a national issue; the consequences of the project going ahead will impact future generations for years to come.

Moreover, there exist no legal barriers to holding a referendum on the Myitsone project. According to experts, the time frame for organizing a nationwide referendum ranges from three to five months—leaving just enough time before 2020.

The barriers that exist are political, and understandably so. As Brexit in the U.K. has shown, a poorly concocted and unnecessary "power-play" referendum can backfire spectacularly. On the surface, the same would seem to apply if the NLD entertained this idea, given its recent rhetoric. However, calling for a referendum on the project would, contrary to assumptions, strengthen the government's position among the public at a very crucial time.

It is no secret that the NLD's popularity has been on the wane since it officially took power in 2016. A step toward building a public consensus against what many in the country have deemed a neo-colonial incursion would strengthen the government's (and the party's) bargaining position in dealing with its Chinese counterparts. Equally important is that a referendum would address the issue of public consultation in a way that no other mechanism could, for the time being. BRI projects have been criticized for failing to take into account local concerns—an issue a referendum could address to a considerable, nationwide degree.

Added to that, recognition by China of the referendum's outcome could go some distance toward repairing the country's image among the Myanmar public—an image that received a minor boost following China's support for Myanmar on the international stage in the wake of the Rakhine crisis. China has repeatedly vowed to respect the sovereignty of Myanmar, a critical BRI partner, and it must recognize the democratic will of the people in host countries. A Cornell University study published in 2017 highlights the fact that locals in Myanmar would not discriminate against Chinese investment so long as community concerns are acknowledged.

Both the Myanmar and the Chinese governments need to recognize that being against the Myitsone project is NOT being anti-China or anti-Chinese investment. The project as it stands hurts and will continue hurting the complex yet indispensable relations between the two countries. It can even be argued that the way the Myitsone project is handled will determine the success of other projects under the BRI banner.

In theory, at its core, the BRI is about respect—respecting the notion that building up infrastructure is intended to mutually benefit China and the recipient countries by improving ties and lives. Acknowledging the democratic desire of the people is at the core of mutual respect, and as such China should and must respect the decision of Myanmar's people—a decision that can be consolidated by a referendum.

On this issue, it is critical for people to rise above politics. The very same people that elected the NLD to power are, at a minimum, owed a stake in the progress of a project that affects their country.

Aung Zin Phyo Thein is a graduate student in the U.K. whose independent research focuses on the Belt and Road Initiative.

The post Solution to the Myitsone Deadlock: A Referendum? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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